Sunday 8th June 2025
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Interview: Caggie Dunlop

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Whilst many celebrities use their name and status to launch a clothing line, 24-year-old Caggie Dunlop did not want to rely on her newfound fame. “I wanted to create a brand that could stand alone regardless of my profile,” she explains. ISWAI, which stands for ‘It Starts With An Idea’, is not your average celebrity clothing line; it is a label and a springboard for new talent. “The idea for ISWAI came while I was still on [Made in Chelsea]; I knew I wanted to do something in fashion. It’s definitely a bit quieter being off the show but probably in a good way. It was a bit of a rollercoaster for me when I was on it. I’ve really enjoyed building this brand and I do it with my mother so it is in the family.”

The day-to-day running of ISWAI is, she tells me, a difficult task, “We will have someone doing jewellery by hand, someone doing samples in China for something, someone creating something from scratch. It’s all very complicated. It’s nice when it all comes together.” ISWAI provides a great entry into the fashion industry, and one of her designers, Michael, now even works at the world-renowned fashion house, Balenciaga.

Caggie’s own personal style is pretty chilled though, “I love fashion because I am a creative person but I don’t take it too seriously — I like it to be fun and expressive. “I am comfort first. Especially at this time of the year, I’m literally just in denim shorts and an ISWAI slogan t-shirt. That’s about as adventurous as I tend to get!” 

But she’s also not afraid of dressing up, as she demonstrated at the Boodles Tennis Tournament, organised by the eyewear brand Taylor Morris that was founded by Hugo Taylor, Caggie’s Made in Chelsea co-star and close friend. “Of course, in the evening going out I love to make an effort and I like to take a risk every now and again.” When asked whether there will be a collaboration between ISWAI and Taylor Morris, Caggie earnestly replies, “I haven’t thought about that — but I wouldn’t mind them doing a Caggie pair of sunglasses! I love the brand — Hugo is a great friend of mine and it is doing really well.”

With such an effortlessly cool dress sense, I wonder who her style icons are. “I really like Erin Wasson — I always have,” she explains. “When I first started ISWAI, I used her as the poster girl for what I’d like to reflect — that dishevelled chic. She dresses like an art teacher and I like the laid back look! I’ve always loved Australian fashion for that.” Some of Caggie’s favourite brands include Sass and Bide, and Finders Keepers. She says, “The way they do things there I find really cool, creative and organic.”

However, Caggie is not one to spend huge amounts of money on designer shoes, preferring to shop in vintage stores, “I really feel like I’ve accomplished something if I can go and get [some Prada shoes] second hand, for like £60!”
Not only has Caggie created a successful fashion label, but she is also finding time to focus on other projects. Signed with Independent Talent Group in the UK, she hopes to build an acting career.

Before the madness of Made in Chelsea, Caggie studied at the Lee Strasberg Theatre and Film Institute in New York. “[Made in Chelsea] gave me a huge amount of experience in terms of being in front of the camera, so it has all been quite beneficial,” she tells me as she explains her plans to move to LA in the new year. “[LA] is the epicentre of the entertainment industry so that is exciting!” There, she will be focussing her efforts on pilot season, but she is still keen to experience theatre and film, whilst not abandoning her singing career. I’m sure we all remember her nervous debut performance on Made in Chelsea.

“I started singing very late — the first time I had ever sung in front of anybody was on the show. I do love singing. That’s what I’ve been doing a lot of since I left the show. I went on tour with an American artist, which was a great experience, and I did a mini tour myself. But the lifestyle of a musician is quite isolated, ironic considering you are around people the whole time.” Caggie is unsure when she will release a debut album, but tells me it is something that will definitely happen.

The style in New York does slightly differ from London, Caggie explains, but not as much as we might think, “There’s something about New York which is very Sex and the City, which I like. I think maybe in New York they’re a bit more adventurous, and it’s maybe a bit more of a fashion hub.”

I had to ask Caggie about the Made in Chelsea special of Come Dine With Me, which saw her compete against co-stars Binky Felstead, Spencer Matthews and Mark-Francis Vandelli to win prize money for charity. This was possibly my favourite episode of Come Dine With Me ever. “Come Dine With Me was really fun – it was at the end of a season of Made in Chelsea, so we were all sort of running down off the filming and then had to do this. My head was completely all over the shop at the time. I was completely unprepared! Millie had to come over with the food; Spencer had to bring my cutlery! I literally was a disaster, but it was so much fun. I ate so much that week, but you don’t eat dessert until one in the morning!”

Not only has Caggie found time to juggle a singing career, an acting career, and a fashion label, but she has also done in charity work. She has worked with both Beat Bullying and the Tickled Pink Cancer Campaign. “Beat Bullying is a really great charity. I wanted to get involved with a dolphin one but they never got back to me,” Caggie explains to me.

