Monday, May 12, 2025
Blog Page 1378

French Film: the original and best

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Paris has more cinemas per square metre than any other city in the world. With this in mind when I arrived in Paris last September to begin my year abroad, I promised myself that I would go to the cinema every Sunday evening to experience the best French fare. I haven’t quite managed to keep to this resolution and go every week, but I’ve been pretty good, and have regularly been in front of ‘le grand écran’. Having loved all the films I’ve been to see, I was set thinking of how unappreciated contemporary French cinema is in the UK.

Many never dream of choosing to watch a French film over a British or American blockbuster. Most people will have heard of a few famous old films, by Truffaut and Besson, but modern French films are adept at slipping under the radar, unless they can snag the attention of a big distribution company à la The Artist.

Of course I am biased, since I study French, but I do think it is a huge shame that we shun contemporary French cinema, or that we just don’t know about it. Is it because we are seduced by the cultural resonance of older French films? It is true that they reflect the turbulences of their time and were more exciting and controversial, playing with new, subversive themes alien to a prudish society. For example, Les Valseuses, a film by Bertrand Blier, shocked audiences with its bohemian flair and its daring take on sex.

French films from the past are also well known for the way they helped cinema evolve. The Lumière brothers invented cinematography in 1895 with their film L’arrivé d’un train en gare de Ciotat. The Pathé cinemas all over France also now pay homage to the pioneering Pâthé brothers who were once in the vanguard of film production and distribution. One can definitely say that, France paved the way for modern cinema. With the birth of ‘La Nouvelle Vague’, the middle of the 20th century saw actors such as Simone Signoret and Jean Seburg shoot to fame.

French contemporary cinema has a certain grace and sensitivity that the vast majority of American films lack. For example, the recent release Elle s’en va, starring Catherine Deneuve, was both romantic and funny, yet to call it a ‘rom-com’ would be to fail to do the movie justice. You get the impression that the film is not just trying to make millions, but to actually mean something to its audience. This might be partly explained by France’s domesticallyfocused film market, where, thanks to post 1945 protectionism quotas, there must be at least one French-made film shown in cinemas for every seven international films.

The French comic genre is particularly rewarding; the film that made me laugh the most in 2013 was Intouchables, starring Omar Sy and Francois Cluzet. Not only is it hilarious and heart-warming, but it sensitively shows how the tragic life of a paralysed man turns around after his carer teaches him how to laugh.

Similarly, Le Dîner des Cons, conveys a moral message despite being fully paid-up subscriber to the genre of farce. Otherwise, the comedy Mon Pere Ce Héros, starring Gerard Depardieu, develops a nuanced theme of a father-daughter relationship to a delightful conclusion. French cinema has an ability to portray substantial and highly moving themes without necessarily binding the film into within a so-called ‘serious’ genre.

French cinema has also long been shaped by its notorious interest in sex. La Vie D’Adèle, known in English as Blue is the Warmest Colour, highlighted this, portraying the lesbian relationship between Adele and Emma with unflinching realism. Although, it risked being pretentiously ‘arty’ at times, with closeups of mucus emerging from Adele’s nose and lengthy unedited conversations, it remained compelling throughout.

If you ever have a spare few hours, and you want to dip into a different culture, watch a French film – and make sure you see it through to the end. Watching some Truffaut or Goddard is a great way to witness some of the key moments in the development of cinema. Look past the difficulty of subtitles for, often, French film is more thoughtful, funny and compelling than your typical fare.

On a night out in Oxford

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Last week on a night out, I was groped. Now, I know what you might be thinking: this happens all of the time, why make a big deal out of it when so much worse happens on a daily basis. And you’d be right. Sexual violence is a pandemic, which 1 in 3 women worldwide will experience in their lifetime. In the grand scheme of things what I want to talk about may be a seemingly minor incident, but the effect it had on me was unexpectedly profound.  I would never hesitate to describe myself as a feminist and I’m all too familiar with the culture of victim blaming. When I see the Everyday Sexism twitter feed, I’m in awe of those taking a stand against their aggressors. If that happened to me, I say, I’d turn around and ask them why they think they can get away with it.

