Thursday 9th April 2026
Blog Page 1309

Protests at Exeter over OSFL abortion panel event

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Oxford Students for Life held a controversial panel event at Exeter College on Wednesday, attracting protesters from across Oxford University. Around 20 students turned out on the evening of the event to express their opposition to the event taking place in the College. Exeter College refused to cancel the event, however, citing concerns over freedom of speech.

The pro-life event, entitled ‘Pro-life feminism: A panel discussion’ is part of OSFL’s ‘3rd Week focus on pro-life feminism’ and featured a panel of five female speakers discussing why they are both feminist and pro-life. The all-female panel featured a paediatrician, a qualified solicitor, a Rhodes Schola r, a trainee teacher, and a charity fundraiser explaining how they came to support a pro-life stance, and how they find a pro-life ethos to be compatible with their feminism.

The panel was organised after a peer supporter at Exeter booked the College room. Despite calls from some, including students who had themselves had abortions, to have the event cancelled, College offi cials decided to proceed.

A peaceful protest against the event was organised by Alice Nutting and Ella Richards, both English students at the College. The protest’s Facebook event stated that whilst OSFL were entitled to hold the discussion, Exeter College had a duty of care toward students and staff , which includes not making them feel uncomfortable in their home.

Protestors proceeded to gather outside the Saskatchewan Room where the discussion was being held and made paper fl owers with pro-choice statements and expressions of discontent written on them.

Before the event, Alice Nutting told Cherwell, “I’ve organised this protest as I want college to be a safe place for all those who’ve had an abortion – we’re here, we’ve made fl owers and we’re out in solidarity for all those who’ve had to have an abortion. We’ll be asking questions and making our views known.”

Many of the protestors attended the discussion, using the Q&A session to question the pro-life views of the panel. All bar one of the questions asked came from pro-choice protesters.

Ella Richards commented, “We decided to organise the protest because we were really uncomfortable about the prospect of an antiabortion group holding a meeting at a place which is ultimately a home for a lot of people. One in three women in the UK will have an abortion before they are 45; statistically there will be students, staff , and fellows who have been personally aff ected by abortion in some way.”

The event was also attended by many pro-life advocates, including a Sacristan at Pusey House, Guy Jackson, who told Cherwell, “A lot of people seem to assume that being pro-woman means being pro-choice as well. It was refreshing to hear from women who disagree.”

On its website, OSFL claims that it is a nonsectarian group dedicated to “promoting a culture of life at the University and in the wider community, advocating the protection of human life and dignity from conception to natural death”.

The society holds regular pro-life events which have attracted signifi cant attention in the past. Last term, OSFL had planned a debate between historian and writer Timothy Stanley and journalist Brendan O’Neill at Christ Church entitled ‘This House believes Britain’s Abortion Culture Hurts Us All’. After a large protest was organised by OxRevFems, the debate was deemed a “security issue” and ultimately abandoned. O’Neill described the protestors as “the new enemies of free speech”.

After this week’s event, a member of OSFL told Cherwell, “Last night was less about winning arguments than about having a sensitive and responsible discussion of the complex issue of abortion, and we were grateful to the pro-choice audience members who came along and contributed. In their diff erent ways, our five speakers all offered hope that we can build a society which values both women and the unborn.”

Emily Watson, a panel member, told Cherwell, “It’s wonderful to see dialogue being enabled around the important issue of abortion. It’s a serious issue that deserves attention, and a university like Oxford is a great place to discuss why more young people are declaring themselves pro-life.”

However, Richards responded, “We would still have preferred that the discussion was not held in a college and we are pleased that the College is now working out a system so that events like this don’t occur in future.”

A film night was organised by the JCR for students who wanted to avoid the tense atmosphere around the debate. The JCR Executive and Exeter College declined to comment on their decision to allow the booking of the room and the discussion to proceed.