To conclude, I ask her about her ideal dinner date. She answers, “Marilyn Monroe. There is so much mystery around her. She has become a goddess-like character. I would be really intrigued as to whether the persona matched the person she actually was”

Interview: Naomi Klein

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“Only mass social movements can save us now. Because we know where the current system, left unchecked, is headed. Our economic system and our planetary system are at war.”

Naomi Klein’s latest work, This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs The Climate, is a scathing polemic against free market capitalism. Over the course of our interview, although she is warm, anecdotal and funny, underlying her every word is this irrepressible urgency. It feels fitting that my own meeting with her is incredibly rushed, with her schedule only allowing me ten minutes of her time. Naomi and I are both conscious that our time is running out.

When I initially ask her about the process of coming to write the book, it seems less a conscious choice than a compulsion; this is a book she had to write. “I wrote the book because I think that this has been the elephant in the room of climate debate. And we’re out of time.”

Klein’s elephant in the room is, of course, capitalism; capitalism in the broadest possible sense of the term, as an ideology and a material reality, a philosophy and an economic system. Capitalism, according to Klein, tells us that “we just need to come up with cleverest technologies and then the problem will be solved. The truth is that technologies are fast evolving, and we’re still going in the wrong direction.”

Faith in the free market explains the reason why, despite our collective awareness of climate change, we are still hurtling rapidly towards extinction. She tells me, “Oil companies are among the most profitable corporations in history. The Big Five oil companies have made $900 billion in profits from fossil fuels from 2001 to 2010. Free trade agreements, governments, lobbying power all collude in their favour to protect an elite minority.”

However, Klein goes on to reject the idea that she is politicizing climate change; climate change has always been political. “I don’t believe I’m inserting ideology into the climate debate – although some people claim that I am – I think that ideology has shaped our climate debate since the start. It has been highly ideological to assume that we should respond to this crisis with consumer choice or by creating markets. It’s just that we don’t see it as ideological, because capitalism is the dominant ideology.”

Klein, therefore, attempts to reveal the struggle between opposing political currents, and the ways in which these have dictated our response to climate change. “All I’m trying to do is reveal the way in which ideology has shaped our response, and how that has been such a central factor to the failure of that response.” That being said, this revelation is not an end in itself: Klein again employs the language of the crusade in asserting that “We will stay locked in on this high-emissions pathway until we have the ideological battle we have been avoiding.”

This Changes Everything is undoubtedly a call-to-arms. It poignantly describes moments where there was a real possibility of environmental change: Kyoto, Copenhagen, the many broken promises of Obama’s presidency. I ask where she thinks we are now, whether we are at another critical historical moment. “Yes, I think that we are at another one of those peak moments. And the story of our climate engagement is a story of these peaks and valleys.”

“There were recently 400,000 people on streets of New York. It was the largest climate demonstration in history, and that very much felt like a turning point, because that march was a manifestation of the new spirit of climate activism which I document in the book. This is the flipside of the carbon boom.”

Energy corporations have, with consistent governmental support, responded to the impending disappearance of fossil fuel reserves with ever more aggressive and intense methods of extraction. And the ‘flipside’ is an intensification of the war on both sides. “In North America and Europe, fossil fuel companies are going down this extreme energy road and creating new carbon frontiers.

These [methods of extraction] are different from previous technologies just in terms of the sheer amount of land that is impacted. The amount of people who are in the crosshairs right now have built a movement.”

As fossil fuel companies desperately and aggressively try to seek out and exploit these new frontiers, they affect greater and greater numbers of people. Localism is a theme to which Klein repeatedly returns in her book, as a social doctrine which has broadened and diversified climate activism, forming new and unlikely coalitions. “It’s not a professionalized movement of NGOs, it’s a grassroots community movement built on love of place, that is much more passionate and feels a sense of urgency in a way that I
would say the last incarnation of the climate movement did not. Even in Texas, right, there’s a huge movement against the Keystone XL pipeline and it has to do with a sort of ‘don’t mess with Texas’ attitude. So it crosses ideological lines.”

But how do the local and the global interact? How can small, grassroots campaigns hope to overthrow a transnational capitalism? For Klein, climate activism is only just beginning to assert itself as a global movement with unified aims and principles.

She says, “Something shifted a couple of years ago when climate became a layer uniting all of these different anti-extraction movements, and it started to be articulated as a movement against extreme energy.” She goes on to talk to me about her own group, 350, who are opposed to the Keystone XL
pipeline. “There’s been a lot of coalition building between these different movements across America.”

Despite her book’s devastating exposition of the power of multinational corporations, its poignant tales of the destruction of communities and broken promises, Klein’s is fundamentally a message of hope and possibility. Every grim prediction of a carbon-heavy future is qualified with an if. She holds a belief that is increasingly common on the left: that the climate emergency, due to its urgency and its literally universal impact, could be a catalyst for sweeping social reforms.