And yet. Itchy Feet is one of my favourite club nights, as it allows me to dance like an idiot to music which I can actually enjoy without consuming considerable amounts of alcohol beforehand. Last week was no exception, until, whilst jiving (at least, what I thought was jiving but would probably be best described as flailing), with my friends I felt a hand forcefully grab my arse. I swivelled round, shocked, but all I saw was a guy walking away towards his friends. However, my first thought was not whether I should go after him and call him out, or even I should go slap him, the prick. I froze. The first thing that went through my head after having someone I didn’t know invasively grab me without any kind of consent, was instead, What did I do to make him do that? Is my skirt too short? Am I dancing too provocatively? I stood still for a minute. I was dancing exuberantly, yes, but not in a way that anyone would consider alluring (as I said: flailing). My skirt was a modest polka-dot flippy dress and I hadn’t even been facing in the same direction as the tall guy in the stupid hat who I’d caught walking away. I felt a combination of disgust and shame, still conscious of his hand where he’d grabbed me. Then it suddenly dawned on me. This is not your fault, I remembered.

Why should it matter what I was wearing or how I was dancing? This guy had come downstairs, seen a girl dancing and decided, for no reason, to touch her inappropriately. He didn’t know me, he didn’t stay around to chat; he did it because he could. To him, I wasn’t a person who could feel offended by his actions; I was just a body, an object. I watched him nonchalantly buying another drink at the bar, still frozen whilst my around me people carried on dancing, oblivious. My friend asked me what was wrong and she listened, disgusted. Some people are so gross, she said.

What disturbed me the most was not what he did – I’ve been groped and harassed before, as have most of my female friends. No, what disturbed me was my own reaction to it. I, so against victim blaming and slut-shaming, I, who knows all of the statistics the facts, jumped straight to the conclusion that it was me who was to blame.

The Oxford University Sexism project recently marked its 50th entry since its inception at the end of last year and the OUSU Women’s Campaign has seen a huge increase in participation. Women – and men – are starting to rise up and say that no, we are not OK with this. It is not OK that students feel they are unable to walk home alone as soon as it gets dark. It is not OK that girls expect to get groped or followed around on a night out. It is not OK that talented students are belittled by tutors because of their gender. It is certainly not OK that victims of sexual assault feel that what happens to them is their fault, when the only person to blame is the person committing the assault. We all need to support these people and make sure they know this, because despite how informed you think you are there is always that niggling voice which whispers this is your fault

How OUSU Council is failing to hold OUSU to account

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By constitution and by law OUSU is a democratic organisation. Anyone who gave up an hour during the OUSU elections filling in preference after preference for all of the positions on the ballot can testify to that. Furthermore, it is not just the sabbatical officers that have to be elected, but a myriad of part-time officers, student trustees and NUS delegates – all require democratic approval. To stop those officers from becoming an elective dictatorship, OUSU has a council. This is a sort of parliament to represent the student body. It is supposed to hold the officers to account on behalf of the rest of us, particularly the sabbatical officers who work full-time and are paid for their work. It also sets policy and authorises various discretionary expenditure. Where JCRs have elected officers and a JCR meeting or GM, equally OUSU has its officers and OUSU Council.

Who sits on OUSU Council? It consists mostly of JCR presidents, OUSU officers and other common room representatives. Strangely, it also gives votes (roughly 1/5 by my reckoning) to the elected officers and OUSU campaign representatives, meaning that not all students end up getting represented equally. If you were in the majority that elected one of the officers, or work on a campaign – your voice counts for a bit more. But that is a comparatively small problem. OUSU Council has much bigger issues elsewhere.

The first of these is much discussed. The  atmosphere of Council is ‘politics-on-my-sleeve’ left-wing; it can be intimidating and even hostile to speakers from the right. Jack Matthews, current OUCA presidentand a graduate student who has been to OUSU Council so long that he has been called it’s ‘institutional memory’ was in the student press just last week raising this issue. He remembers, when he first revealed that he was right-wing: “There was a clearly audible gasp from the members of OUSU Council. My first experience of student unions and the take home message was you’re not that welcome.”