Two anonymous testimonies from Exeter students who have had abortions were submitted to Cherwell. They can be read below:

Person A

I had an abortion whilst in my first year at Exeter. I couldn’t see how this event was in the academic or welfare interests of students; I couldn’t understand why the event had been advertised at other colleges but not at Exeter. I expressed these concerns to College.

The event went ahead. After peacefully protesting outside, I went in to hear their views. The talk began with them stating that the event was not a debate; we were simply to hear the opinions of the pro-life speakers, and there could be questions at the end.

Some what the speakers said was surprising. One speaker spoke of how abortion clinics in the USA “target” people, specifically “Black and Hispanic communities”. When, at the end, I asked how a clinic can “target” someone – does it hunt them down, get them pregnant, and force them to have an abortion? – members of the panel expressed the view that abortion in the USA was introduced as a form of “eugenics” aimed at controlling the Black and Hispanic population, and that the preponderance of abortion clinics in Black and Hispanic neighborhoods today is evidence of that campaign of “black genocide”.

I defend the rights of women to be able to choose abortion. I defend the rights of Pro-Lifers to disagree with me. Sadly, though, the event did very little for free speech, and even less for the Pro-Life cause.

Person B

As someone who had an abortion less than a month ago, I was deeply distressed to find that my own College, who had been made aware of my abortion at the time, decided to allow the event to occur – especially when I, along with others, expressed serious welfare concerns to the College.

We held a peaceful, well-attended protest outside, writing positive, pro-choice feminist messages on origami flowers that talk attendees had to walk past. We then decided to go in and hear the panel’s views on ‘pro-life feminism’.

Expecting discussion based on the concept that life begins at birth, instead the panel said some productive things about improving help for young single mothers, but balanced out any positivity with anecdotal evidence and claims such as: feminists should consider that abortion deprives men of fatherhood; some abortion clinics offer women no other advice and pressure women into abortion; and, moreover, that the panel wished to give women “more options”, but still wanted to abolish abortion.

I found out later that the student from Exeter that booked the room did so believing that it was for a talk on increasing support for single young mothers, which was clearly not what it ended up being. I would have preferred that the talk was not held where I live, sleep and work, and I’m glad that in response a system is now being put in place by College to not allow this to occur again. In the meantime, attending the debate and hearing just how spurious, unfounded and frankly libellous much of what the pro-life speakers said made me have hope that their cause will go no further.

Bali’s Beauty

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Monumental art: Donatello’s St George

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Art is often seen as inaccessible. It is either seen as being too far removed to be relatable or too abstract for comprehension. However, if correctly studied we can get to the centre of fantastic pieces, opening up a new centre for understanding – and garnering an impressive art knowledge. Donatello’s seminal sculpture St George is a perfect example of how this can be achieved.

You might think it’s simply a knight; a masterfully sculpted one, admittedly, but still simply a knight. However, if you pause and let your eyes linger on him, allowing yourself to know more about it, it becomes clear that he is much more than that.

There is so much more to works of art like this, but in order to appreciate something fully we have to highlight the aspects that one might oversee when looking at it and then add elements from its context that help us appreciate the statue a bit more.

Donatello’s St. George, (marble, free-standing statue, 1417) is a landmark piece in art historical terms, considered the first free standing statue of early Renaissance sculpture, where the Renaissance and its attention to realism emerge and overcome the rigid and frontal representation of the medieval. The statue is astonishing for its natural pose, the figure’s carefully individualised features, its meditative and determinate expression – and its clothing – rendered in the greatest detail. In St George, we see not only the intention to represent every possible detail – cloth, metal, leather, flesh, and hair – as closely to reality as possible, but also the fulfilment of that intention.

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Donatello manages to make us think that we are looking at a variety of different materials, when in fact the only thing that makes the statue is marble. Giorgio Vasari, the famous Sixteenth Century writer of the lives of Italian artists, remarks about the statue, “Life itself seems to be stirring vigorously within the stone…it had never been seen in modern statues yet.”

