Friday 18th July 2025
Blog Page 1209

“Troll the NUS” campaign launched

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Students in Oxford have started a Facebook campaign to “troll the NUS” by donating to the Liberal Democrats in response to the NUS’ #liarliar initiative, targeted at constituents of MPs who reneged on promises to scrap tuition fees. The NUS campaign in question is directed against 31 MPs who voted for an increase in tuition fees in 2010, despite promising either to vote against increases or to scrap fees outright. Out of these, 28 were Liberal Democrats.

The campaign includes billboards displaying the slogan, “Broken promises leave a permanent mark”, alongside an image of knuckles tattooed with “Liar Liar”, which have been put up in London, Manchester and Sheffield.
Vans carrying the advertisements and slogans are be driving through the constituencies of the “pledge breakers”, and adverts have been placed in national newspapers. In total, the costs will amount to £40,000, which the NUS said “is still less than the debt students will graduate with for the first time this year.”

The NUS has reinforced the campaign on the official NUS Connect site using recent polling statistics, which suggest that 54 per cent of the students asked believe the government’s tuition fee policy has failed, while 75 per cent say that lowering tuition fees should be the most important government policy.

In a statement on the NUS page, NUS President Toni Pearce said, “It’s payback time. I’d like to say directly to Nick Clegg that your apology won’t cover any of the £40,000 debt that students will graduate with for the first time this summer. They pledged to scrap tuition fees – they lied. We represent seven million students and are urging every single one across the country to vote against broken pledges.”

However, many Oxford students have questioned the wisdom of spending such a large amount on the campaign.

Eleanor Sharman, a third year at Oriel, told Cherwell, “I’m not sure what the NUS actually does for most students, but it could probably do more of it if it hadn’t wasted £40k on alienating a load of them.”

Sharman is one of the organisers of the “Troll the NUS” campaign on Facebook, encouraging students to donate to the Liberal Democrats on 21st April in order to “make the NUS executive think twice in future about pushing a Labour Students narrative,” which is “aggressively pushing an agenda that hasn’t been endorsed by the many it is meant to represent.”
Joe Miles, who created the Facebook event, said, “It’s a total waste of money. A social media campaign could be run at a lot less than £40,000. Not only that, but it’s blatantly partisan – note that one of the key destinations for the battle bus is Sheffield Hallam, a Labour-Lib Dem marginal.”

Blackwell’s attacked for hosting ‘sexist’ Bond villain

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The Broad Street bookshop Blackwell’s has been subjected to criticism from the Oxford University Women’s Campaign for hosting the launch of actor Steven Berkoff’s book, Sod the Bitches!, amid claims that the book is “misogynistic” and “a sustained rant against women”.

Published by Urbane Publications, the book will be the first novel written by the 77 year old Steven Berkoff, widely known for villainous roles in films such as Rambo: First Blood Part II and, notably, General Orlov in the James Bond film Octopussy.

Details for the launch event on Blackwell’s website refer to the book as “powerful, divisive and honest”. 

A statement released to Cherwell by the Oxford University Woman’s Campaign committee explained, “WomCam is extremely disappointed that Blackwell’s has invited Steven Berkoff to launch his book in Oxford. Books like his, which appeal to a certain demographic of men, normalise and celebrate misogyny.

“The title of his book is offensive, and the novel itself is littered with slurs, and has rightly been called a ‘sustained rant against women’. There are many authors to be celebrated: Berkoff is not one of them. We condemn Blackwell’s for inviting him to Oxford and giving a platform to his hateful views, as well as encouraging people to buy this misogynistic book.

“We hope that in the future they refrain from inviting sexist speakers. It is a shame that Blackwell’s thinks that this book in particular is worth celebrating, but also that it thinks that such a speaker would receive an audience here in Oxford.”

Berkoff is known for being outspoken in his opinions. In a recent interview with London’s Evening Standard, he referred to Caitlin Moran as an example of “women saying things about men in a jokey, cynical way, [when] the reverse would be regarded as offensive”. In 2013, he was also fined £400 after being found guilty of knocking over a pedestrian while “driving without due care and attention”.

Zool Verjee, Deputy Manager of Blackwell’s bookshop, told Cherwell, “Blackwell’s hosts a vast range of events week in week out, a total of around 250 events per year encompassing just about every subject under the sun.

“We give platforms to a very wide spectrum of speakers with a variety of perspectives and viewpoints and wherever possible we don’t think it is right to censor or restrict speakers when they talk about their books, whether their works are fictional, as is the case here, or non-fictional.