Student politics is possibly one of the few areas of human activity where being right-wing is more of a disadvantage than being BME, female or gay. Certainly, the perception of OUSU as hopelessly left-wing and right-on is both widely held and broadly accurate, and is ultimately responsible, I suspect, for the disaffiliation of more right-wing JCRs, such as Oriel and Trinity. The old notion that the Oxford Union is for more right-wing people, and OUSU for the left is a damaging one. The Union – a private club, can do what the hell it wants. But OUSU is invested with the right to speak for all of us, which makes Council’s alternative universe of intersectionality-expounding, vegetarian RadFeminists all the more perplexing (I joke, slightly).

Then again, Council is a political body, and unsympathetic as it might be to those of Matthews’ ilk, most students, even at Oxford, are pretty left-wing. Right-wing positions are not comparable to unchosen components of someone’s identity. They can be critiqued in a political forum, and, unsurprisingly, they tend to lose out against the greater mass of student left-liberalism. As Churchill said: “If you’re not a liberal at twenty you have no heart” (for those familiar with the full quotation, we will conveniently ignore the second part).

OUSU Council’s run even deeper than petty squabbles over political bias. After sitting on it as a JCR representative since the start of the academic year, I am beginning to worry that it is failing to adequately fulfil its most basic role of holding officers to account. It only meets every two weeks, and when it does there are often only three or four motions – that is fewer motions than in many JCRs, an organisation smaller in staff and budget by orders of magnitude. Most motions at OUSU Council pass without opposition in any case. It is kind of hard to amend a policy document that multiple stakeholders, OUSU officers and the University have often been negotiating on for months before they present to Council a virtual fait accompli.

We only really know what officers have been doing from what they want us to hear that they have been doing in their reports, where of course they have been busily working to ‘win for students’ rather than (hypothetically) spending all day playing tiddlywinks at OUSU offices, or getting thrown out of hotels for mischievous hijinks. There is a scrutiny committee, but its termly reports read like interviews with the officers, pronouns changed from “I have been working hard” to “they have been working hard”.

These failings are understandable. Everyone on council is part-time and, just like any Oxford student, is juggling multiple other projects and work. The sabbatical officers we are meant to oversee are full-time professionals. I doubt that Rowan Atkinson sat on OUSU council during his time at Oxford, but it would have been appropriate. The whole structure is rather like trying to put Mr. Bean (OUSU council) into a boxing contest with Ricky Hatton or a diving contest against Tom Daley. The professionals are always going to win. Members of council have less time, less information, and fewer incentives to perform their role than the officers they are meant to oversee. Of these, it is the lack of information that is the most damaging.

OUSU officers need to communicate more about what they are doing day-to-day rather than writing the self-congratulatory emails everyone in the University currently receives. Maybe the sabbatical officers could begin by actually writing in those blogs attached to their pages on the OUSU website. Someone in the student press also needs to start doing a bit of digging through OUSU reports and documents and OUSU contacts to see what tit-bits they can unearth. At the moment OUSU is working, but more in the Mussolini ‘trains on time’ way than with a meaningful democratic connection to the students it purports to serve.

 

New IRA claims responsibility for Oxford bomb threat

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The ‘New IRA’ has claimed responsibility for the bomb threat caused by a “suspicious” package which was sent to Oxford’s Army Careers Office in St Giles’ on Thursday. Packages were also sent to offices in Canterbury, Brighton and Slough.

Whilst the origins of the packages could not be identified on Thursday, Downing Street said that they bore “the hallmarks of Northern Ireland-related terrorism”. David Cameron chaired a COBRA meeting in order to analyse the situation.

A spokesperson for Scotland Yard said, “We are aware of the claim of responsibility for the devices that were sent to Army recruitment centres in England last week.

“The claim was received on Saturday February 15 by a Northern Irish media outlet using a recognised codeword. The claim was allegedly made on behalf of the ‘IRA’.

“The public is urged to remain vigilant and report anything suspicious to the Anti-Terrorist Hotline, 0800 789 321.”

Whilst the IRA disbanded following the end to its armed campaignin 2005, the ‘New IRA’ was formed in the summer of 2012 after the Real IRA merged with two other dissident groups. Their latest victim was David Black, a Northern Ireland prison officer who was killed in November 2012.

A statement reported by The Irish News and attributed to the New IRA reads, “The IRA claims responsibility for the explosive devices that were sent to British armed forces recruitment centres in England. Attacks will continue when and where the IRA see fit.”