To visit St George, you must to go to the National Museum of Bargello in Florence (which is worth visiting for plenty of other pieces of amazing sculpture anyway). The original location of this work, though, was the Church of Orsanmichele, where all the guilds of the city had their own statue. More specifically, St George was the patron of armourers, hence the prominence of its shield and armour, and the deliberate emphasis on his virtues as a warrior.

That butchers, merchants, and shoemakers all had a statue symbolising their (profane) activity in a sacred space should not cause surprise in the context of how religion permeated every aspect of daily life in the Fifteenth Century.When we start to understand that art is not simply the representation of something is represented also matters, for the subject is always intimately linked with its context and time. When examined in this way, art gives us a glimpse of how people from totally different times perceived the world. 

The new counter-terrorism bill is a threat to free speech

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One of the unfortunate side-effects of free speech is that students endlessly waffle about its parameters, and who or what we should ban from campus. Despite all the recent debates, students still seem to have missed the coming of the new Counter-terrorism Bill, which could see your tutor forced to spy on you and report any ‘radicalisation’ to the Home Office.

In the bill, universities have a legal duty to prevent people being drawn into ‘extremism’, and the Home Office will be able to get court orders to enforce compliance. This means if your society books a controversial speaker, especially one opposed to the prevailing political consensus, the University may be legally obliged to shut down the debate. The risk of this is particularly high for Islamic speakers, those who are critical of US and UK foreign policy, and activists on sensitive topics like Palestine.

The potential impact of such legislation is limitless, as our tutors may have to decide what ‘extremism’ entails. The former Vice-Chancellor of Salford University asked whether the new obligation could be “used against opponents of fracking or any radical opposition to the status quo?” The answer is a definitive yes. The state has already used existing powers to monitor groups like Cambridge Defend Education.

There has been some pushback already. Students’ unions at UCL, LSE, Queen Mary’s, SOAS, KCL, Cardiff and Kingston have been submitting emergency motions to take a stand against the bill. The University and Colleges’ Union has put out a briefing, while the NUS has stated its opposition in clear terms.

Controversial views should be heard and contested. The government should not have an undefined power to ban ‘extremists’, which could prohibit anything from Israeli Apartheid Week to a debate on the role of armed resistance in international law. If you got angry when Brendan O’Neill was prevented from speaking in an abortion debate because of a Cuntry Living-inspired demonstration, imagine if it had been the state doing that.

Next time it could be. But it won’t be the likes of Brendan O’Neill being banned: it will be ‘the usual suspects’ and victims of government counter-terror policy: Muslim students and those who challenge the status quo.

Loading the Canon: When God Looked the Other Way

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Last week, as all eyes turned to Poland and the many events taking place as part of Holocaust Memorial Day, it became more apparent that there is a part of Polish WWII history which is often overlooked in the shadow of the Holocaust. More than two weeks after Nazi Germany’s attack on September 1st, Poland was also invaded from the east by Soviet Russia. The country was essentially sold and condemned to years of oppression, with much of the Polish intelligentsia sent to the inhumane lands of Siberia, the work camps at Auschwitz, or the eerily silent woods of Katyn, from which they were never to return. Though Auschwitz stands as a living reminder of the injustices of Nazi oppression, many forget about the near 20,000 Polish military officers, professors, doctors, lawyers and the clergy who were killed by the Soviet secret police, the NKVD, in the forests of Katyn, Kharkiv, Mednoye, Bykovnia and Ostashkov.

Yet this is not a memory which will be forsaken lightly. Wesley Adamczyk’s When God Looked the Other Way is a gripping memoir of his family’s exile into the inhumane barren wastes of Kazahstan and subsequent escape to British occupied Iran. It is a book which gives voice to the thousands of victims of Soviet barbarism; crimes which have only recently begun to surface. Not only does it illuminate one of the darkest periods of European history, offering a stark picture of the terrors of Communism, it also traces the loss of innocence of its young protagonist, the intimate depiction of hope and sheer desire to live which ultimately guided his family to safety, though not without a price to be paid. His story is that of a boyhood lived in unspeakable circumstances, struggling not to succumb to the exhaustion, hunger, disease, and displacement which stripped so many of their dignity before depriving them of their lives.

