Monday, May 5, 2025
Blog Page 1228

Still no answers on rigged NUS referendum

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THE UNIVERSITY PROCTORS have refused to announce whether there are any results from the Student Disciplinary Panel’s (SDP) investigation into the “serious irregularities” discovered in May’s OUSU referendum on its affiliation to the National Union of Students (NUS).

The University’s regulations state, “No complaint made by the Proctors shall be heard by the Student Disciplinary Panel more than six months after the date of the first interview, unless the Chairman or ViceChairman sitting on that occasion decides at his or her discretion to allow the complaint to be heard on the grounds that there is good cause for the delay.” Cherwell understands that it has now been more than six months since the complaint was made and interviews began.

OUSU President Louis Trup told Cherwell, “It has been a long time since the NUS referendum, and I am frustrated with the lack of response from the Proctors on the issue. On many occasions I have asked the Proctors for more information about the current status of the investigation, but they have not told me anything. I understand that if the Proctors do make a decision, this will not be made public, which for me is a highly frustrating element to the way in which they operate. This concern can now be voiced by OUSU officers, as we have this year managed to get OUSU representation on the university committee which oversees the work of the Proctors’ Office.

“I have made it clear at many OUSU Council meetings that if the investigation finds that individuals engaged in electoral malpractice, then I believe they should be held accountable for their actions.

“OUSU has adopted a new voting system to ensure that any future referendum or election cannot be manipulated in the same way.”

A University spokesperson responded, saying, “The subjects and outcomes of all Proctors’ investigations are confidential and are not made public.”

A Junior Tribunal declared the referendum, which was held to determine whether or not OUSU should remain affiliated to the NUS, void on Monday 26th May 2014. This was after the leader of the campaign to disaffiliate, Jack Matthews, highlighted misuse of the Unique Voter Codes (UVCs) issued for the online voting system mi-vote.com in an official complaint. Matthews declined to comment when Cherwell approached him on the expiration of his complaint.

It was reported at the time that over 1,000 extra voter codes were used to cast votes for ‘Believe In Oxford’, supposedly all from the same location.

Last year’s OUSU President Tom Rutland, who was in charge of the student union at the time of the referendum and led the ‘Yes to NUS’ campaign, told Cherwell, “It’s frustrating that the University hasn’t publicly said anything since it was referred to them. Students deserve to know the outcome of the investigation into evidence that the vote was intentionally sabotaged.”

Last May, following the announcement of the referendum being declared void, Jack Matthews said to Cherwell, “I welcome the result of the Junior Tribunal – it is absolutely right that the entire Referendum has been voided.

“We must now wait for a response from other investigations which will seek to discover who perpetrated this crime.”

Other students also expressed their frustation at the lack of news.

Third year Hilda’s student Helena Dollimore said, “Either the University is incompetent and hasn’t managed to work out how the referendum was fiddled and which IP address was responsible, or they’re deliberately keeping the results of the investigation secret. If the latter, it sends out completely the wrong message for a university to effectively not punish serious electoral fraud, which gets you jail time in the real world.”

Louis Trup, who was then OUSU Presidentelect, remarked at the time, “I am genuinely shocked to hear of the electoral malpractice that has led to the results of the NUS referendum being declared void. It’s obviously a terrible thing to happen, but I just can’t really believe anybody cared enough to go to the trouble of sending off so many votes.”

Rutland took a motion to OUSU Council in 7th Week of Trinity last year to reaffiliate to the NUS after the news that the referendum had been tampered with was revealed to the general student population. OUSU then decided to vote through his motion.

The Oxford University Student Handbook reveals that the Student Disciplinary Panel, the University body to which the case was referred, can punish those who break regulations in several different ways. The body can issue punishments ranging from “a fine of any size” to rusticating students for “whatever period of time it [the SDC] thinks fit” or even expulsion from membership of the University.

Second year chemist Harry Bush told Cherwell, “The actual NUS referendum sort of passed me by really, although my friends talked about the fact it might have been rigged quite a lot. It does seem a bit bizarre that we haven’t been told anything about what’s been happening since the investigation was launched.”

Another student said they hoped “the entire University would be informed of the developments soon.”

The student conduct section of the University regulations makes clear that complaints of this nature are supposed to be dealt with in full confidentiality.

The same section also maintains, “All those who are involved in procedures for investigating an allegation, including witnesses, representatives, and persons providing evidence and/or advice, have a duty to maintain confidentiality.”