“In this case, Steven Berkoff is a widely respected actor, director and playwright who has written a novel which we understand might be provocative but whose creative viewpoint we do not believe should be prohibited.”

Blackwell’s also came under fire last year for its ties to UKIP, as it was revealed by Channel 4’s FactCheck in 2013 that Julian Blackwell, owner of the Blackwell’s publishing group, was the second largest donor to UKIP since 2001, having donated a total of £175,000 in 2007.

In response to the disclosure of Julian Blackwell’s donations, the Oxford Activist Network organised a “Books not Bigots” protest on Broad Street in May last year. In a statement given at the time to the Tab Oxford, Julian Blackwell denied having donated any money to UKIP since 2010, telliing the Tab Oxford, “For the 2010 election I personally, from money I had made outside Blackwell’s, did support UKIP as I liked the then leader and believed in what UKIP was trying to do. I have given no further funds to UKIP since 2010.”

Steven Berkoff was unavailable for comment.

In Defence Of: Marie Antoinette

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That Sofia Coppola’s Marie Antoinette premiered to jeers in Cannes is, in hindsight, entirely unsurprising. The film, an 80s soundtracked pastel confection, is an exoneration of perhaps French history’s most despised figure, starring the Palace of Versailles, an all-American it-girl, and a foreign director who rose to prominence on her family name. Labelled by the notoriously rowdy French critics as vapid, ludicrous, and misguided, the film is often seen as Coppola’s grand failure.

But the film’s iconoclastic treatment of the conventions of historical drama is fundamental to its frothy allure. In the opening frames, as the Queen nibbles cake, she turns and stares into camera. We’re granted an audience, invited to revel in the spectacle. Coppola, through her protagonist, holds her critics in contempt, the simple glare daring them to resist the ensuing revelry. We’re made complicit in Antoinette’s antics.

But for all the film’s angst and art-direction, Coppola unearths worthwhile ideas in her sympathetic take on Antoinette’s legend. Her feminine gaze challenges Versailles’ social rigidity. She favours a slight script, instead expressing herself through image and tone, locating within them criticisms of patriarchy, fame and historiography. The film feels personal, an inside look at the starlet-making machine which brought scathing personal attacks to both Coppola and her star. Looking back, the casting seems prescient, the film coming at the end of Kirsten Dunst’s wave as A-list teen-queen, when drunken paparazzi shots threatened to dethrone her.

Coppola can be guilty of lazy direction, as in The Bling Ring and debatably Somewhere, but this is not the case here. Marie Antoinette is shallow, but its surfaces are exquisitely detailed.

Film Criticism – a Snob’s Retreat?

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The satirist William Donaldson, writing in his Dictionary of National Celebrity, defined Stephen Fry as ‘a stupid person’s idea of what an intelligent person is like’. It’s an ungenerous quip, but loaded with just enough truth to really sting – and by the same token, The Shawshank Redemption could be described as ‘the all-time favourite film of people who haven’t seen very many’.”

So begins Robbie Collin’s film review of Darabont’s The Shawshank Redemption, published by The Telegraph just two years ago. The semi-closeted snobbery of such an opening is a worrying example of our gradual regression back to an age of ‘high culture’. I don’t disagree with Collin that the film ultimately descends into slightly gooey sentimentality by its conclusion, but I object to his indirect association of anyone that lists the film as a favourite with the kind of ‘stupid person’ who considers Stephen Fry intelligent. For one thing, Collin’s role as a critic, whether a journalistic one or not, is to judge the film and not the people who watch it. But more importantly, why on earth is such flippant ostracism of a fundamental portion of film viewers still deemed acceptable and enjoy- able to read in the modern day and age? Even by The Telegraph’s standards, this seems a step too far.

In no other sphere of journalism or arts criticism is this divisiveness welcomed. In fact, since the mid-twentieth century, the notion of a superior ‘high culture’, a culture preserved for only the elite members of society, has been fiercely attacked. In 1948, T.S. Eliot argued in his essay Notes Towards A Definition of Culture, that “a national culture, if it is to flourish, should be a constellation of cultures, the constituents of which, benefiting each other, benefit the whole”. By this he means that no culture should be prioritised over another; popular culture should not be condemned but celebrated. His continued discussion of “a community of culture” highlights the importance of all culture being available to all sectors of society. Film, as an art, has the rare quality of being available and accessible to the majority of the British population. This, coupled with its diversity in content, makes film the perfect apparatus for bridging popular culture with culture previously considered elite. This is why it is such a crucial component of our cultural industry, and why its pollution by disruptive comments in the same vein as Collin’s is so damaging to it as an art.