The Lego Movie and Socialism

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Lego’s origins in a Danish toymaker’s workshop make it sound like the start of a particularly earnest fairy tale, but Ole Kirk Christiansen’s famous interlocking bricks are a very real part of our societal development. Denmark, like much of Scandinavia, is a country built on solid, transparent politics, a strong welfare state and bipartisan governmental agreement: all of which could be represented in those multi-coloured bricks.

The Lego Movie, released earlier this month, doesn’t, on paper, seem to fit this ethos. It’s hard to see past it being a two-hour long advert for a children’s toy, and that’s not a very ‘Danish’ idea. Capitalism aimed at minors is perhaps the most cynical of all  I’ve only to remember the 1998 release of The Pokemon Movie to start weeping at how, age 6, I bankrupted myself in order to try and score a genuine Mew card. That’s not a society I want to be part of.

The Lego Movie presents us with a society, which, superficially, appears to represent some form of utopian socialism. Emmett, our hero, is a construction worker who is overjoyed at being able to work as part of a ‘team’ and does not question his position in the societal hierarchy. There are, of course, signs that all is not well: coffee costs $37 (although Emmett seems to be able to afford this) and the country/city/Lego-thing is ruled by someone called President Business, which is a subtle but telling reference to the films anti-corporate agenda.

Lenin said ‘freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in ancient Greek republics: freedom for slave owners’, and this seems particularly true of President Business’s relationship with the residents of the Lego City/Country/Thing. The surface socialism of their social system is, in fact, a corporate ploy to tap into the innate socialised goodness of the citizens. Steven Pinker wrote that ‘the strongest argument against totalitarianism may be a recognition of a universal human nature; that all humans have innate desires for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’, but Lord Business (as he prefers to be called, when not on Presidential business) suggests that the basic ‘desires’ of people might also be an instrument towards totalitarianism.

Which brings us to the film’s didactic message. The fact that the film’s protagonist is Emmett, an average Joe, rather than one of the Master Builders, would not be lost on a child (for whom, after all, the film is intended). Anton Pannekoek wrote on the ‘self-emancipation’ that can be achieved by working within a socialist system, and this seems to be the spirit that Emmett is channelling. Indeed, though he was working in a system that had been corrupted by President/Lord Business, the communal aspect (the workers’ mantra is ‘Everything is cool when you’re part of a team’) of his former employment influences his direction when he becomes leader of the new socialist system of Master Builders.

Here is the point where the complex politics of The Lego Movie may be lost on children under 5. The Master Builders appear to celebrate individualism, something that seems to tap into libertarian ideals. It would be fair to suggest that the Master Builders are guilty of supporting an oligarchical system of government, where those with a more creative disposition have earned the right to rule. Their attempts to push Emmett to be able to create increasingly complex structures is a form of plutocracy  the average construction worker may have personal fried chicken or bratwurst, whereas the average master builder has a spacecraft, motorcycle or pirate ship. Though they are opposing the corporate tyranny of Lord Business, they are guilty of imposing a form of creative fascism on those who do not share their skills.

Which is where Emmett comes in, and re-introduces a progressive form of socialism to the Master Builders. John Stuart Mill wrote that ‘It is the common error of Socialists to overlook the natural indolence of mankind; their tendency to be passive, to be the slaves of habit, to persist indefinitely in a course once chosen’, and it is for this reason that Emmett can become the leader of the Master Builders. The Master Builders would establish a Confucianist meritocracy in the Lego city/country/thing because they concur with Mill’s consideration of the indolence of the average Lego schmuck.

Emmett’s role, therefore, becomes to harness the unique abilities of the Master Builders in a form of mutualist exchange with the citizens (who have been doomed by the corporate superglue). Emmett and the Master Builders are not part of the democratic process and therefore cannot establish state socialism (perhaps that will be addressed in the sequel?), but the final mutualist exchange, where the skills of the Master Builders are used alongside, and for the benefit, of the Lego society as a whole, makes Emmett’s politics very clear.