“The central agenda which Klein’s latest work aims to alter is the fatalist acceptance of the inevitability of climate change. “The environmental crisis neither trumps nor distracts from our most pressing political and economic causes: it supercharges each one of them with existential energy.” My own conversation with her ends on a similarly hopeful note. “Climate has always ranked low and traditionally been seen on the Left as this luxury issue – if you don’t have anything real to care about, you can care about climate change. But not any more. People are making connections and we are building a movement”

Interview: Peter Kellner

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The influence of opinion polls in our society is hard to overstate. From arguments between friends to changes in governmental policy, they are constantly invoked. Perhaps the most notable recent instance of the power of polling is the Scottish referendum: the shock YouGov poll of the 7th September 2014, putting Yes in the lead, caused serious panic amongst Westminster politicians. Indeed, it was ultimately responsible for the infamous pledge from the three Westminster party leaders, guaranteeing further devolution and a continuation of the Barnett formula. It is fair to say, therefore, that pollsters marshal a very potent force and so it was with much anticipation that I looked forward to interviewing Peter Kellner, President of YouGov and one of the foremost in their ranks.

As one might expect from a pollster, Kellner studied Economics and Statistics at Cambridge. But for the first 30 years of his career, he worked as a political journalist, both in print and on the BBC before joining YouGov when it was founded in 2000. Interestingly, “90% or more of YouGov’s work is market research, not the polling we are known for”, according to Kellner, and when it was set up, polling was only one of many activities it was meant to undertake. Nonetheless, it is their polling that they are known for and it is their polling which Kellner continues to write on in the commentaries he produces. He goes so far as to describe himself as a “recovering journalist”. Yet, he now writes “just on what the numbers say” and tries to maintain a neutral standpoint in his journalism. 

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This issue of neutrality led onto the question of potential abuses of polling. It is, after all, fairly easy to skew greatly the results of a poll through the phrasing of the questions or the order in which they are asked and so I wondered what safeguards YouGov had in place to ensure that their polls were as objective and neutrally conducted as possible. The answer to this was simple: “Transparency”. All the majoring polling companies are members of the British Polling Council, which requires them to publish their findings in full, including the exact details of any questions asked. Even a cursory look over the full findings would reveal if a “push poll” (i.e. a politically loaded one) had occurred and, as Kellner points out, “No one wants to be shown up to be asking loaded questions.”

Another hot ethical issue is the question of whether polls, in fact, have too much influence, causing politicians too often to change direction and not stay the course. Indeed, it could be suggested that it would be better for our political system if we only had one poll, namely that held on Election Day itself. Kellner pours cold water over this idea, arguing that,”Polls are merely a mechanism for transmitting the public voice” and therefore only serve to “deepen and improve … the dialogue in a democracy.” Indeed, in his eyes, the problem, if problem there be, lies not with an overabundance of polling data but with the weakness of politicians, “If you have got a politician who is so feeble that they have got no principles or views of their own and simply want to do what the polls tell them, then they are a pretty terrible politician.”

Yet, Kellner also says “in my experience, that is not what happens.” Rather, polls and pollsters help to inform politicians on “how to present the argument, not on what the policy should be,” a perfectly legitimate role. By showing politicians what ordinary people are thinking, they equip those politicians with the means of selling their message most effectively. According to Kellner, “when you look at politics, it is incredibly hard to change voters’ minds through an advertising campaign or a slogan or a speech. The effective way of doing things is to take what people already think and go with that.” This is where the pollsters come in, as they can provide them with that vital information. A good example of this is the Conservatives’ infamous 1979 advertisement, adorned with a picture of a long dole queue and the caption, ‘Labour isn’t working’. According to Kellner, that poster was so effective because it “underpinned what voters already thought, that the economy was in a mess under Labour, and expressed it succinctly and vividly.”

This issue of whether polls have too much influence over politicians has most recently been keenly felt over the issue of Scottish independence. The Daily Mail slated YouGov, in particular, for its polling on the issue, arguing that the final result suggests that inaccurate polling panicked party leaders into making an unnecessary, dangerous pledge on devolution. Faced with this charge, Kellner is unrepentant, arguing that the poll was a true representation of the state of affairs as it was ten days to two weeks before referendum day. The proof, he argues, lies in the fact that after the initial YouGov polling showing a lead for yes, “Each of the four companies in the next week produced polls which were 50-50 +/- 1.” The discrepancy between these polls and the actual result, he would contend, was not caused by faulty polling but by a genuine change in people’s attitudes between when the polls were conducted and Referendum Day. Moreover, if you look at the YouGov poll conducted on the day of the election, it was only 1% off the actual result and Kellner actually cites the Scottish referendum as a YouGov success story, saying it shows a “very good record of accuracy.”