Although it’s perhaps easy to dismiss this novel as just another of many written on the war, I would urge you to resist this temptation. It is so much more than just that. It is “history with a human face”, as it has been described by Andrew Beichman of the Washington Times. Adamczyk’s prose is unpretentious, his language accessible, seeking only to capture the frightful reality, without pretence or flourish. Yet what it achieves is not only an intensely moving account of this forgotten period of history, of war crimes for which the Soviet government has only recently admitted culpability.

To some extent, Adamczyk manages to return honour to the families wrested from their homes and deported many miles east where many perished unnamed and forgotten. Lest we forget, I invite you all to read this chronicle of the immense human atrocity which has yet to receive its historical due. 

Debate: should faith be kept private?

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Yes

Anonymous

Religion can be very divisive precisely because people hold different religions to be true. If you are Christian you cannot be a Muslim; if you are Jewish you cannot be a Sikh. It is a way in which people define themselves in opposition to others; Christian versus heathen, Jew versus Gentile, Muslim versus infidel.

A religious worldview is one that divides the world into ‘us’ and them’. This isn’t a discussion about whether you have the right to express your religion in public. It’s a question of whether you should.
“Expressing your religion” is evidently a vague term, used to justify a variety of practices varying from public readings and religious education, to extremism and bigotry. Take, for example, religious schools. A child who goes to a religious school may arguably receive a one-dimensional view of society.

Drawing on my own experiences, I have found that the administration of religious schools has little problem putting the ethos of the school before the education and wellbeing of their students. These schools are places where homosexuality can be demonised, awareness of other religions can be non-existent, and sex education is minimal. Children are impressionable and likely to accept what they are told by a person in a position of authority, like a teacher.

It is often true that the best education is to be found at a religious school, to the point where parents feel the need to fake religious commitment to give their children the best chance. Notice the number of families whose children are aged 9-11, attend church for two years, get into the school of their choice, and never return.

Wearing religious symbols is a more difficult affair altogether. When it comes to religious symbols in public, we should remember that the question is not whether such expression should be legal, but whether it is a good idea. Wearing something as seemingly insignificant as a crucifix in a public role is important because you represent a religion in whose name much harm has been done historically. One’s public display of religious affiliation
may, for that reason, be a source of discomfort or unease to others. No one should feel uncomfortable in a school or a hospital.

Religion becomes dangerous when it is more than a private matter. Currently, there is in hospitals what some might perceive as a discrepancy in uniform policy: Christian staff are not allowed to wear crucifixes, but Muslim staff are allowed to wear headscarves. Rather than pitting religious groups against each other, all staff must be treated equally through a policy of total neutrality.

For those religious people for whom public expression is an integral part of their faith, the question remains as to why such proselytising is necessary. Surely it speaks to the insecurity of a religious group that it feels that the only way to preserve its role in society is to shove its beliefs down the throat of an unsuspecting populace. Public preaching is rarely effective – if a person feels like something is missing in their lives, they will do their own research. The Internet provides an infinite resource for the religiously curious. Yelling apocalyptic messages in the street will, if anything, put people off, and only exacerbates the tensions between different groups.
In a free society, everyone should have the legal right to express their beliefs. But whether they should do so is another question. Some particular forms of expression do more harm than good.

No

Josh Peppiatt

Don’t you just hate it when people try to impose their faith on you? Isn’t it offensive and arrogant to assume you have the answers and try to share your own faith with others? Shouldn’t faith be kept private?