Though the anti-corporate agenda of the film has been somewhat subsumed by its radical socialist agenda, the film’s final scenes revisit that, as Emmett convinces Lord Business (he’s ‘Lord’ cos he’s wearing his fancy hat) that he too is ‘special’ and can be part of this new participatory society. The focus on everyone being special (and everything being awesome) shows the way that the film has diverged from libertarian (or even left-wing) individualism, to make way for an extraordinary socialist society, which is, essentially, the same as the society that was present in the opening scenes of the film, just with more creativity, cheaper coffee and no more corporate tyranny.

Margaret Thatcher once told the Conservative Council that socialism meant ‘power over people, power to the State’. She would not have liked The Lego Movie. The power of the state is the power of individual Lego people to self-emancipate through work, whilst being part of a participatory system of exchange which recognises that it must utilise individual skills for the benefit of the larger Lego society. Thatcher wouldn’t have liked that, or the screaming children in the audience.

Review: Blurred Lines

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For or better or worse, Robin Thicke’s frustratingly catchy tribute to the apparently) “Blurred Lines” of consent provided a focal point for feminist debate in 2013. Now it lends its name to the brainchild of Nick Payne and Carrie Cracknell, a piece of devised theatre that doesn’t shy away from either the big – or the small – issues.

Although the directors were denied permission to perform the titular song, the show illustrates how undeniably serious issues take place against a backdrop of the kind of chirpy, low-level misogyny peddled by Thicke et al. Whether it’s having The Crystals’ He Hit Me (It Felt Like a Kiss), crooned with unsettling sweetness, or being forced to question the common trope of scantily clad women in sexually violent scenes, the piece never lets the audience forget that incidents of sexism do not take place in a vacuum.

Having a female actor play an arrogant male director foregrounded the domination by men of both physical space – lounging in a chair, legs akimbo – and of conversation – cutting off, patronising, and even speaking for women.
The women in the audience responded with a ripple of knowing giggles and snorts: everyone, it would seem, recognises him in a male friend or acquaintance.

Appropriately for a show that explores the paucity of nuanced dramatic roles for female actors, the cast of eight women more than demonstrate the talent that is so frequently wasted when women are cast as polarisations of purity and degeneracy. The play is incredibly funny too, with on-point satire and great
laugh out loud moments, highlighting the ridiculousness of sexism as well as its callousness. While there’s a lot to be said for short, snappy political theatre, the play takes much of its seventy minute running time building up to getting its teeth into the very meaty material it presents. Nevertheless, Blurred Lines is a great advert both for feminism and for female actors being allowed to realise their full creative potential.

Preview: Sweeney Todd

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An exhilarating new reprisal of Stephen Sondheim’s famous musical Sweeney Todd: The Demon Barber of Fleet Street, comes to Keble’s O’Reilly Theatre in 5th week. And according to the sneak preview I was afforded, this is a production that shouldn’t be missed.

I expect everyone knows the terrifying urban myth of Sweeney Todd, but for those who don’t this musical recounts the gory tale of a London barber seeking revenge against a corrupt Judge. Todd returns to London after fifteen
years, having endured transportation, and finds that his wife has been raped by the very Judge who condemned him, an act which has led to her suicide. Joining forces with the local pie-maker Mrs Lovett, who would like to be more than friends, Todd seeks retribution with the steely edge of his razor.

Production company Milk & Two Sugars are going all out in their rendering of this grotesque but compelling yarn, claiming to be the first major show to use a revolving stage at the O’Reilly, whilst a live orchestra will be interpreting
Sondheim’s renowned score under the considered direction of conductor Peter Elliot. 

Luke Rollason, fresh from roles last year in successes including Rope and Judgement at Nuremberg, turns his hand to directing and has assembled an impressively well-drilled, highly musical cast with considerable depth.
In particular, the sinister and beguiling relationship between Andy Laithwaite and Helena Wilson in the lead roles of Todd and Mrs Lovett will be worth the entrance fee alone, as their excellent vocals complement the air of frustration, desire, and delusion which conjures the tension constantly permeating their dialogue.

Putting on a musical of this renown is certainly not an easy task, but on the basis of the latter stages of rehearsal, this company promise to deliver a thrill ride from start to finish, which will also ask the audience some unsettling
questions about the nature of revenge and justice.

Directing at the Donmar

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Michael Grandage made an inspired wardrobe choice in the dark and misty January morning before his trip to Oxford. Against the velvety backdrop of the dark blue curtains of Magdalen’s Grove Auditorium, the nationally acclaimed director makes an aesthetic picture in a navy jacket, grey trousers, and dark grey hair. 