On this subject of accuracy, the big debate in polling circles recently has been on whether polls are more accurate when conducted via telephone or online. YouGov have placed themselves squarely in the latter camp, conducting their polls online, where they have a panel of 400,000 British people to choose from. Whilst Kellner accepts that online polling is not the method for every poll, he sees it as preferable in most cases since “in commercial terms, online is a faster and cheaper thing to do. Then the question is, ‘Can you get as good a sample?’ to which the answer is yes. More than 80% of people now have access to the Internet and to become part of the panel, they complete a detailed questionnaire about themselves. Therefore, when we select people to take part in a survey, we are able to do it in a much more sophisticated and fine-grained way to represent the population as a whole.” He also points out that response rates to telephone polls have been dismal in recent years, reaching into the single digits in the USA.

Whilst the Scottish referendum is behind us, one of the most interesting things about interviewing one the UK’s top pollsters is finding out what he thinks lies ahead. He has already published widely on his thoughts on the 2015 General Election, arguing that the uncertainty surrounding UKIP and the Liberal Democrats make the election impossible to predict, but that a dead heat between Labour and the Conservatives in a hung parliament is likely. However, I picked his brain on some of the less well-covered upcoming elections.

Luckily for him, he hit the first prediction I asked for on the nail, namely the results of the fiercely anticipated Clacton by-election. He said that he “would be astonished if Douglas Carswell did not win Clacton quite comfortably,” a view proven by Carswell’s whooping great victory there, gaining 59.7% of the vote. Yet, the by-election is but the beginning of an intriguing narrative arc in British politics, namely the trajectory of UKIP and, in particular, the Conservative MPs who have defected to it. Indeed, the next by-election, the one to be held in Rochester and Strood on the 6th of November, is by far the more interesting one. For whilst Carswell has an immensely strong personal following and thus Clacton can be seen as an outlier, Mark Reckless does not, thereby making the race much closer and a potential UKIP victory there all the more significant. Hearteningly for UKIP, Kellner is predicting a UKIP win, albeit a closer one, “As for Rochester, I would expect Reckless to hold it, but it is quite interesting that the Tories seem to have their gander up on Rochester and are going to make more of a fist of it.” But that is not the end of the story. For Kellner also predicts that whilst Reckless might win Rochester in the by-election, the battle there in May 2015 could be “very close indeed”.

It seemed natural, after so much talk of UKIP, to broach the topic of the potential European referendum in 2017. On this, Kellner proved to be intriguing. For him, David Cameron seemed to be the key, as such a referendum would only happen in a world where the Conservatives won the next election and thus Cameron remained as Prime Minister. In such a world, the result would depend on the outcomes of Cameron’s attempts at renegotiation: “As long as Cameron comes back and says ‘I have protected vital interests and I recommend a vote to stay in,’ the UK will stay in. If Cameron comes back and says, ‘I failed to get a suitable deal and we will leave,’ then I think it is going to be very tight.” According to Kellner, the polling evidences the importance he places on David Cameron. The key demographic in determining the election is a particular type of Tory voter who, although sceptical about Europe, would “toe the line if their leader said so.” And indeed, his overall prediction is that it will be a vote to stay in the EU,on the back of Cameron returning from his negotiations with a good deal he can sell to the electorate.

I came away from my conversation with Kellner conscious of a man who saw his profession more as a vocation. For him, the provision of accurate representations of public opinion, for the information of politicians and normal people alike, is an essential element and one that he is determined to provide. In that sense, he is a man on a mission. 

Owen Jones, The Establishment and why he might have a point

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Since the publication of Chavs in 2011, Owen Jones, now a columnist for The Guardian and an internationally bestselling author, has been on the rise. Placed 7th in The Daily Telegraph’s ‘Top 100 most influential left-wingers’ list last year, the paper suggested, “He gets more media than the whole Labour front bench put together” — having witnessed Jones in action, it’s not difficult to see why. He “may have the face of a baby and the voice of George Formby,” in the words of comedian-cum-activist Russell Brand, but he is intensely charismatic — energetic, sharp and good humoured. It’s no wonder the cameras love him.

So yes, I might have a small crush on Jones — did the sycophantic introduction give it away? But readers will have to trust that my reverence doesn’t stretch to the extent that my assessment of his second book, The Establishment: And how they get away with it, is unduly biased in his favour. 

The core message of The Establishment is simple: an unaccountable, unchallenged wealthy elite, united in a shared neoliberal ideology, lies at the heart of British democracy. Members of this elite include media moguls, Westminster politicians, City financiers and senior members the police. This elite acts to undermine or ‘manage’ democracy in a bid to further their own private interests at public expense. What we need, Jones concludes, is a “democratic revolution” to shift the ‘Overton Window’ — the boundaries of acceptable political debate — to a place where demands for a society run in the interest of the majority are in the mainstream.

The reaction to Jones in the press has been unsurprising, given that many journalists themselves were branded in the book as card-carrying members of this “shadowy and labyrinthine” network. Paul Staines at The Spectator was unimpressed with his “partisan history”, Phillip Hensher from The Independent claims that the “author has little innate understanding of human nature”, while freelance journalist Christopher Snowdon, writing for the IEA’s blog, insists that Jones’ “definition of the Establishment is so broad as to be meaningless.” All in all, pretty damning stuff.