In 4th Week, the Christian Union are holding a week of talks for Oxford students named ‘Uncover’, which seeks to explore some of the biggest questions of life and faith, and the answers Jesus gives to those questions. Should this week be condemned as offensive, or should it be welcomed?

To start with, I would argue that sometimes, Christians share their faith in an offensive way, without listening or trying to understand other people’s positions, or being arrogant and trying to score intellectual points. If you have experienced this, I want to apologise, as this is not how we are called to live in view of the faith we profess. All people are valued by God and are therefore worthy of respect.

However, I would like to suggest that we all have a way of seeing the world that makes sense to us; we all have a faith. These beliefs profoundly affect the way we live, how we make decisions, how we form our opinions, and how we converse. Should my faith in the feminist movement be kept private? How about my faith in the scientific method? Should my faith in equal opportunities for black and ethnic minority students be kept private? It seems difficult to justify why we would distinguish between religious faith and non-religious types of faith. Indeed, what if religious aspects of my faith coincide with, and are reinforced by, my non-religious ones?

A world view is inescapable, whether it is given a recognised name like atheism, Christianity or Islam, or whether it’s individually constructed. Our world view is never purely personal. Ironically, by telling others that faith should be kept private, we are ourselves publicly expressing a faith position that faith should be kept private, thus defeating our own argument.

Surely the deeper questions that need answering is which faith enables us to respectfully engage with each other as we seek the truth together, and, ultimately, which faith is true?

A core tenet of the Christian world view is that every person is equal and precious in dignity and honour, which gives a solid basis for upholding respectful dialogue and human rights. I’m not for a moment suggesting those who aren’t Christians aren’t often much more respectful and kind than Christians, but rather, I think that other world views give no basis within themselves to guarantee a respectful approach.

And as for the question of truth, well that’s the biggest question any of us could ask. The Christian world view says that truth exists and can be known and is therefore of vital importance for each one of us. C. S. Lewis, the famous Oxford professor, put it memorably. “Christianity, if false, is of no importance, and if true, of infinite importance. The only thing it cannot be is moderately important.”

That’s really what the ‘Uncover’ week is all about: an invitation to start a dialogue about truth, life, and which world view is true. Two highly respected speakers will explain why they believe Christianity makes sense of our world and there will be an opportunity to ask questions and continue the conversation afterwards. We hope to see you there.

Marine Le Pen protest divides Oxford

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Several hundred demonstrators have taken part in a protest against the appearance of far-right French Front National leader Marine Le Pen at the Oxford Union, condemning her political views as fascist, anti-immigrant, anti-semitic, and Islamophobic.

Up to 400 protesters, including students, anarchists, and antifascist campaigners, gathered at the gates of the Union on Thursday evening to protest against the platforming of the nationalist leader. Demonstrators chanted, “This is free speech, that is a platform”, gesturing towards the Oxford Union, and “Oxford Union, shame on you”.

As tensions heightened, protestors scaled the Union’s walls, hung banners on the fences, and attempted to force open the gates, chanting, “Nazi scum, here we come.” A police presence behind the Union walls prevented protesters from reaching the chamber.

OUSU BME and Anti-Racism Offi cer Nikhil Venkatesh told Cherwell, “It was really great to see so many Oxford students and residents at the protest, telling Marine Le Pen she is not welcome in our city, and showing solidarity with the groups she victimises. I hope the Union got the message.”

Divisions emerged between the various groups present at the protest. Some students snubbed those campaigning with Unite Against Fascism (UAF) because of their links with the Socialist Workers’ Party, who have been accused of rape apologism following allegations that the party attempted to cover up a sexual assault by a senior member of the party.

Slogans chanted by members of Unite Against Fascism received a muted response from some Oxford students, although UAF maintained a sizeable presence. OUSU President Louis Trup admitted to becoming entangled in a heated argument with a UAF protester.