The increasingly detached and disdainful persona of the film critic has not gone unnoticed. In a 2014 interview, Ken Loach described modern film critics as people whose reviews are fuelled by “preconceptions”, which, according to him, are largely conservative. His solution, “To sack the critics and get ordinary punters in. People experienced, who know life.” This is, perhaps, a little harsh. Not all critics are the “people who live in darkened rooms” of whom he talks. In fact, there are plenty of critics who have worked hard to render film criticism accessible to the masses – most notably the late Roger Ebert, whose criticism is characterised by its unfailing humility and humanity. But their progress is under threat, as is the preservation of film as a snob-free zone. So next time a Collin-esque comment crops up in a film review, rather than let a derisive smile spread across your face and chortle at the ‘stupid person’ who considers the condemned film in question a favourite, ask yourself: is this really the kind of culture we want to promote?

Morris community responds to criticism over ‘blackface’

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Members of the Morris dancing and folk community have defended their practice of using black facepaint against allegations of racial insensitivity amid concerns from students in Oxford.

The debate was sparked by the appearance of Morris dancers wearing black face paint in Oxford’s city centre last weekend as part of the annual Folk Weekend. Pictures of the dancers appeared on the Facebook page Skin Deep, a forum linked to the Oxford zine of the same name used for the discussion of race issues.

A number of students responded negatively to the practice. One commenter said, “It kind of doesn’t matter what their intentions are if the end result is something that looks, to all intents and purposes, like blackface.”

However, others defended the use of black face paint, arguing that the origins of this tradition are unrelated to race. According to one commenter, “Its origins are not completely agreed on, but it is widely acknowledged to have nothing to do with ‘blackface’.

“They come every year as part of Oxford folk weekend, and like most Morris dancers, love English tradition and working hard on learning the dances to travel round the festivals and perform. The two people in this photo would probably be incredibly upset about being demonised in this post, but unsurprised, as I’m sure they’re well used to explaining why they’re dressed the way they are.”

These comments were echoed by a spokesperson for Folk Weekend Oxford, who told Cherwell, “There is an awful lot of debate raging about the blackface tradition within the Morris world at the moment.

“Many, many people believe that it originated as a disguise, or relates to chimney sweeps bringing good luck, and there are sources from early texts which do support this argument, suggesting the workers blacked their faces with soot when they were dancing (and collecting money) as they would likely lose their job if their boss knew they were out begging.

“However, there is also an argument that (whether or not the origins lie here entirely) blackface didn’t really catch on in a widespread way until the time of the black and white minstrels.”

She added, “From my perspective as a festival organiser – we respect the right of individual sides to choose their own kit and costume, and are not going to discriminate against sides who choose to wear blackface, any more than we would discriminate against a group of visiting African dancers wearing white face paint.”

This debate comes in the wake of a similar controversy last year, after an article published in The Oxford Student on the same subject was taken down after complaints from the Morris dancing community about the sensitivity and balance of the reporting. Speaking to Cherwell at the time, the Morris Ring area representative for South Midlands said, “There are a number of different reasons for this and no one really knows where the tradition came from.”

The origins of the use of black face paint in Morris dancing remain unclear. Some research has suggested that it grew in popularity concurrently with minstrelsy, an entertainment that does use racially-motivated blackface, although a definitive answer has never been reached.

No full time Trans Officer for NUS

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A motion to create a Full Time Officer (FTO) to represent transgender students within the National Union of Students’ LGBT+ Campaign did not pass at the 2015 NUS Conference, held this week in Liverpool.

Of 544 total votes cast in a secret ballot, there were 271 for the motion, 194 against, and 79 abstentions. Although a majority voted in favour of the motion, it did not achieve the two-thirds majority required.

The NUS currently has two paid full time LGBT+ officers. One space is reserved for a ‘self-defining woman’, while the other role is described as ‘open’, and may be filled by a person of any gender.

Motion 705 notes “that NUS LGBT+ campaign’s decision to have a designated women’s place LGBT+ Officer has increased the representation of women in this campaign”, and its proposers hoped that the introduction of a trans officer would similarly increase trans representation within the NUS.