However, what is lacking in these public responses is any real engagement with the core issues Jones raises. Hensher, for instance, doesn’t understand what all the fuss is about, “People know each other! They hang out with each other!” is how he describes the system of social networks that connect the various strands of the Establishment, arguing that there “is no more a sinister Establishment among politicians and money men than there is among DJs on the club scene”. Except that it is so much more sinister. Sure, MPs can have friends, but it’s fair to raise an eyebrow when the Prime Minister is having Christmas dinner with the man who owns an international media empire. The Press exist to hold the government to account; when the media and the government are in cahoots it is quite clear that there is little hope of that accountability. 

Snowdon, too, is wide of the mark with his criticism of Jones’ chapter on the police. Believing that Jones has attempted to link “the Hillsborough cover up”, “the first Stephen Lawrence prosecution” and “the death of Ian Tomlinson” all to a devotion to “Hayekian economics” in politics, Snowdon misses the clearly stated and more simple argument, that the police “enforce a form of law that cracks down on the misdemeanors of the poor but which, as a general rule, defends the powerful”. The use of Public Order Acts and undercover officers to crack down on anti-establishment protestors (anyone remember ‘‘Occupy’?) are a testament to this fact. The cases of Hillsborough, Lawrence and Tomlinson are reflections of an attitude of contempt toward those at the bottom of the social ladder — attitudes demonstrative of the Establishment.

Though clearly not an exhaustive defense of Jones, the cases above do demonstrate how liable Jones is to misinterpretation. The reason for being commonly misunderstood, I think, is simple — too few people take Jones seriously; commentators are lazy about critiquing his work. They see a fiery left-wing polemicist and so hear fiery left-wing polemics regardless of what is really being said – that Hensher claims Jones’ views are “absolutely predictable” is especially telling, indicative of prejudicial treatment.

Oxford, springboard for the establishment, especially needs to avoid this pitfall if it is to produce a generation less fixated on personal gain and more with public interest. Those with political, financial or journalistic ambitions (PPEists take note) should not write off Jones as some left-wing loon, and the Establishment as some illusory nightmare he’s concocted to sell his books. They must engage with his assessment of this nebulous network if they are to avoid becoming part of it. Jones was himself an Oxford undergraduate once upon a time — so who knows, maybe there is hope for us all.

Why bother with celebrity artists?

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Why is it that, as a society, we seem to assume that talent in one artistic sphere will naturally lend itself to another? This question is most relevant when considering the recent trend of celebrities involving themselves with the art world. While it has always been common for notable public figures to acquire art collections, it is a recent phenomenon for them to seek to produce works of their own.

With highly varying commercial and critical success, celebrities such as Sylvester Stallone, Tony Curtis, Frank Sinatra, Paul McCartney, Ringo Starr, Bob Dylan, Joni Mitchell, Johnny Cash and Ronnie Wood have turned their hands to painting. London’s West End galleries are full of prints by such figures, none of them affordably priced. Indeed, some Ronnie Wood lithographs have price tags of over £3,000. For that price one could acquire a couple of Joan Miró prints.

When examining this trend, it is, however, important not to dismiss such painters out of hand, due to the assumption that their talent is necessarily consigned to only one artistic sphere. Bob Dylan, for example, has had his work exhibited at the National Portrait Gallery where it garnered a great deal of praise. While there can always be found critics keen to deride such figures’ efforts, this is not a viewpoint that one should necessarily immediately adopt.

Instead, one must question why such figures are increasingly drawn to the art world. Although amateur painting has a long tradition, it is likely that the first true ‘celebrity’ painter was Sir Winston Churchill. A prolific artist throughout his life, it was only after the Second World War, and the accompanying admiration from a grateful nation, that his paintings truly gained in popularity and became highly prized. It is within this example that the reason for why celebrities are becoming artists can be found.

Art has become the newest, most highly prized collectable. In the Victorian era, hair was collected. A lock of hair from, say, the Duke of Wellington was the most desirable collectable possible. To have such an item on display in one’s home was an indication of the owner’s prestige, wealth and, by proxy, the attributes of the person from which it came. This now applies to art. While Sylvester Stallone’s paintings may be highly appreciated by some, it is principally collected because its creator is an iconic figure. To those who, for whatever reasons, admire Stallone, such an item is a further indication of the respect they afford him while, in turn, an acquisition of prestige from ownership. It‘s certainly a strange kind of prestige.

Loading the Canon: Gerald Durrell

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You may have heard the name before. It may register dimly as something a parent or uncle once mentioned. You may have seen the recent and wonderful BBC production My Family And Other Animals and wondered what else this Durrell fellow wrote. The idea that this man was once one of the most popular British writers may seem far-fetched, overshadowed as he is now by his more famous brother, Lawrence Durrell (of whom you may also not have heard).