Marine Le Pen was hurried into the chamber nearly an hour late. Cherwell understands that she had been smuggled on-site through the Purple Turtle nightclub on Frewin Court. As protesters scaled the walls, members in the Chamber were asked not to leave their seats for their own safety, and the doors were locked. Some Union members queueing to enter the event were verbally abused by protesters, who referred to those attending as “fascists” and “Nazis”.

Students queuing to attend the talk remained defiant. St Anne’s student Matthew Kirtley told Cherwell, “I believe freedom of speech is an absolute right, and the Union, as the self-described ‘last-bastion of free speech in the west’, should be able to host anyone, however distasteful. When you start saying a particular ideology is off -limits, you’re containing the limits of free discussion.”

He added, “I don’t understand how this legitimises her platform in any other way than all the rallies she gives in France. I don’t understand how her speaking at the Oxford Union is going to make her ideology more legitimised.”

Another Kellogg College student in attendance remarked, “If 25 percent of the French electorate decided she was worthy of having a say – and I don’t agree with her – then I thought I might see what she has to say.”

But Annie Teriba, former OUSU Access and Admissions officer, asserted, “This is not a debate about free speech. Le Pen has the right to say whatever she wants to say on the street, in her bedroom, in her bathroom.

“This is a debate about whether or not the Oxford Union has the right to invite in to our community someone who doesn’t believe that Muslims should be allowed in Europe, who compares Muslim prayer to Nazi occupation, who invokes the memory of the Nazis in memory of oppression, but at the same time is incredibly anti-Semitic.”

Le Pen began her talk in response to the protesters, telling the Chamber, “Freedom is the ability to say what you think without being in fear.” She spoke of the Charlie Hebdo massacre, referring to Islamic fundamentalists as “barbarians”. On the issue of terrorism, she stated, “We need to regain the control of our borders in France. The border must be a filter and not a wall”. In questions, she attracted controversy when she opined, “Islam is very healthy but there are cancerous cells surrounding it,” going on to comment, “Multi-cultural societies often become multi-conflicted societies.”

UAF joint national secretary Weyman Bennett, attending the protest, told Cherwell, “The Oxford Union is going to give a lot of respectability to the Front National, and they’re going to use that respectability to bolster fascist organisations, who will in the long run remove all democratic values. I think that because she so has much support in France, it is even more dangerous that she should be given a platform. No platform policies prevent these people from building a following in universities.”

The protest followed a mild controversy on Wednesday, when OUSU Council mandated President Louis Trup to inform all students by email that the protests were due to take place. Trup opposed the move, including in the email a link to his post on OUSU.org, where he apologised for sending the email to people who “do not care about any of this”. He later clarified to Cherwell, “I apologised to the people who received the email and don’t care because I don’t think this warranted a special email.”

The same motion mandated Trup to write a letter to the Oxford Union about Le Pen’s appearance. The motion stated that the letter, to be addressed to the Union’s Standing Committee, should condemn the views of Le Pen, and ask the Union to refrain from inviting such speakers in the future.

Trup commented, “I am glad there was a protest because I think it is important that Le Pen’s racism is condemned.”

Yvonne Owuor: sometimes people are places too

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Sheltered from the blazing Kenyan sun by trees that have witnessed times of both colonisation and revolution, Café Moniko’s is where Kenya’s intellectual Bohème meets. Yvonne Owuor’s red jacket glows in the afternoon light as she strides towards a free table in a silent corner of the café. Her gestures are energetic but measured. She is passionate about her characters and the state of her nation.

Her first novel, Dust, which has just been released, focuses on the death of a young man, shot by police officers in Nairobi’s violent streets during the 2007 upheaval, and the stories it triggers about the equally young nation. Having previously written about her country’s history only in short stories, she explains, “When I set out to write Dust I was very clear about what it should be. But then, when Kenya exploded in late 2007, the story acquired its own life and it wanted to be told.” Owuor describes the writing as a very natural process, noting, “Something was unleashed and suddenly all the characters began telling me their own stories.” This can be seen in her relationship with her characters, whom she describes as being “very musical – before I see them I hear their music, the songs they love and the ones they hate. Each character tells their own, different story of fear, longing and admiration. It took me seven years to put it all down on paper.”