It is unknown if any actions have been taken towards any students and whether any more information will be made public.

Exeter votes to update harassment policy

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EXETER COLLEGE JCR has voted in favour of updating their harassment policy and encouraging College authorities to adopt the changes, in line with the recent updates made to University wide harassment policy.

The new sexual harassment policy adopted by the University last year following a successful campaign by OUSU and ‘It Happens Here’, is designed to clarify the process of complaints.

However, this change in university policy does not affect individual colleges, leading to criticisms from some students that harassment policies in college can still have more complicated guidelines, making them less clear, secure and supportive.

OUSU’s Vice-President for Women, Anna Bradshaw, urged students in December to contact college representatives and encourage them to update internal harassment policy.

The motion at Exeter was proposed by third year English student Ella Richards, who has been involved in the campaign to encourage colleges to change their policies, and seconded by JCR welfare respresentative Beatrice Natzler.

Natzler told Cherwell, “At the JCR meeting we discussed the benefits of the new harassment policy. One benefit is that procedures are laid out much more clearly than in the old policy.

“The new policy also allows someone making a complaint to skip steps, such as mediation, that they might not feel comfortable with.”

Exeter JCR President Tutku Bektas also commented, “We recognise the sheer number of harassment incidents happening around the University every year and to this end, we want to make sure that there is a more certain and sound framework which would allow the college to deal with such sensitive issues in a more efficient and professional way.”

The JCR President also emphasised the importance of the new policies and bringing colleges on board, telling Cherwell, “The Exeter JCR believes that this is a crucial topic and we will be taking the necessary steps to campaign for it.”

Alice Vacani, who has been working on the campaign at Hertford, commented, “I’m really proud of the work undertaken by Ella and other members of Exeter JCR to push this through.”

Exeter’s decision is part of a wider drive by the Harassment Policy Working group to encourage students throughout the University to put forward updated and clear college harassment policies.

The Harassment Policy working group has been holding equipping training, which has attracted students from a number of colleges who want to change their college policies, whilst the University’s Equalities and Diversity unit has been providing information on how the policies work and how they can be incorporated by colleges.

After her successful lobbying to have the university policy updated, Bradshaw commented, “I have been excited to hear this week that a number of common rooms have already begun to work with their colleges to update college harassment policies.

“Good harassment policies are absolutely vital to protecting and supporting students, particularly women students.”

Forget Magna Carta: discover the oldest English law codes

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As politician after politician has been quick to seize on over the last year to advance various legal or judicial policies, 2015 marks the 800th anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta. Recently, however, a set of even older and more interesting law codes have been made available to the public after the University of Manchester digitised and published them online. The Textus Roffensis, two separate early Twelfth Century manuscripts contained within a single book, includes the earliest record of written English in existence: the law-codes of King Æthelbert of Kent, which date back to the early 600s.

Æthelbert’s laws, written in a very early form of Old English, deal with compensation for wrongdoing, with the size of the recompense dependent upon the social status of the victim. If a freeman stole from the king, for example, he would be expected to pay nine-fold compensation. Another fascinating inclusion is the earliest copy of the Coronation Charter of King Henry I, written in 1100, which includes, amongst various decrees, a pardon of all murders committed before that time and a ban on the right to mint money. The wording of this Charter heavily influenced the Magna Carta and, through it, the American Declaration of Independence.

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Seeing the vellum pages of the manuscript is a genuine privilege. Aside from the beauty of the scribe’s handwriting, which appears in many different colours of ink, there are some incredible ornamentations. The most striking of these is a letter ‘R’ at the beginning of the word ‘Regnante’, formed out of a saint and a green and vermilion winged dragon. It opens the cartulary of Rochester Priory on page 245 of the manuscript, and may have been an attempt to distinguish Rochester, where the manuscript was compiled and is currently held, as a distinct and learned community. The vivid colour and fine detail are perfectly visible and one can zoom in by up to 200 per cent without losing quality; a testament to the value of digitised medieval manuscripts.

Flicking through the pages, you can see clear signs of water damage where the book was dropped in either the Thames or the Medway in the early Sixteenth century. One gets a real sense of the journey through time this book has endured, carrying with it generation after generation of English laws, the more recent ones building upon the older. The British Library has described it as “Britain’s hidden treasure” and it is accessible to anyone at a single click. You should take this first opportunity to catch a unique glimpse into the earliest record of English legal history.

Investigation: Private Student Housing

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Our findings from this investigation suggests 55 per cent of Oxford’s student tenants were dissatisfied with the conditions of their private house.