The same motion was brought to the NUS LGBT+ Conference in March; again, while the majority of votes cast were for the motion, it did not achieve the two-thirds majority required. Concerns were therefore raised by some delegates at Conference that voting for a motion which had failed to pass at the LGBT conference would have failed to recognise the autonomy of the LGBT campaign.

However, the motion did pass with the required majority at the NUS Trans Conference, and other delegates stated that the autonomy of the NUS trans caucus should be given primary consideration.

The Conference’s failure to pass the motion has been heavily criticised by many members of the transgender community. Rowan Davis, second-year Wadhamite and OULGBTQ Society’s Trans rep, told Cherwell, “I am utterly appalled that, couched in the language of liberation, this year’s NUS National Conference completely failed to uphold trans autonomy and instead prioritised the voices of cisgender LGB people.

“The actions of cis delegates, including filibustering and blocking, made a mockery of the democratic procedures of the NUS and I would ask people that voted against the motion or abstained just to sit and think about how many more trans students will face the oppressive structures of transphobia because of their actions – they should be absolutely ashamed of themselves.”

At the time of going to print, the NUS Press Office said that its officers would be releasing a comment at a later date.

Students and faculty members attack Bodleian "secrecy"

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Students and faculty members have expressed outrage over the Bodleian’s handling of the proposed relocation of the Oriental Institute library in an effort to reduce costs by between two and three per cent. 

Under the proposal, the Oriental Institute library, which houses the majority of books used by Oriental Studies students, would be closed, and most of its books moved to the Sackler, which is the Classics faculty’s main library. The proposal is currently being considered by a number of committees, and the final move is expected to go ahead in summer 2016.

A document presented to the Committee on Library Provision and Strategy in Oriental Studies outlined the Bodleian’s line on using feedback from consultations, stating, “Further consultation may be required…but it is hoped that the outline proposal can be agreed soon so that necessary preparatory work can get under way.”

The document also stated, “Subject to further discussion and study, it is hoped that preparatory steps can start immediately (and indeed some are already agreed and under way) and continue steadily through to June 2016, with the major move taking place in July/August.” It warned of a possible curtailment of opening hours in the interim.

Professor Gillian Evans, a retired Cambridge professor and an outspoken critic of Bodleian management, told Cherwell, “What is happening now is a re-run of a lot of regrettable management practices we saw in 2012: secrecy, failure to consult all those affected in a timely way or at all, attempts to railroad a proposal onward in the teeth of extensive opposition, by the use of PR and ‘rewriting the story’, even constitutional shenanigans.”

Evans added, “This is coupled with a failure to work things out and cost them and timetable them properly in detail. Anyone who uses the Sackler or the Classics part of the LRR knows how short of seats Classics already is. If applicant numbers are rising as I hear they are in Oriental Studies, this is a recipe for a grim future of overcrowding.”

The Sackler currently has 250 reader spaces, and according to Bodleian statistics its average occupancy is 80, but the document did not contain data looking at peak-time occupancy, when the pressure on reader spaces would be most acute.

A spokesperson for the Bodleian stressed that student members had been present at all of the meetings of library committees where the proposal was discussed.

They added, “The proposal to relocate the Oriental Institute to the Sackler Library came about after pressure to make permanent cost savings from 2015/16. Consultation on the proposal has taken place and continues; a decision has not yet been taken and the proposal will go to the Curators of the University Library in 8th Week Trinity Term.

The suggested solution will not only generate cost savings but will also increase the opening hours of the Sackler Library/ the time that readers have access to the Sackler Library by more than a third.”

Tara Heuze, a Balliol Oriental Studies student, told Cherwell, “I frequent both the OI and the Sackler on a fairly regular basis. Both of these, when I go, happen to be packed with people, despite the space, and I often find that I have to get my books and scurry back to college if I am to study properly. If the seating availability is already in these dire straits at this point in time, when the two libraries are separate, I can hardly imagine what it would be like once the attempted merger goes through.

“Perhaps most importantly, the hypocrisy of the entire proceedings disgusts me. I heard rumours about the proposed move at least a month ago, but it is only now, when the decision is all but made, that the management have decided to ‘considerately’ send around an internet survey, which they’ll probably ignore anyway, but pretend that they didn’t, so that the entire procedure can have a (very) thin veneer of fairness.

“What surprises me the most is that the Classicists and the Art Historians, who will be as affected by it as us, do not seem to have been informed at all.