Every once in a while during our interview, Owuor halts to scribble an idea into her notebook, each question that I ask her releasing a stream of words. This clashes with the sentiment expressed in the novel by the young man’s father, who notes that three languages have defined Kenya since its independence: English, Swahili and Silence. Owuor comments, “We Kenyans are very good at covering our rage up with silence,” explaining how, “since the independence, people were infuriated, about the land others had stolen, the people that had gone unpunished and the vile things that happened decades ago.” In Dust, she collects these stories. She asks, “How come nobody ever said anything? The rage had acquired a space of silence in which it was unnoticed – it was kept and sustained for decades. Yes, we’re good with silences. It might be the most Kenyan language of all three.” In Owuor’s novel, these stories are finally given space.

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The characters’ relationship with their country is difficult, the stories raised forcing them to question their allegiance in confronting ‘the Kenyan ideal’. In terms of its history, she argues, Kenya “did not treat these memories the way it should have”. History was recently removed from the Kenyan syllabus, which means, she says, “Some feel detached from their heritage.” In the book, this attitude is embodied by the protagonist’s sister, Ajani. Owuor relates, “On returning to Nairobi, [following her brother’s death] she seeks something that’s supposed to make her feel complete. She had experienced the world through her brother, and now she’s discovering herself through his death, the empty space he’s left. There is a young generation that has lost whatever it was that defined them. All of them have a place of longing, somewhere they want to return. But then she discovers that sometimes people can be places, too.”

The book seems, then, to be asking a question of what endures, the characters only finding consolation through the prospect of starting over again. “Yes, they do,” agrees Owuor. But she also notes, “Our memory is like dust [and] things evaporate – everything also begins with dust. And that’s a message not only to the Kenyan people.” It is this that allows the characters in her novel to find some sort of peace. Owuor offers a perspective on the importance of forgiveness that is especially poignant when considered in the context of her country’s history.

In her words, “There’s a difference between forgiving and simply forgetting. What happens with the power and energy of forgiving is that when you meet that particular memory, you don’t meet it armed to kill, you may meet it to say, ‘You’re there. That’s your shape, that’s who you are.’ The chance to start all over again – and our memories – are what defines us, it might be all we have. And it’s all we need.”

It’s easy to see why Dust was celebrated by the New York Times and the Washington Post as a “remarkable novel with a brave healing voice” and listed among the ‘50 top books of 2014’. It is a brilliant novel from a writer who deserves far more attention outside of the place that she describes, with the book currently nominated for the Folio Prize.

David vs Goliath: can Syriza change the status quo?

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The political game in Europe is changing. Voters’ support is shifting from the incumbent centrists to parties which represent the extremes of the political spectrum. UKIP in Britain, the National Front in France and Podemos in Spain are just some examples of more radical parties gaining momentum.

Yet until January 25th, none of Europe’s more radical parties had achieved a major breakthrough. Certainly none had managed to seize the reins of government. The rise to power of the populist left-wing party Syriza, in Greece, has changed this. The question remains, however, as to what else will change? The mandate given to Syriza by the Greek people is for its leader, Alexis Tsipras, to renegotiate Greece’s bailout conditions; write down half of the country’s public debt; and curtail austerity – all while keeping Greece in the Euro. Is that an impossible mandate?

Greece cannot default on its debt since this would effectively result in it leaving the Euro – an outcome that the majority of Greeks do not want, and an outcome that would almost certainly be more harmful to Greece’s economic prospects than the current austerity programme.

Nor can the rest of the Eurozone agree to write down Greek debt. Angela Merkel ruled this out last weekend, saying that this would be equivalent to a handout from taxpayers in other Eurozone countries, many of whom are suffering from their own recessions. Such an act would be tantamount to pressing the political self-destruct button. It would also embolden other heavily indebted southern European countries to make similar deals, leading to uncertainty in the markets.