The problems that students brought up in both our survey and interviews ranged from damp and mould – reported by 30 per cent of respondents – to more severe problems, which potentially demonstrate a breach of the law.

Other articles in this investigation:

 

“A cynical and greedy industry”

Fire alarms and boilers were left broken for weeks. Agencies allegedly lied about the rent they owed students. Some students told us how the houses for which they had signed tenancy agreements were not fully built. Tenants were reportedly forced to clean up raw sewage from their conservatory floor after a pipe burst, the result of shoddy maintenance work.

[mm-hide-text]%%IMG_ORIGINAL%%10904%%[/mm-hide-text]A student told us that the manhole for the sewage pipe that was under their carpet had not been secured properly and burst. The tenants were forced to clean up the leaked sewage themselves.

One student told us about being charged £2,000 for electricity used by builders working on the house.

The reason, they surmised, was that the letting agency in charge of their house “never paid for the electricity that the construction workers used all summer long”. 

Even after they turned off the electricity in all their rooms, the bill “still kept going up”, and they told us that every morning the builders asked if they could run a power cord into their front hall socket. 

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Numerous complaints were also made about the attitudes of letting agents. Comments such as “Did your parents tell you to ask this?” were common, leading to more bad feeling between letting agents and tenants.

“They took such a long time to respond, perhaps hoping that we’d just give up”

Many of the students we interviewed were angry about the length of time it took agencies to reply to their emails, some of them being pleas for urgently needed repairs. In fact, only two of the agencies we contacted – Premier and
Taylor’s – appeared to take the concerns of the people we interviewed seriously by committing to investigating them further.

A spokesperson from Taylor’s told us, “Each property varies depending on what we do for the Landlord (Introduction Only or Fully Managed),” and suggested that the student in question get in contact with the agency. The student told Cherwell she had done this on many occasions.

Some considered this reluctance to reply a tactic by letting agents to force students to give up on their demands. One commented, “They took such a long time to respond to our emails, perhaps hoping that we’d just give up.”

The problem of whether it was the landlords or the letting agents who were responsible for various problems was also a recurrent theme throughout the investigation. Grace Maher, renting with Premier, told C+ that the agency “washed their hands of us”, with Premier claiming that the house was “unmanaged” — in other words, not Premier’s responsibility, but the landlord’s.

Although this investigation centres upon a few agencies – S&C, Scott Fraser, Premier, Taylor’s and RMA – we also received complaints about students’ experiences with others, such as Manor House and Digs Property Management.

The latter agency responded to these allegations, saying, “We have no record of the complaints made against us about dehumidifiers and rodents […] but that might be because a lot of problems are dealt with directly through the
landlords.” 

They said that they were keen to hear about any more problems.

The students who we interviewed above all stressed the importance of researching letting agencies before signing anything, while one advised, “Don’t be afraid to fight and be forceful.”

Premier

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Premier were one of three letting agencies to respond after C+ sent them a list of the issues that the students we spoke to had with them. One of their partners asked me to bring names and addresses “in relation to the ‘several complaints’ you have had”, and agreed to investigate the issues further.

One of these complaints relates to someone who says they were charged £400 for cleaning, despite being told by a member of staff that they were taking good care of the property. Meanwhile, the check-out report of the house next door stated a similar level of cleanliness, but were only charged a mere £35 – Jonathon Turnbull’s piece relates how the tenants successfully got the cleaning bill reduced.

The Premier partner told me that the person who dealt with that house had since been fired, commenting that the “£400 charge sounds a bit excessive, especially if they are taking care of the property”.

Another case related to an eight bedroom house on Divinity Road, which was in the process of being converted from a six bedroom property. Grace Maher, who graduated last year, told C+ how “the date that we were supposed to be moving into the property was delayed three times.

“All eight of us eventually arrived to find the house half-completed (without any warning from the landlord or the agents): there weren’t stairs between the top floors; there wasn’t a full wall to our living room; there weren’t doors to some of the rooms; all the rooms were filled with building materials.”

[mm-hide-text]%%IMG_ORIGINAL%%10903%%[/mm-hide-text] 1 in 5 students reported unfinished building work or poor quality maintenance

She explained, “The landlady was initially defensive (claiming it wasn’t her fault but the builders’) but became apologetic (especially when questioned as to why she hadn’t warned us before we all made our way to Oxford) and eventually agreed to refund us some of our expenses.