“It is disgusting, and would be shocking, if it weren’t so predictable, given the history of library moves in the past decade.”

Union tarred by Imperial Tobacco sponsorship dealings

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The Oxford Union has backed out of an offer by Imperial Tobacco to sponsor a debate on the morality of the tobacco industry following an investigation.

This follows outrage and unhappiness from speakers invited to oppose the tobacco industry. They contacted Cherwell as they were concerned about the nature of the sponsorship, the fact that the tobacco industry was targeting student communities, and the fact that they had not been immediately informed when invited to speak that the debate might have a sponsor from the tobacco industry.

Imperial Tobacco had originally proposed to sponsor the Union’s debate, ‘This house believes the tobacco industry is morally reprehensible’, scheduled for Thursday of 3rd Week.

In their invitation to Deborah Arnott, Chief Executive of health charity Action on Smoking and Health, the Union said they had “confirmed speakers from Imperial Tobacco and FOREST”, but neglected to mention their ongoing negotiations regarding sponsorship with the tobacco company.

Arnott commented, “I am deeply concerned about the misleading nature of the invitation I, and many  others, were sent by the Oxford Union inviting us to speak in the tobacco debate. It made no mention that Imperial Tobacco was planning to sponsor the event in return for the opportunity to set up a recruitment booth at the venue. It’s disgraceful that the Oxford Union should have tried to pull the wool over people’s eyes.”

She added, “It’s shameful that it was only once the tobacco industry’s involvement was revealed that the Union accepted that such sponsorship was untenable.

This is an industry whose products kill when used as intended, and which has been judged in court in the US to have lied, misrepresented and deceived the public about the devastating health effects of smoking and environmental tobacco smoke to the public and the young people they avidly sought as ‘replacement’ smokers.

“Hundreds of children start smoking every day and 100,000 smokers die each year in the UK from this deadly addiction. The tobacco industry truly is morally reprehensible and I find it hard to believe that any students with half a brain could come to any other conclusion.”

In a statement, the Oxford Union commented, “The Oxford Union was approached by Imperial Tobacco with a proposal for sponsorship of a debate we were holding on the tobacco industry. As with all sponsorship proposals, The Standing Committee explored this possibility.

After consideration, the Union decided not to proceed with the discussions before a formal sponsorship agreement was made.

“All speakers who expressed an interest in speaking in the debate were informed of the possibility of sponsorship.”

The Union emphasised in their comment that “a formal sponsorship agreement” was not yet made at the time of speaking with Dr. Rees. The Union declined to commenton whether the Standing Committee are able – even if it is not common – to reject a sponsorship deal before  deciding to investigate further, as well as on whether all sponsors are allowed or obliged to have a recruitment stall at the event.

They likewise refused to comment on whether the decision to end negotiations was in any way due to the unhappiness of Dr Rees or other speakers regarding this idea of sponsorship by the tobacco industry.

Dr Vaughan Rees, a lecturer on Social and Behavioral Sciences at Harvard University, uncovered the sponsorship negotiations when he was called by the Union regarding the interest he expressed in the debate. He told Cherwell that “the status of sponsorship was unclear” following a second discussion by telephone.

Rees commented, “The concern from the tobacco control community is that the sponsorship was not made clear with the initial invitation, and that the sponsorship basically ‘bought’ a tobacco company an opportunity to engage directly with Oxford students.

“The Union initiated the second discussion to let me know that the plan for sponsorship had been abandoned and to see if I was willing to attend on that basis. I saw the Union’s plan to drop sponsorship more as a reflection of their desire to attract speakers who would not support a tobacco industry sponsored event, rather than a genuine response to concerns about taking money from a tobacco company (a policy held by Oxford University).”

Rees was also confused as to the terms on which sponsorship negotiations had ended, commenting, “As the call wrapped up, I told her that I intended to let others in the tobacco control and public health communities know what was going on, as deceptive industry behavior has been a concern for many of us.

“She asked that I wait because they were ‘still under contractual obligation’ with Imperial. I was incredulous because the whole discussion we had been having was based on the notion that she had abandoned sponsorship. When I challenged her on this, she said the decision had just been made in the past hour following a discussion with Imperial. I don’t know if they just needed time to formalise the plan to drop sponsorship, or whether they were trying to see if I would bite after hearing that no industry money would be involved.

“In my opinion, the Oxford Union was operating in such a manner as to limit the information they shared with invitees in order to favour the interests of a tobacco company. 