Durrell’s works are not of great literary value in and of themselves. They push no boundaries of taste or propriety, but remain wryly funny and solidly British. What Durrell did, though, was push conservation into the public eye from the 1950s onwards.

Durrell, as founder of Jersey Zoo and the Durrell Wildlife Conservation Trust, went around the world collecting endangered animals for preservation and later re-population. His books detailed the journeys spent locating, capturing, and looking after a vast array of animals from different areas.

My Family and Other Animals, then, as the earliest in setting of Durrell’s books, is worthy of far more respect than it currently gets. It radiates charm, enthusiasm, and interest in all living creatures, and draws comparisons between the variation of animals and the weirdness of Durrell’s family. Durrell’s true talent is in his ability to treat creatures with the same level of respect and observation as he does humans. His keen-eyed sketches of the wildlife he encounters imbue the world itself with character, and the result is that a generation of readers began to feel that conservation of wildlife habitats, prevention of poaching, and the development of zoos that aim to help endangered species survive were all important issues.

Gerald Durrell was not a sophisticated writer, but he was an important one. He unceremoniously hauled the unfashionable natural world into the public eye in a post-war world which largely just wanted to lick its wounds.
Durrell’s books, in helping maintain the earth’s diversity, are, without a shadow of a doubt, canonical. It is time for a new generation to discover him.

The return to Twin Peaks

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This week saw the culmination of 20 years of anticipation, as David Lynch and Mark Frost, creators of the cult television programme Twin Peaks, announced its return for a limited series in 2016. Originally running from 1990 to 1991, the show has recently ridden a resurgent wave of popularity, buoyed by its availability on American Netflix, coinciding with the onset of 90s nostalgia. Suddenly, the mysteries of Laura Palmer, the young woman whose body washes ashore downstream of her town, the titular American idyll, were back in the zeitgeist. But in our modern age of instant gratification, are audiences ready to return to the enigmatic town of Twin Peaks, whose woods hold more mysteries than they do answers?

Whilst Laura Palmer’s mysterious death was the hook that pulled in its initial audience, it was never the show’s raison d’être. Twin Peaks toyed with its audience, alternately engaging and unnerving them. It was part soap, part noir, part horror movie, and wholly fascinating. Audiences were introduced to FBI Special Agent Cooper, who arrived in Twin Peaks to investigate Palmer’s death.

As he crossed paths with the town’s inhabitants, from high school femme fatale Audrey Horne, to the disturbed Log Lady, a soap opera cast emerged from the mystery, albeit one filtered through its creators’ twisted lens. The beguiling mix of avant-garde imagery, challenging ideas and soapy theatrics, found in the show’s cliffhangers and revolving door cast of long lost relatives, proved irresistible. And so the central mystery receded into the background, just another reminder of the darkness lurking around the town’s edges.

The show was a massive hit. Unlike anything previously attempted on television, it took the vision of a great American auteur from the art houses, and placed it in America’s living rooms. It was like nothing the masses had seen before. Dark, twisted, and pulpy, the show, like all of Lynch’s strongest work, delved into the psychosexual rot beneath the facade of American domesticity. The nation was hooked. In a time before the cable channel explosion of recent years, the show dominated conversation, regularly pulling in over 20 million viewers. Its young cast found themselves on the cover of Rolling Stone, on talk shows and red carpets. It was a phenomenon – and yet it fizzled in the blink of an eye.

The show’s grand ambition was both its greatest strength and its fatal flaw. From Blue Velvet to Mulholland Drive, Lynch’s work is marked by a fascination with mysteries, rather than their solutions. Laura Palmer’s murder was never meant to be solved. But the show’s bosses felt this inappropriate for the long-form medium of television, where viewers’ interest must be retained for weeks on end.

They forced Lynch and Frost to solve the case midway though the second season, and the show never recovered. The resolution came too quickly, too clumsily, and the show floundered without a backbone. Ratings slid, and the show was cancelled after only two years. That Lynch would follow up the show with the misguided big screen adaptation Twin Peaks: Fire Walk With Me, both a prequel and sequel to the show, further tarnished Twin Peaks’ once-sterling reputation. And so a cultural behemoth limped its way out of the spotlight.

But now the show is preparing to return, yet questions still remain about where it will fit in a television landscape so vastly different from the show’s heyday, when audiences had access to only a small handful of channels. Will Twin Peaks finally get the elusive Lynch back behind a camera? Will new fans lose interest waiting between episodes, when they’re so used to watching them all in one go? Can Twin Peaks stand out against the strength of today’s programming, even whilst these new shows are steeped in its DNA? That the series is planned to be a one-off event suggests a definitive end, a solution to a mystery. Isn’t that what went wrong the first time around?