“Premier were totally useless – they have an office about 200m from the house but claimed to know nothing about the building works and washed their hands of us. We’d each paid £100 in agency fees by this point, but they claimed that since the property was managed by the landlord, it really wasn’t their problem, and they didn’t offer any compensation or apologies.

“The house was completed about a week later with quite a lot of shoddy work which caused problems, such as mould, leaks, and electrical issues.”

When C+ raised the case with Premier, the partner knew immediately which house I meant, commenting that their move-in day was “an absolute nightmare”. He had “rung the landlady every day throughout the week leading up to the move in date. While she assured me that the property would be ready at first, she stopped answering her phone a few days beforehand.”

He added, “There’s only so much you can do as a letting agent aside from going down to the house and doing the building work yourself.”

Responding to the claims that they “washed their hands” of the tenants, he reminded me of the difference between “managed” and “unmanaged” properties – in the former case, a landlord uses an agency to manage leases and tenants, while the landlord deals with “unmanaged” properties directly.

In response to the suggestion that students are seen as an “easy target”, the partner told me, “When a student walks through the door they’re a client just like everyone else. What I often find quite scary is how easily students sign up to leases without taking it away and thinking about it, and we then get calls from parents saying, ‘Why have you made my child sign this?’”

The partner said he was open to discussing with students their feedback from their private housing experiences, informing me that Premier had been in contact with Brookes Student Union representatives in particular. “You’re welcome to come and do half a day’s work with me so you can see first hand the respect we give each and every one of our clients,” he told me.

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Loading the Canon: Darkness at Noon

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Arthur Koestler’s Darkness at Noon is the definitive novel of the so called ‘Midnight of the century’, under the cover of which Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union divided Europe between themselves. Few writers can resist comparing this story of an ill-favoured Soviet comrade’s nightmarish experiences in prison to that other, more GCSE-friendly, anti-totalitarian tract, 1984 (nor, it appears, can I!). Yet the comparison is unfortunately rarely made the other way around. While ownership of Orwell’s novel has become the badge of honour for any 14 year old with radical pretensions, Koestler’s masterpiece is less well known. This is a shame, though a perfectly explicable one. It is easy to sympathise with Winston Smith, Orwell’s hero, because he is an everyman, whose lack of faults is simply part of his lack of a personality. Koestler presents the reader with something more discomforting – a protagonist who has fallen foul of the barbarous regime which he has spent 40 years administering.

The protagonist, Rubashov, garners the reader’s sympathy through being a free thinker in an environment toxic to free thought, increasingly disillusioned with his party’s doctrine, “Truth is what is useful to humanity, falsehood what is harmful”, and even more so with their idea of what is useful. Rubashov’s interrogators, like Dostoevsky’s inquisitor, feel that they do not only have to break their victim, but convince him of the wrongness of his heretical opinions. In other words, and in a brilliantly paradoxical fashion, this pair of fervent atheists are intent on saving Rubashov’s soul. This is the most obvious manifestation of Koestler’s comparison of the Party with history’s nastiest incarnations of the clergy – especially the Spanish Inquisition. It is a shrewd move by Koestler, the project of whose novel is to ask why, in the show trials of the 30s, the Soviets were so intent on proving the loyalty of the accused before killing them.

This may not be a novel for 5th week; but it is an excruciatingly believable portrait of a man caught in a battle of ideas he knows will end violently for him. Yet more harrowing is the realisation of how autobiographical the book is. To realise this, we need not know anything about Koestler’s life – that Darkness at Noon is true experience reimagined is made clear through the meticulous writing and lack of melodrama of its author’s portrayal of Rubashov’s trials, both legal and physical.

“Who are you?” Grayson Perry wants to find out

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The National Portrait Gallery is an odd place to decide to visit. There are probably more (and better) portraits on display next door, in the National Gallery. The difference, of course, is that the portraits here are of famous people, which raises the question of what exactly people go to see – the portraits, or the people in them? Regardless, anyone visiting it over the last three months, and until March 15th, would also see Grayson Perry’s new installation, Who are You?, integrated into the first floor collections, which covers Nineteenth and Twentieth Century figures.