He’s here for what is described vaguely as a question-and-answer session, and I have little idea what to expect. We’re met with a beguiling smile and a plea for no technology – “will it disappoint you if we don’t have a microphone?” he asks us mournfully – and Grandage instantly sets a friendly and informal scene. As a director, that’s what he’s good at.

In order to win the trust of actors, Grandage’s first aim is always to “create a room in which there is no such thing as a silly question”. This is especially important when dealing with mixtures of famous and non-famous actors and actresses, a conundrum that Grandage frequently faces whilst working with the likes of Kenneth Branagh (Ivanov, 2008), Judi Dench (Peter and Alice, 2013) and Jude Law (Henry V, 2014).

What is it that makes great actors great? Grandage doesn’t know, or rather “can’t articulate” precisely, but he’s keen to pour cold water on the idea recently fanned into existence by Paul Roseby, that “most actors don’t need drama school”. His own marvellously soothing voice is of course all thanks to the Royal Central School of Speech and Drama. Grandage insists that he could “barely speak” before formal training; “I was from Cornwall and had Cornish vowels, but my parents were from Yorkshire so I had Yorkshire vowels… I found a cassette of myself from the seventies and I literally couldn’t understand myself speak.” Nowadays he says “draaama school” with emphasis, drawing out the vowels and leaning towards his interviewer as though he might better convey his feelings through proximity.

With all this acting training and experience behind him, we wonder what made the young Michael Grandage decide that direct limelight wasn’t for him. After twelve “very happy” years as an actor, Grandage explains, he started to suffer terrible stage fright; acting just wasn’t what he hoped it would be. Again he “ can’ t articulate” what he wanted it to be – something to do with being “not really interested in just me and my little part”. I imagine that many actors and actress might have something to say about this image of the self-absorbed actor, but collaboration is at the forefront of Grandage’s mind.

He puts his successful run as Artistic Director at the Donmar Warehouse from 2002-2012 down to the result of a collective vision. He gets worried by companies who produce plays that “don’t make connections. If everyone signs up to a single vision, then the audience can say, ‘I don’t like your vision’, but at least it’s a vision”. So what was Grandage’s vision at the Donmar? I’m fairly sure he’s either thought this through before or been asked this question in another interview, because his reply is the pithy and satisfying label, “a House of Tragedy”.

Grandage talks about acting spaces intently, making links between the space available, and wider issues of access. One of the biggest differences, for Grandage, between being artistic director of the Donmar Warehouse, and being Artistic Director at the Sheffield Theatres in 2000-2005, was that whilst productions put on in Sheffield already reached thousands of audience  members because of the vast numbers of seats available, the Donmar Warehouse has to grapple with international acclaim versus a 250-seat space to sell tickets to. And “people who sell tickets are usually the definition of
great actors”, notes Grandage, with the first tinge of wryness creeping into his chocolatey tones.

Access was after all “at the heart” of the launch of his new production company which ran five plays in the West End (Privates on ParadePeter and Alice, The Cripple of Inishmaan, A Midsummer Night’s Dream, and Henry V) over 2013-4, with ticket prices starting at £10. “If you’re paying ten pounds for a ticket, that’s not an elitist art form”, says Grandage. The arts students in the audience doomed to financial ruin and a lifetime of beans on toast shuffle
uneasily on their seats.

Broadcasting live theatre is certainly one way of bringing art to the people, and something that Grandage took part in with King Lear (2010). The production
was a huge success and won Grandage the Tony award for Best Director. Apparently the done thing to do after such a triumph is to come home and not talk about it. Being British, “we’re all faintly embarrassed about the fact that we love winning a Tony”, summarises Grandage, as he crosses his legs, cocks his head, and gazes up at the ceiling.

Grandage only supports live broadcasting as long as it makes people come to the theatre. Encouraging flocks of people to the cinema is “rather redundant”
if they don’t also experience a live acting space. Though, as he tells the audience, a flashy set and tech crew isn’t everything. “My first experience was in a tent” , he says. We all pause to inwardly digest this statement for a beat, until with a deadpan face he clarifies, “of theatre”.