Regardless of the impossibility of Tsipras’ mandate, the Greek Prime Minister cannot renege on his election promises. The coalition agreement between Syriza and the right-wing Independent Greeks party was formed on the premise of debt reduction. Failure to achieve this will lead to the collapse of the government or a sudden default and a Greek exit from the Euro which nobody wants.

The interests of the Greek government appear irreconcilable with those of the troika – the European Commission, the ECB and the IMF – as well as with the interests of much of Northern Europe. Who will win the day?

As José Ignacio Torreblanca of the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank argues, populist political parties have changed the nature of the political game. Frustration with an ‘out-of-touch elite’ has fuelled the advance of outsider populist parties across Europe. Tsipras has played the role of the outsider well, but can he display the statesmanship required of an insider?

If Tsipras cannot secure concessions, he will still have to persuade the Greek electorate that debts have somehow been reduced. Opaque statements will be on the agenda, and compromise rather than change will be the theme of the day.

What does all this mean for the populist parties vying for power across Europe? The example shown by Greece will make one thing clear: an electoral mandate does not make it easy to change the status quo. Tsipras and his party are likely to fail to achieve their stated aims, and this will send a message to voters, particularly those in the southern Eurozone countries, that the end of austerity is not an election away.

In the end, power remains in the hands of European political insiders and the election of Syriza in Greece, while seemingly momentous, will do little to change that. On this occasion, David cannot defeat Goliath.

Academics condemn "repressive" Counter-Terrorism Bill

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Oxford professors have joined 500 academics in signing an open letter published in The Guardian that condemned the Counter Terrorism and Security Bill currently being debated in parliament.

The letter, which included signatures from Oxford academics, declares that the bill would be “a threat to freedom of speech at Universities”, as well as “an unlawful and unenforceable duty on educational institutions and staff .”

The controversial bill, which seeks to curb campus extremism as one of its aims, has caused considerable debate, both within Oxford University and on the national stage. The letter declares, “One of the purposes of post-compulsory education is to foster critical thinking in staff , students, and society more widely. Our universities and colleges are centres for debate and open discussion, where received wisdom can be challenged and controversial ideas put forward in the spirit of academic endeavour.

“The best response to acts of terror against UK civilians is to maintain and defend an open, democratic society in which discriminatory behaviour of any kind is eff ectively challenged. Ensuring colleges and universities can continue to debate difficult and unpopular issues is a vital part of this.”

After branding the “draconian crackdown” as both “unnecessary” and “ill-conceived”, the academics called on the government to reconsider attempts to tackle extremism in the UK that do not compromise academic freedom.

One of the signatories, Oxford academic Professor Robin Cohen, a former Director of the International Migration Institute, told Cherwell, “One of the odious provisions is that visiting speakers will be required to submit their presentations two weeks in advance. This is a basic violation of academic freedom. Academics are not automata. They think and develop their ideas as they go.

“It is an even more horrible thought that Oxford academics will be obliged to report external speakers who have views considered to be advocating ‘non-violent extremism’ and who are thought to challenge democracy and individual liberty.”

With regards to the legislation, Oxford University commented, “Individual academics from Oxford have already made it clear that they have concerns about the Bill. The University is monitoring events with interest.”

The Home Office told Cherwell, “We must ensure that poisonous, divisive ideologies are not allowed to spread, including through our universities.

“There is no contradiction between promoting freedom of speech and safeguarding the interests and well-being of students, staff and the wider community. Universities UK already provides guidance to help institutions develop extremist speaker policies.

“The measures in the Bill will build on these existing arrangements and ensure Prevent is delivered to a consistent standard across the country. This is particularly important in areas where terrorism is of the most concern but we are clear that all areas need to understand the local threat and take action to address it.”