Consisting of 14 works in various media, the exhibition presents portraits of people grappling with their identity. Perry’s question ‘Who are You?’ is, as the leaflet, promotional material, and three-part television programme explained, intended to uncover these internal conflicts of identity, and the identification of people with distinct cultural groups. The exhibition begins with two general works, a self-portrait in which Perry portrays himself as a fortified city, with different buildings (and empty spaces) representing elements of his personality, and a huge, garish tapestry, entitled ‘Comfort Blanket’, in the rough design of a banknote and crammed with irreverent references to British culture. Moaning, the NHS, feet and inches, and the Mini all feature prominently, as does “bitter irony”. This juxtaposition of satire and an absurd, comic brashness continues through the individual portraits which follow.

Perry is justly famous as a potter: the vases on display are remarkable, skilfully presenting their subjects in a medium rarely used for portraits. The designs range from the barbed – a reassembled vase covered in pictures of Chris Huhne representing the unbreakable white middle-class ‘Default Man’, the cracks painted over with gold – to the poignant, such as a demon, representing Alzheimer’s disease, slicing up past memories with scissors. I’m not entirely convinced that the almost lurid vividness with which Perry decorates his pots transferred as well to the other materials (silk, tapestry, print), but each was striking in its presentation of the jagged elements of modern identity.

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The placing of the artworks is pointed, too. The ‘Chris Huhne Vase’ sits in the centre of the gallery of Victorian statesmen, under the gazes of Gladstone and Disraeli; the little bronze statue, one of the finest of the fourteen pieces, ‘I am a Man’, of a young transgender boy, placed between portraits of Kitchener and BadenPowell, as well as Frederick Burnaby, reputedly “the strongest man in the British Army”. This can, I believe, misfire a little, such as in the case of the ‘Modern Family’ vase, which depicts a white gay couple with their adopted mixed-race son. This work becomes the focus of attention for many visitors to the 1900-69 gallery, while in the very same gallery, the only portrait of a gay couple (couples being unusual enough in the Gallery) on permanent display, that of Britten and Pears, is almost totally ignored. In creating a dialogue between his new piece and those which are already there, Perry succeeds in altering the character of the existing displays, but perhaps not every portrait is in need of subverting.

The placements take the viewer away from the psychological, identity-based, aim of Perry’s question: it can also be asked in its usual, literal sense, and flipped from his displays to the position in which they are displayed. The question ‘Who are you?’ springs to mind when you look at the portraits in Perry’s exhibition, for, unlike the rest of the Gallery, they are (mostly) of not-famous people, yet the question also pops up when looking at some of the permanent exhibits. Who is this man with extremely impressive mutton-chop whiskers? George Whyte-Melville, according to the card. Behind ‘Who are you?’, though, lies a second question, less easily answered by a helpful label – ‘Why are you here?’

Perry’s additions are each carefully explained and rationalised – if there is a problem with them as works of art, it stems from this fact, for each of the objects on display already has a ‘correct’ interpretation, and so can, perhaps, be seen, like the William Scrots portrait of Edward VI on the floor above, from the prepared angle only.

At the same time, paradoxically, this potential flaw in the art works exposes the flaw in the gallery around it: why are these portraits not justified as well? The question is relevant because the portraits are not presented as works of art, but as representations of their subject; they are hung there, for the most part, because of who is in the painting, not who painted it, or how well it is painted. Perry’s exhibition challenges this vision of the Gallery. In presenting us with an unconventional set of portraits, this exhibition asks us to take an unconventional look at the ‘normal’ portraits that make up the rest of the room.

Perry, then, succeeds in his aim of presenting a portrait of modern Britain, but also provokes a response beyond that brief. Either intentionally or not, he makes the viewer look beyond the exhibit, and at the gallery in which it is located. Hopefully this will make people question not just who they are seeing in the portraits, but why they are being presented with the portraits with which they are being presented and, in the process, consider what it is that they go to the National Portrait Gallery to see.

Interview: Vivienne Westwood

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There are few figures to emerge in the last 50 years who have had as definitive an impact on culture as Dame Vivienne Westwood. Her work is concrete proof of the undeniable and perpetual power of counterculture in society. Not only did her work create punk fashion, but it also helped to propagate the punk movement as a whole.

From her shop on the King’s Road, she and her former partner Malcolm McClaren spearheaded the movement for social change. “Punk was about how we don’t accept everything that’s going on in the world, we don’t accept your values and your taboos. Punk was really about trying to change the world, and to get young people involved.”

Most people approaching their 74th birthday in April would take a more relaxed approach to life. However, activism is in Westwood’s blood. It is a bone in her body which is integral to her functionality, grown in the womb and springing into action when she was a child. Like the characters of a medieval morality play, Westwood is Activism personified. Far from being initiated solely by the events around her in the 1970s, her desire to change the world for the better came about at the age of four, in a revelatory moment that evidenced the power of art on the individual.