Review: Ballad of the Burning Star

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A middle-aged man stands on stage decked out in full drag queen attire with a huge grin on his face, crooning about rubber bullets. Such is the bizarre opening scene of “Ballad of the Burning Star”, the latest foray into experimental theatre from the highly acclaimed company “Theatre Ad Infinitum”.

The show tells the story of Israel – the country and the boy (Israel is a common male name in…well, Israel).  The show leaps from scene to scene with terrible contrast – an IDF raid on a Palestinian village leads into a tense night in a bomb shelter waiting for the arrival of poison gas to Ben Gurion’s independence speech after the foundation of Israel to a Jewish girl on the Kindertransport witnessing the death of her little sister. The set is essentially non-existent, meaning the show relies completely on the protagonist drag queen, backed by his guitarist/drummer ‘Camp David’ and the five ‘starlets’, who live up to their punny name by periodically forming the ‘Star of David’. Somehow, they pull it off – the 90-minute show with no intermission is gripping from start to finish.

The show is a continual balancing act. Just when it appears to be giving excessive focus to one side of the conflict, it makes a drastic U-turn and tells the perspective of the other. Just when it starts to become very serious in tone, it is interrupted by some (much-needed) comic relief in the form of the drag queen’s meta-theatrical quips. At one point, one of the starlets lies prostrate on stage, wailing at the death of her son in a bus attack during one of the Intifadas. The drag queen chides her for being melodramatic, saying: ‘Don’t over-do it! This isn’t a soap opera, it’s a serious political piece.’ While the starlets recite the history of Jewish persecution to the accompaniment of some surprisingly catchy pop music, the drag queen confides in the audience: ‘If you need the toilet, now would be a good time to go.’

It is hard to know how to react to a show, which depicts persecution, death and grief under the comical guise of cabaret and drag. Perhaps this is why the teenage boy sitting next to me in the audience couldn’t control his giggles during a scene set in the gas chambers of Auschwitz. It is an emotional explosion that leaves you with little hope that the conflict-ridden state will ever be, in the words of the lead character, a ‘normal country’. 

Review: Sir Gawain and the Green Knight

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Transforming a14th century alliterative poem into a modern stage play isn’t an easy feat. There were moments where Simon Corble’s adaptation managed to do it brilliantly. On entering the theatre, the audience’s nostrils were filled with the smell of steaming turf, which had been dug up and laid out on the stage. The crowd, with iPhones and designer trainers, found themselves sitting in an ancient glade.

The advances of the Green Knight’s unsatisfied wife Alison (Mary Clapp) were similarly brought up to date, receiving sitcom-like treatment. Duncan Cornish played a wonderfully gawky Gawain as Alison came to his bedside for ‘lessons in love’. ‘My body is all yours’, she proclaimed. ‘How incredibly kind’, parried our model English gentleman.

However, the adaptation was long on words, and short on action. Indeed Gawain’s plea to Lord Bertilak, ‘spare me more speech’, could have applied to the whole play. Gawain is a fast-paced poem, with alliteration and rhyming ‘bob and wheel’ sections pushing the narrative forward. But Corble’s adaptation hardly got off the ground in the first half, and the plot felt too densely packed into the second.

The poem’s masterfully simple story got lost, in part owing to the insistence on mock-archaic language. ‘Thees’ and ‘thys’ peppered Corble’s script, and though this did enable him to get an occasional laugh, punning, for instance, on Middle English wot, ‘to know’, and modern English ‘what’, sometimes this seemed to be at the expense of the narrative.

The audience appeared to enjoy the performance most when the tale made use of the modern vernacular, and perhaps this might be taken as a hint as to where the play should have gone. References to ‘Wowain’ the ‘handsome h Dom Kurzejaunk’ met with applause and laughter, as did slang from Bertilak (aka the Green Knight), played by Dom Kurzeja, and James Aldred as Gawain’s guide. Corble might take a leaf out of Simon Armitage’s fresh, dynamic 2007 translation of Gawain, which Armitage discussed at Keble earlier this term.

Ultimately, this was a brave attempt to juggle the authentic and the modern, but it didn’t quite succeed. However, mention must be made of Lucie Dawkins’ superbly captivating puppet animals, which in places managed to bring this production to life where so often the language struggled.