“The Oxford Union seems to be oblivious to the irony of their own rather reprehensible actions in light of their motion that the tobacco industry is morally reprehensible.” 

Dr Rees also expressed concern for the content of the debate, commenting, “The nature of the debate itself is deeply disturbing. The tobacco industry has a history of engaging in deceptive behaviour to further their interests while improving their public image. More recently, they have attempted to adopt principles of “corporate social responsibility” and I see this debate as part of that effort.

“Even a cursory consideration of social responsibility would confirm that an industry that knowingly sells a product that promotes addiction and kills consumers, has no claim for social responsibility. This industry is responsible for the deaths of some 100 million people in the twentieth century. Only a morally reprehensible industry would continue to operate with this knowledge.”

He continued to explain that “Oxford’s students will comprise a substantial proportion of future generation of leaders,” and therefore, “for obvious reasons, the tobacco industry is anxious to gain influence among these kinds of people”.

The Union and the University are separate institutions and therefore Oxford University did not comment. However, the University’s policy on tobacco is very clear, according to Arnott, who said, “The University’s ‘Committee to Review Donations’ does regard money that has come from tobacco as unacceptable.”

A spokesperson for Imperial Tobacco told Cherwell, “Imperial Tobacco, as a strong supporter of free speech, continuously seeks opportunities to promote quality, open debate in appropriate forums. As part of this, Imperial proposed an Oxford Union debate about the ethics of tobacco.

“Imperial offered to not only take part but also to meet the costs of the arranging the event. As discussions progressed, however, we were informed by the Union that invited tobacco control advocates were unhappy to take part in an event made possible with financial assistance from a tobacco company. As a result, the Union regrettably informed us that it would no longer be prepared to accept this assistance from Imperial.

“Imperial subsequently made it clear that it was prepared to take part in the proposed debate regardless of how event costs would be met. Ultimately, however, agreement could not be reached on our right to veto who would appear alongside the Imperial representative on our side of the debate and discussions ended. (We would never seek any restriction on the individuals invited to appear on the opposing side of the debate). As a supporter of quality debate we are pleased to note that, according to the Cherwell website, the event is still scheduled to take place – although it’s a pity that this will be without industry representation.”

Tobacco is the subject of the world’s first health treaty, the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which binds 180 countries to “denormalise…activities described as ‘socially responsible’ by the tobacco industry”.

The West’s anti-Russia media campaign

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As the EU steps up its opposition to what it deems to be Russia’s “disinformation campaigns”, it is time to shine light on some of the narratives that the Western media has been concocting regarding the catastro­phe currently configuring the relationship between Russia and the West: the Ukraine crisis.

The stance of many Russian supporters and their justification for the Russian government’s actions can be traced back to the violation of the alleged promise made by the US Secretary of State James A. Baker and German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher to Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990, that although the newly unified Germany would be part of NATO, the latter would “not move one inch to the East”. The NATO Review, on the other hand, attributes Russia’s belief about the existence of a binding agreement to the confusion in the political environment of the early 1990’s, even presenting NATO’s eastward expansion as the fulfillment of a moral obligation: “the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were finally able to assert their sovereignty and define their own foreign and security policy goals. As these goals centered on integration with the West, any categorical refusal of NATO to respond would have meant the de facto continuation of Europe’s division along former Cold War lines. The right to choose one’s alliance, enshrined in the 1975 Helsinki Charter, would have been denied – an approach that the West could never have sustained, neither politically nor morally.” I will leave this aspect of the conflict aside, however, as it is easy to get lost in the sea of alternative accounts and interpretations of the exact events of 1990. Instead, I will embark upon an analysis of the crisis from a constitutional standpoint, appealing to what Western civilization has elevated to the position once held by religion – the rule of law.

As the scrupulous analysis by Valery Dmitrievich Zorkin, the Chairman of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, of the unfolding of the crisis in Ukraine shows, the “bastion of human rights and freedom” – the West, has in fact been undermining the absolute power of its sacrosanct rule of law in supporting and aiding the opposition, which has now become Ukraine’s de facto government.