“My activism, my idea of trying to prevent suffering, making a better world, it began when I was very young. I always feel a bit embarrassed about telling this, but I saw a photograph of a painting of a crucifixion on a calendar when I was four. I couldn’t believe it. I’d never seen anything like it before. It shocked me so much and since then it kind of defined who I was.

“I really thought something should be done against everything terrible. So I’ve always been trying to find what I can do. I was always on a crusade to make the world better. I don’t want to say fashion can change the world at all – but sometimes I thought maybe it could have an effect.”

In her fashion career, Westwood has styled an endless list of names of the great and the good, from the flawlessly shocking Sex Pistols to the Duchess of Cornwall.

Yet, it is a career that almost never was. After punk, she faced a crisis of faith in the fashion industry and its buyers. “Certainly, the punk way of dressing signifies ‘I’m a rebel’. That’s what we were trying to do. Then at the end of punk, when I stopped being so interested in it, I realised these young kids were not that interested in it, but just wanted a good time.”

Although advocating change, there was a difference in interests between designer and consumer. “The Sex Pistols had failed and I wanted to know what my perspective was from then on. And so at that point I had to decide whether I wanted to continue in fashion. And I said to Malcolm McClaren, ‘Either I help you in the music business, or you help me in the field of fashion, as we can’t do both. The Sex Pistols had collapsed in disaster. His reply was, ‘Fashion every time’. But as soon as he’d said that, he was off doing Bow Wow Wow. So I continued anyway. And there were reasons why I continued, mostly because I realised I was very talented and I thought I should continue for that reason. I was being copied all over the place. So I went into something completely different – I decided I was going to be a fashion designer and to research history and see where I’m going to get some different inspiration from.”

The powerful sentiment of Westwood’s activism has remained with her constantly, since her St Augustine-like conversion experience as a child.

However, her later influences underwent dramatic changes – they did not take the form of a stylised picture of Christ. Rather, Westwood emphasises the infinite importance of culture. To be able to understand ourselves, we must first understand the world in which we live. “At the time of the Buffalo collection, I had already met the man who influenced me more than anyone in my life, and that was my friend Gary. He was the one who properly introduced me to the importance of culture, the importance of the past, of having a perspective on the world we live in and understanding things.

“And I still say this today, that you can’t have a view on the world, things don’t start from you – you’re just inheriting a whole tradition of different views of the world that changes all the time. But you need to know something about that to have your own view. Culture is terribly important, and Gary influenced me incredibly. I would not be the person I am without his advice.

“A little bit later, I met my Italian manager, Carlo. He realised I was on a little bit of a crusade about fashion. I’d just done the Buffalo/Nostalgia of Mud collection [in 1982], and he was really into second hand cars.

“He said to me ‘You think you can fight the system. Imagine the system is a car going 100 miles an hour and you think you can stop it. And you think you can throw some rocks at it. You won’t stop it, it’ll just go faster with your energy. What you need to do is to go 200 miles an hour.’ So I stopped hanging on the idea of banging on the door of the establishment, well kicking on the door, and I just started to propose my own ideas.”

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Westwood’s current ideas and activism are heavily focused upon environmental politics. Despite being a supporter of the Labour Party for many years, her own views have undergone a shift in light of the ever-increasing threat to the world we live, caused through our own mismanagement.

“I’m interested 
in voting Green.
People don’t
have an un-
derstand-
ing of how
revolution-
ary the Green
Party really are.
There is a miscon-
ception of what Green
really is. That’s what as-
tonished me. When I read all
their policies comprehensively,
I thought ‘I couldn’t have written this better myself.’ They’ve got it all sorted as to what they should be doing.

“We live under a capitalist system, and the way to destroy that flawed system is to implement Green policy. To be against austerity and smashing up communities, selling their land to speculators for short term benefits. And so I think that you must not kick the door down, but instead you have to get the answer, the solution, working. We will defeat the capitalist system by trying to implement the things that will change everything anyway.”

As always, Westwood is not one simply to be content letting change come to her through the work of others. Alongside participating in numerous protests to increase awareness of environmental perils such as fracking, she is working with the Green Party to improve their presence in society, in the media and to highlight the need for young people to vote. Her political legwork is highly impressive. “I said ‘You’ve got to make your message much better, suggesting ‘We are the Revolution?’