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Review: Gone Girl

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★★★★☆
Four Stars

There is a scene in David Fincher’s latest movie, Gone Girl, that will make you spit out your popcorn, nachos, or whatever other high-calorie comfort food is typical of your soft, bourgeois life. Thanks to Fincher’s habit of making very long films, by the time this scene comes around you will have spent a good two hours wondering if, perhaps just this once, he has chosen subject matter that doesn’t live up to his usual gritty standard. Then a bottle of wine, an attempted rape and a pair of box cutters are thrown into the mix and you remember that this man’s mind produced the likes of Se7en and Fight Club, and wonder how you could have been lulled, once again, into such a false sense of security.

This scene is a good litmus test when it comes to the tone of the whole movie. Gone Girl, as the title suggests, begins as a movie ostensibly about an apparently normal middle-class Missouri couple played by Ben Affleck and Rosamund Pike, until the latter goes missing, leaving nothing but signs of a violent struggle which all point to her husband as her killer. It’s hard to say more without giving any of the numerous twists and revelations away, but as anyone who has read the original source material will know (the book is an adaptation of Gillian Flynn’s 2012 novel of the same name), very little is as it seems.

Fincher is lucky in that the material he’s working with is rich. In Ben Affleck and Rosamund Pike, he has two reliable and experienced actors who bring multifaceted characters to life with almost disturbing ease. When Affleck’s character, Nick, appears initially not to care about his wife’s disappearance, one can’t help but partially join in with the baying media who all scream “He did it!” Happily, too, the eponymous girl is hardly gone for most of the film thanks to flashbacks looking at the breakdown of her marriage and eventual vanishing. Pike gives what turns from a standard performance as a perfect trophy wife and all-American poster girl into a far less sympathetic, calculating survivor, and makes the viewer wonderfully uneasy during every one of her scenes. These performances couple perfectly with Trent Reznor’s delightfully chilling soundtrack. Reznor, of Nine Inch Nails fame, brings the same industrial, pulsing beat to the film that he did on previous Fincher collaborations like The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo and The Social Network, with the ever-present ambience going from ponderous to terrifying in a matter of seconds. 

The movie is too slow-paced at the beginning. Whilst Fincher does well to set up the illusion of a happy marriage, a good twenty to thirty minutes could be cut from the beginning of Gone Girl with little loss of quality. The director does up to fifty takes when shooting a scene, and the obvious perfectionism means much is included that needn’t be. The dialogue also suffers from some sort of buddy-cop syndrome; every character is cynical in the extreme, and they all talk to one another like they’re starring in a police procedural. Of course, in the case of the cop characters this makes sense (they are starring in a police procedural), but when Nick’s sister tells him early in the movie to go home and “fuck his wife’s brains out” with a totally straight face, you wish that there could be at least someone around who doesn’t speak with total snark by default.

Ultimately, the flaws in the movie are disguised by layer upon layer of intrigue. The message that no-one really knows anyone around them until placed in an extreme situation is an old one, but this is no mindless rehashing of the likes of Gaspar Noé’s Irréversible or even Fincher’s own Dragon Tattoo, even where comparisons with the sexual violence of either film are valid. Instead, Gone Girl builds at a steady, even pace before exploding into a disturbing look at human psychology and the dynamics of power and manipulation. It is David Fincher at his fucked-up best.

Ashmolean Director’s 16 Years of Success

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There are two directors in the Ashmolean when I arrive: Dr. Sturgis, the new man, took over on October 1st; but it is Professor Christopher Brown, art historian, who has occupied the post for sixteen extremely successful years who I am here to see.

Brown’s interest in the history of art began at school when, in 1964, he became fascinated with Goya after an exhibition at the Royal Academy. Despite this early interest, he ended up at St. Catherine’s, Oxford, studying History. “While I was doing my History degree here,” Brown recalls, “I attended classes given by a very remarkable Belgian scholar called Delaissé, Bob Delaissé, who was at All Souls and taught a post-graduate diploma in the History of Art. I was bewitched by him, and bewitched by the subject, which was early Netherlandish painting and manuscript illumination.”

After completing Delaissé’s year-long diploma, Brown was inspired to continue his studies, registering for an MPhil at the Courtauld Institute.

However, it was at this point, at the young age of 23, that he was offered a job at the National Gallery. “So I went there, and was very fortunate to get that job, as the Curator of Dutch and Flemish paintings, because frankly at that moment I didn’t know much about Dutch and Flemish paintings, except for the year that I’d done at Oxford. But in those days, appointments were made more on promise than achievement.”

Brown’s promise paid off, as he eventually became Chief Curator in 1989. Nine years later, he moved to the Ashmolean, which he describes as “the most important museum of art and archaeology outside London in the country”.

At an interview for the job, Brown made it clear what he thought was the key issue for the Ashmolean “Was the University willing and keen to open up the museum, show the collections to a much broader public than had been the case, and bring the museum into the 20th, if not the 21st, Century?”
This desire to democratize the museum as an institution has defined Brown’s career. “I’ve always had a deep belief in the public importance of museums,” he enthuses. “They are great public educational institutions. I think it’s interesting to compare for example how Florentines use the Uffizi or how Parisians use the Louvre — which are both charging museums, of course — and how Londoners use the National Gallery. I think the great joy of a free museum is that you can drop in for relatively short periods of time. Between trains at Charing Cross, you pop over to the National Gallery and look at Pierro della Francesca’s Baptism, which is of course one of the very greatest works of art in the entire world.