In the early stages of the crisis the Western media was eager to present the protests in Kiev and other regions of Ukraine as evidence of the Ukrainians having chosen to join Europe. Thus, Yanukovich’s pro-Russian stance was portrayed as his betrayal of the will of the Ukrainian nation. The Western media, however, conveniently omitted the fact that even all the protestors combined in all the regions, who never exceeded 1.5 million in number, could hardly represent the will of a nation of 45 million. Thus, the call for the removal of Yanukovich by Western politicians was contrary to the law given that Yanukovich and the Verkhovna Rada constituted a legitimately elected government. Moreover, Yanukovich’s impeachment itself was unconstitutional, given the fact that at the moment of the decision about his impeachment, only 313 MPs were present, of which 283 voted for his removal from power, which was short of 55 votes according to the requirements of the Constitution for the impeachment of a president.

Even after the illegitimate removal of Yanukovich from power, the Verkhovna Rada continued its work with flagrant violations of the law. The opposition, which came to power in the Verkhovna Rada following the president’s removal, numbered around 150 MPs, leaving it without a constitutional (300 votes) or even an ordinary (226 votes) majority. Well documented stories about the subsequent “persuasion” techniques implemented by the opposition in order to gain a majority, as armed “guards” appeared in the homes of insubmissive MPs, were also conveniently omitted from the Western media’s analysis of the events.

Was the Western media aware of the falsified procedure for the dismissal of Yanukovich, of the use of force and machinations with the deputies’ cards in order to obtain a majority in the Verkhovna Rada, as well as all the other violations of the Constitution and the illegitimacy of the new government? It most probably was as many western as well as Ukrainian journalists were witnesses of these events according to Zorkin. Thus, perhaps the West should cleanse its own media of “disinformation” before that of Russia’s.

Interview: Jonathan Powell

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Nobody could call Jonathan Powell’s career path dull. He seems to have the knack, or more likely the talent, of finding himself in all the most interesting places at all the most interesting times. He started his working life at the Foreign Office, where he helped to assist in the Hong Kong handover negotiations with the Chinese, took part in the German Reunification talks in 1989-90 and shadowed Bill Clinton on the 1992 campaign trail. And this was just the beginning.

For, in 1995, Tony Blair appointed him his Chief of Staff and, after Blair’s 1997 landslide election victory, Powell became the Downing Street Chief of Staff and worked at the heart of the corridors of power for the duration of Blair’s premiership. The next decade saw him at the centre of Labour decision-making, from the 1997 Election to the Iraq War. However, perhaps unsurprisingly for a former diplomat, it was his role as one of the lead British negotiators on Northern Ireland of which he is most proud, calling it “by far the most important thing I did in my life”.

In 1998, the Good Friday Agreement was signed, finally bringing some peace to that war-torn part of the world. Getting there, however, was the cause of many sleepless nights for Powell. “It was a very frustrating process. I had to go across the Irish Sea once or twice a week, as well as being Chief of Staff at Number 10 and they made you negotiate through the night about things which didn’t need to be negotiated through the night. At some stages, I was tearing out my hair about it. But, in retrospect, I am really glad I did it.”

Given the recent flares of violence in Northern Ireland, I ask him how durable he thinks the current political settlement is, “We are not going to go back to the Troubles again, but if anyone thinks you’re living in a fairy story where everyone lives happily after, you are not. We solved lots of problems, we solved a large part of the violence problem, but we haven’t solved the politics and we haven’t solved the sectarianism. There is a process of peace-building that comes after peacemaking that can take a very long time to solve.

“Once people separate like that, bringing them back together again is very hard. It takes a very long period of time.” The conversation turns to the internal dynamics of the Blair government, and in particular, the role of the Civil Service. Powell and the Civil Service did not always see eye to eye and he thinks that there are lots of ways in which it can improve, telling me, “There is a problem with the British Civil Service. It is probably one of the best civil services in the world but it hasn’t had really major reforms, although it has had reforms, since the nineteenth century and it really does need a change. The trouble at the moment is that it is very much a dynastic order and although we say people come in and out, they don’t really. People still join when they leave university and leave when they retire.

“One of the reasons why it is so hard to reform the Civil Service is because it is underpaid. As a result people don’t want to go into it and civil servants don’t want to leave because their pensions are too good. But we need to try and change that and we need to change the incentive scheme.”

At this point, it seemed appropriate to put to Powell the question every political-nerdcum-American-TV-geek is dying to ask: “Do you think No 10 is more West Wing or Yes Prime Minister?” His answer is immediate, “It is certainly not West Wing. I remember the Chief of Staff in the West Wing, who has died since, came to see me in Number 10. I thought he wasn’t coming for publicity but because he was interested, and then the next day a picture appeared in the newspapers of me and him talking. I know American politics quite well because I started off following Clinton around. So it is not West Wing at all, it is much more Yes Prime Minister. In many ways, Yes Prime Minister is a documentary rather than a comedy. There are an awful lot of home truths in it.”