They enthusiastically replied, ‘That’s great!’
“I am really interested in this, particularly in young people who don’t vote. Because if you could get young people who don’t vote at the moment to vote for the Green Party, which is the only party worth voting for, it would make an incredible impact. Because the UK is so important in the world, it’s got so much credibility on the international stage.
“If something happened, it would send shock waves throughout the world. And so it’s not even a question of getting more Green MPs. If you could have a 20 per cent vote at the next election, or 25 per cent, that would be so shocking that things would have to change.”
What is perhaps more surprising to those familiar with her anti-establishment associations is her recently discovered admiration of Prince Charles. In the past, she has fashioned varying garments emblazoned with Jamie Reid’s now infamous defaced image of the Queen. Now, the Duchess of Cornwall is one of her clients. Perhaps the change of heart is a reflection of the progress made by the monarchy since the 1970s?

“No, no, no, I don’t think so. I don’t know why they are more popular than they used to be – that’s not to do with me! Or my attitudes towards them. Yes, at one time I was anti-royalist. But I think when you start thinking things out, the idea of a parliament, they are all the same. It’s not like we’ve got any democracy; removing the monarchy wouldn’t make our system any more democratic. I think Prince Charles has done more good than any politician ever has, at least in my lifetime for sure.

“He’s just really brilliant. The Queen keeps aloof. David Cameron said she was terribly relieved when Scotland voted against independence. So we don’t really know what she thinks.

“But apart from that, I think the idea of a monarchy as social cement is really good. It helps people nationwide, patriotically. It gives them an identity, a sense of unity.”

It could be said that Westwood’s topics of interest have changed since she first burst onto the London cultural circuit. But then, so has the world in which she lives. Her work as an activist for both individuals and groups is hugely commendable.

She uses her powerful voice to advocate change with a view to improving the world in which we live. To summarise her work in a simple sentence does not do either her or her causes justice. But her passionate commitment to these causes is an inspiration to us all.

Moving beyond the ‘Living Wage’

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The news that the University is to become an accredited Living Wage employer has been controversial to absolutely no one. Not even Oxford University Conservative Association have taken a break from port-sipping to mutter about financial irresponsibility. Presumably this is because for the country’s richest university, paying our staff £7.85 an hour is easy.

You’d have to be a particularly hard-hearted individual to support poverty wages. Not even a university administration that has supported effective pay cuts every year since 2008 will keep them below the breadline much longer. But the treatment of support staff in the University is still appalling. Cherwell’s own investigation told of hall staff reduced to tears and scouts treated with no respect, before we even delve into the details of their access to sick pay, paid holidays, ease of joining a trade union, and other working conditions of our University’s most exploited members.

While the Living Wage undoubtedly improves pay for some staff, the fundamental problem is not the lack of accreditation, or even simply ‘pay inequality’ in a vague sense. It is that the wealth and prestige of Oxford, including Hamilton’s grossly-inflated £424,000 a year salary, would be impossible without the exploitation of scouts, many of whom are migrants. It’s the whole method of intellectual production our University uses. Some people call it marketisation of education: I’d prefer if we just called it business.

There are a few new directions our Living Wage Campaign could explore. I think ‘celebrating’ the news that the University isn’t going to be paying poverty wages in Wellington Square with a Pro Vice-Chancellor was doing the PR work of the administration for them. The focus should be on moving forward, unionising scouts, and running campaigns against those who are exploiting them rather than celebrating on their behalf.

Outsourced cleaners at the University of London ran a series of three-day strikes for equal sick pay, holidays and pensions with in-house workers. It’s that kind of worker-led, militant action that gets workers the respect and power in universities that they deserve. Students asking nicely on the scouts’ behalf will only get you so far: we’ve now reached that point.

Debate: should Oxford have a Fifth Week reading week?

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Yes

Rowan Davis

Oxford University is really fucking difficult. Essay deadlines, relationships, clubs, the slow realisation that being top of the year in year seven isn’t the only qualification required for academia – it’s really hard. And wouldn’t it be fantastic if it could be just that tiny little bit easier, slow the pace enough to get you over the 5th Week blues and remind you why you decided to study what you do. Extending the terms by one small week would make it that little bit easier.

It’s important to make it clear that reading weeks wouldn’t just make people feel a bit more comfortable (although that’s great too!), they’d make this university safer, they’d make a place built for able-bodied, neurotypical white men more accessible to all of the wonderful people that don’t fit the classical ‘scholar’ narrative.