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“I think that the way people used museums in 1971 and the way they use them today is entirely different. People now treat museum-visiting as a very important part of life and a very ordinary part of life. Going to a museum now is in a sense a very natural activity. It’s not something that you have to get dressed up for, and put in your diary months ahead. You think of going to museums as part of everyday life.”

Indeed, statistics show that more people now visit museums every year than go to football matches, and although one might think of a football crowd as far removed from the Ashmolean’s target audience, Brown stresses the importance of attracting people from all backgrounds. “We have made real efforts here to attract audiences who do not naturally go to exhibitions. We’ve gone to particular trouble to do that, with, I think, some success.”
So it seems as if the importance of the museum, especially in Britain, is growing rapidly. “I think that the key to it is that museums are essentially educational institutions. You find out about your own history, and about many different cultures. To understand other cultures by their artefacts is something which, surely, we must all, in our joined-up world, try to do.”

In sixteen years, the Ashmolean has gone from 200,000 visitors a year to a million, and Brown attributes this success primarily to the £61m worth of rebuilding that he oversaw shortly after taking the job.

“I remember when we topped out the building [in 2008], which was an extraordinary moment. It was pouring with rain, and when you top out, of course, you don’t have a roof, so it was quite a damp occasion. But it was very exciting. The Vice Chancellor performed the ceremony, but then I spoke to the assembled throng, and there was a real sense of excitement as the building went up.”

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The Ashmolean in its current form is of course an iconic sight not only to Oxford students, but to countless others, and Professor Brown’s achievement in bringing it to its current level of popularity as the most-visited museum in the country outside London is truly staggering.

Review: ’71

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★★★★☆
Four Stars

As the lights went up, there was no sound from the sea of harrowed faces around me, and that perfectly sums up ’71, a highly accomplished film debut from director Yann Demange that follows Gary Hook, a young English soldier deployed to Belfast for riot control at the height of the Troubles in 1971. It is a gritty, uncompromising piece of cinema that follows the horrifying experiences of Hook as he is left behind by his platoon and must navigate the hostile streets of Belfast pursued by Catholic Nationalists who want him dead.

After opening with a bloody boxing match, the punches keep on coming, with brutal violence and frequent use of shaky cam – each as nauseating as the other. It is in essence, though, a true thriller, with chilling tension maintained through long scenes of quiet and a sense that there is immediate danger around every corner.

’71 sets itself up as a Northern Irish period piece, but it quickly becomes apparent that, despite the accents and some brief lessons in cultural history, it is a film about the nature of war much more generally. Hook has no specific grievance with either side in the conflict, but he falls victim to the cultural divisions of the country in which he is stranded.

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There is a superb interaction between Hook and a young Protestant boy who can’t believe that Hook doesn’t know to what religion he belongs, or why, being from Derby, he should dislike Nottingham, which says a lot about the confused motivations of any faction to fight another that is common to most conflict. Some characters are terrified to help Gary because he is a British soldier but do so anyway, again questioning what really divides people.

A key theme of the film is the effect of war on young men. Though we discover little about Gary’s home-life, he and his brother seem to have been raised in a care-home, and there is no mention of their parents, so they must look after each other. Lost and disoriented in Belfast, Gary is reduced to such a level of innocent immaturity and solitude that he ends up being led around the city by a child who, while scarily hardy to violence and street-life, is also endearingly still young enough to be impressed at meeting a soldier.

Gary’s most direct Irish counterpart is a young man of similar age called Sean – masterfully portrayed in a truly chilling turn by Barry Keoghan – who is affected by events of the war just as tragically as Gary, linking them by age even though their decisions are very different.

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In an ensemble of great performances – Sean Harris is very powerful, to name just one – Jack O’Connell, combining the emotion he showed in TV drama United with the gritty determination from last year’s Starred Up, elevates the character of Gary Hook and enables him to hold centre-screen throughout. It is a role that doesn’t involve much dialogue, because Hook is often either alone or hiding his accent from those around him. However, frequent close-ups of O’Connell reveal a fantastic range of facial and bodily expressions that build a fantastically nuanced character without the need for many words.

Some scenes of prolonged rioting can feel almost too much like real footage to fit in with the rest of the film, and the conclusion of Gary and Sean’s story arc is perhaps a little predictable, but these are small grievances.

’71 does everything it needs to and more to create a thriller that seldom loosens its grip on the audience and is also a worthy war film, combining some of the moody build-up of wartime landscape of Apocalypse Now with the documentary-like immersion of The Hurt Locker to offer a new perspective on war and the life of young soldiers in an army that claims to “look after their own” but falls short of the needs of many.