Powell left Downing Street when Blair did in 2007, and soon after joined Morgan Stanley as an investment banker. Suffice to say, it wasn’t his calling, and he soon left. His next big venture was to set up a charity called Inter Mediate, which carries out negotiation and mediation in “the most difficult, complex and dangerous conflicts” in the world. It draws upon his experiences in Northern Ireland and is rooted in the idea that it is only through dialogue that any resolution can be achieved, a concept which lies at the heart of his new book, Talking to TerroristsHow to End Armed Conflicts.

Powell’s idea is that it is always good to talk to terrorists. Such a proposition does not pass without controversy; take ISIS for example. Following a week in which they have beheaded 30 Ethiopian Christians in Libya, many people would baulk at the idea of giving them legitimacy by talking to them. However, Powell believes we have to take a longer term view, telling me, “I have looked at the negotiations going back since the end of the Cold War and there are certain patterns which have emerged. One such pattern is that every time we encounter a terrorist group we say we will never talk to them, yet we pretty much always end up talking to them. “So my argument with ISIS would be… would we sit down with Mr Baghdadi now and negotiate? No, that would be ridiculous. He wouldn’t want to negotiate. But, if we look back at what has happened in the past, nor is just bombing them going to work. Even if we had boots on the ground, that wouldn’t solve the problem of ISIS. You have to have some longer term strategy. If they have genuine political support, and I suspect they probably do – it would have been very hard for 1,000 fighters to take over the town of Mosul without support from the population there – the chances are we are going to end up talking to them. So the sensible thing to do now is to open up a channel, as we did with the IRA back in 1972, a channel which can be used at some stage to negotiate through.”

However, Powell also argues that we will not be able to negotiate until we get to two things: first, “a mutually hurting stalemate where both sides realise they cannot win and it hurts them to carry on fighting” and, second, “strong leadership on both sides, which allows conversation to happen”.

I put it to him that this still does not answer the question of legitimising them. He tells me, “It is certainly true that armed groups really want legitimacy, they are desperate to be heard, to get publicity. There is a real issue there. The argument I make in the book is that legitimisation is a very short term thing. So, if you take for example the FARC, they started the talks in 1999 to 2001 with the Columbian government, they got legitimisation. Having been completely outcast, they were able to appear on national television. But as they made it clear in the negotiations that they weren’t serious and then rejected a perfectly good offer, they lost that legitimisation when they went back to fighting. So, all you get is very temporary legitimisation, which can be a price worth paying.”

However, whilst that might hold true for specific terrorist groups, I suggest that it still does not answer the argument that by talking to terrorists, you legitimise terror as a tactic. Powell, however, does not buy this, saying, “In normal life, you do not regard talking to someone as a reward and not talking to them as a punishment and thinking about that in terms of terrorism is useful. In talking to terrorists, you are not agreeing with them and that is the point. Talking to terrorists is not the same as giving into them. When we were talking to the IRA, we were not going to give a united Ireland down the barrel of the gun, regardless of the views of the majority of the people in Northern Ireland.”

Our conversation turns to the practicalities of talking to terrorists, which are not all that they seem. “It’s a difficult thing to do as terrorists don’t have a front office where you can pop in and have a cup of coffee and talk to them. So you find a way of establishing channels and it is funny that they work in very odd ways. For example, a colleague of mine who is trying to get in touch with Nepalese Maoists went into Kathmandu and tried everything he could to meet them but didn’t achieve anything. But then he fired off an email to Shiningpath.com which is a website they used in homage to the Maoists in Peru, and to his great surprise he got a reply, and over the next few months, they worked out how they could meet. He went to a small Indian city, was picked up in a motor rickshaw, taken through some tiny streets, into a building, out of another building, into another rickshaw, and ended up in an unfinished skyscraper on the fourth floor and then a member of the politburo came and met him. So it can happen in very odd ways.”

This vignette, whilst not of Powell himself, certainly conjures up the excitement that suffuses the world of international diplomacy. Ultimately, however, it’s neither the excitement nor the glamour of Powell’s job that make his life’s work so enviable. Rather, it is the fact that what he is doing actually means something, namely opening up dialogue where there was none, whether in Ireland or Africa, China or South America. It is this raison d’être which shines through in this interview, and which makes his life of diplomacy so interesting.