It’s about saying to student parents that it’s okay to spend time with their kids over the half term; it’s about saying to trans folks that it’s okay to take a week and sort out all the bullshit paperwork; it’s about letting people know that whilst your degree is super important, so is your mental health.

What’s more, the absolute mess that my housemate and I always end up in by 6th Week in no way makes my essays any better.

On the subject of essays, one area that this slight slowing of the pace would help is joint honours school degrees (such as HisPol or Human Sciences). The horror stories you hear where they write three essays one week and none the next could be helped by a“reading week, which would allow students to research topics in advance and de-stress.

Worries expressed on social media that a reading week would add to costs are important, and definitely need to be taken into account. This demonstrates that good disability activism depends upon an interse tional approach to issues of student welfare and class. We should also be fighting for rent caps, Free Education, a reduction in living costs, and the extra costs for students that are forced to suspend status because of the impact of this University on their mental health.

More broadly, why is it seen as classist to say that I shouldn’t be feeling shitty all the time in a University that can definitely afford to help out? For one, our Vice Chancellor’s salary would pay for 64 years of Wadham College accommodation at the average day rate.

What’s more, the notion that the extreme levels of stress which the University places on us is good in helping mould us into perfect corporate machines should be resisted: learning has value in and of itself and we deserve the opportunity to explore our subjects further. Imagine if you had an extra week to actually read around your subject or to go over that particularly hard bit of work you’d forgotten from the start of term.

Imagine how many people wouldn’t have had to drop out for a year if they’d had the opportunity to breathe just a little bit more. Sleep is so vital to mental health and Oxford is just not designed for it. We have one of the shortest terms of any university but pack in just as much work; surely slowing down just a little isn’t all that counterintuitive.

As I’ve said before, reading weeks are not a golden bullet. They wouldn’t stop people having mental health issues and they wouldn’t reduce the amount of paperwork I have to do. But what they would do is help to foster a space in which we can have these problems and get through the term just that bit easier.

No

Sian Meaney

I dislike 5th Week. I dislike 5th Week blues. I dislike the ongoing deadlines that pile up for eight weeks. However, I also dislike worrying about money. Worrying about whether or not I can pay all of my rent. Worrying about whether I can buy enough food for the term or whether I should start skipping meals.

When the notion of transforming 5th Week into a reading week was first presented to me, I thought it was an excellent idea, an opportunity to eradicate 5th Week blues once and for all. Yet, upon further thought and a realisation of the negative implications and consequences such a decision entails, I changed my mind.

If we were to keep the current eight week system, leaving one week free for reading, the workload would increase in intensity in the weeks surrounding 5th Week, rendering the term more stressful and the workload seemingly unmanageable for many.

An alternative is to elongate the term, having two blocks of four weeks of teaching framing a reading week. But this also seems to be a damaging idea. Living in Oxford is not cheap – my college charges me £20 per night for accommodation only, meaning that, were an additional week added on to the term, I would have to pay an extra £140 just to have a roof over my head. That’s not counting food, hygiene products or other basic goods. Oxford has worked hard over the past few years to improve access to students regardless of their financial or social backgrounds; to add another week onto the term risks undermining much of the progress made.

As well as this, a reading week raises tutor’s expectations regarding the amount of work that can be completed. Although it is proposed that deadlines are not set for this period, it seems inevitable that many would set deadlines for immediately before, and immediately after, that week. There would be the assumption that essays would improve in quality, or be completed in shorter periods of time, as the reading would hypothetically have been entirely completed. Rather than decreasing stress, we run the risk of increasing it.

Greater pressure would also be placed on tutors, who rely on our vacation time to do their own research and conduct postgraduate teaching. An additional week would disjoint not only our term, but that of our tutors too.

A central component of the argument for a reading week is the notion that it will improve the mental health of students. Certainly, it could potentially reduce stress levels for those seven days and allow for greater social interaction. However, to present it as a solution to mental health issues at places like Oxbridge deeply insults those suffering from mental health issues. You cannot presume that a week with a diminished workload would magically solve what is essentially a much more complex and serious issue. But also, it presumes that the eradication of 5th Week is equivalent to the eradication of the high pressure and high expectations that create the stressful environment that we inhabit.

To replace 5th Week with a reading week is to overlook grossly and to demean many of the deeper issues that make it such a hated time for students. While seeming to provide a solution, all a reading week would do is provide a diversion – an opportunity to ignore the larger issues such as the need for improved welfare provision and academic support