Monday 16th March 2026
Blog Page 2135

Battling blues fall to resilient Cambridge

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On Thursday, the grandest stage of English rugby once again hosted a tight and compelling Varsity match: 30,000 partisan fans flocked to Twickenham for a game that fully lived up to its billing as ‘Grudgeby‘.

Oxford’s Dark Blues suffered an agonisingly narrow defeat, 31-27, at the hands of a dogged and determined Cambridge side. The standard of play was expectedly high, delivering rugby of real quality – only a few moments of individual brilliance and some poor second-half tackling decided the outcome.

The opening 30 minutes of the game were fraught with tension, and fear of giving an inch to the opposition seemed to stifle offensive creativity for both teams: turnovers, knock-ons and unforced errors prevailed all over the pitch, with neither side performing to their full capacity. Locked at 0-0, Oxford quickened the pace and drew first blood with a well-deserved penalty try: camped at the Cambridge line, the Dark Blues’ powerful pack shoved and barged its way forward – too many fouls from the Light Blues forced the umpire to signal for a 5-0 advantage; a conversion later, Oxford were on the scoreboard and in control at 7-0.

Suddenly, with 10 minutes remaining before the break, an attritional battle for field-position opened out into expansive and free-flowing phases of rugby. Cambridge sensed an opportunity, squandering one breakaway attack before hitting back with a try of their own: James Greenwood plunged over the line, cutting the deficit to 7-5. The kick went wide, and Oxford went in for half-time with a slender but justified 2 point lead.

The second half saw much greater quality in attack, with both sides producing some exciting passages of play. The ball was sweeping wide regularly and dangerously, and the Dark Blues were keen to get last year’s hat-trick scorer, winger Tim Caitling, into possession. However, they were able to tack on only 3 points, and Cambridge soon took their first lead of the day, crashing through the weakening barrier of Oxford’s defensive line. Ahead 12-10, the Light Blues brimmed with confidence, raising their level again. Oxford responded with ability and character, led by the excellent Ross Swanson at fly-half; his kicking was immaculate, and the class of his individual performance warranted more than a loss in this match.

The sides traded scores, and the lead continued to switch until Cambridge blew the game open, tearing through the middle of the pitch and increasing their advantage to 31-20: Jamie Hood’s impressive charge evaded the Dark Blues’ unsure tackles, capping a strong 15 minute period for the agile and aggressive Cambridge backs. Oxford rallied strongly with 10 minutes left to play, but were unable to make any meaningful incisions into a resolute and rock-solid Light Blue defence: wave after wave of forward surges were repelled, and it was not until the 80th minute that Oxford finally stormed through for a consolation try. Too little, too late for the battling Blues, whose collective frustration was shared by swathes of Oxford people on Twickenham’s terraces.

The U21s Varsity match, played at the same stadium earlier in the morning, was won by Oxford in a dominating 53-17 rout, so congratulations must go to those players. The clear quality in our developmental sides can only bode well for future years.

Blues captain Dan Rosen, a player who has risen through the ranks of Blues rugby at Oxford, could only articulate the massive disappointment of his team. There is no middle territory in the Varsity match: it is either win or lose, a high stakes gambit whose success or failure is dictated by an 80 minutes of monumental significance. The quest to regain supremacy in 2010 will soon begin and the Blues must aim to avenge this tough and bitter defeat.

The U21s celebrate their win. 

Dark Blues scored the first few points. 

Light Blues increased their advantage to 31:20 in the second half. 

Photo: Alice Gardner

Afghanistan. Strategically, the jury’s out.

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First things first, this NY Times piece is excellent. Its message: The administration’s Afghanistan announcement last week arose from a lengthy, intensely thorough process of debate at the highest levels of government in which no participant’s wishes seem to have been completely fulfilled. The end product is, in short, what we’d expected: a compromise.

 

This was an unenviable decision for Obama to make; a classic case of damned if you do, damned if you don’t. There would never be a ‘right’ answer — indeed part of the answer would have to be that victory in its purest form might never be achieved. The route he took — of deploying 30,000 additional troops in the next six months, with the aim of withdrawing them from mid-2011 — is close to what General McChrystal is thought to have wanted in terms of troop numbers, but speeded up quite dramatically. This makes it a bit of a gamble. The bet is that a medium number of new troops can be effective almost immediately, and that power can start to be handed over to a viable Afghan government and army soon after. It’s fast in, fast out. Strategically, that’s pushing the envelope somewhat. It’s high risk.

 

Politically, the problem is great. Obama’s policy puts him at odds with both the left and the right: hardened liberals don’t like escalation; many Republicans wanted more troops. And yet the new policy doesn’t sit too well with much of the moderate middle. Obama now owns this war in a new and powerful sense — the new strategy is his not Bush’s. He now has no alibi if the policy fails; more than that, he needs it to succeed to get the public back on his side. But this tells us something about the new President — on the big questions, political expedience isn’t as important to him as trying to get it right. Not the best way to win elections, but probably a good way to be President.

 

The first half of his speech at West Point was light on flourish, and that was right for the moment. It was more argumentative essay than stump speech. The second half, to my mind, was too ethereal. Obama does that stuff better than anybody, but we didn’t need it on that night. There is a danger, I think, when an appeal is made to American exceptionalism as justification for intervention — when the argument is framed in universalist, purely moralistic terms — that it looks and feels as if the brains have been switched off somewhere along the line. “We could think about costs and benefits, but it’s easier to just retreat to freedom vs. tyranny”. Framing the argument in that way does the policy a disservice. The process Obama followed was rational, it was realistic; from what we understand all options were weighed up and strategically this one was thought the best. That alone should have been the sales pitch — we’re now on the right track and here’s why. Frankly, we didn’t need all the guff about freedom — Americans have heard that one before and it’s not clear they’re buying it.

 

So the policy is risky strategically and politically. It’s not clear whether or not we’ve found a good answer to the question of Afghanistan. The President sold it well but could’ve done better. And — rightly or wrongly — what happens next will be a big factor when Obama runs for re-election in 2012.

 

 

Staircase 22: 8th week, part 1

Kati’s organised a somewhat embarassing secret Santa and Paul and Ralph end up going as a pantomime deer to the Christmas bop. Anton’s actually turned up to a social event for once, but Sarah and Eleanor can’t find him…

Don’t miss out on tomorrow’s Staircase 22, the last in this series.

Staircase 22: 7th week, part 2

Sarah and Kati find a mysterious letter from one of Anton’s relatives while Eleanor tries to work out how to imitate a peacock’s mating call. Have Ralph’s dishonest tactics got him elected to the Union?

Don’t forget you can catch up on all the previous episodes of Staircase 22 on the podcasts section of our website. Don’t miss tomorrow’s episode exclusively on cherwell.org.

Merton outrage at forced retirement of a porter

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Merton alumni have voiced concern over the forced retirement of college staff, with some even threatening to withold donations to their College.

The College’s policy to reitre employees at 65 has come under scrutiny this year, as two popular members of staff reach this age. Both members of staff have requested to exte

nd their contracts.

Another member of staff recently received a letter from the Domestic Bursar telling him he must retire at 65 unless he requests an extension to his employment, according to JCR president James Nation.

The Facebook group “Mandatory retirement of Merton Staff” was set up by 2007 Merton graduate Tom Newton-Lewis after College staff members complained to alumni about the policy.

Merton graduate Edward Brightman wrote that the retirement policy was “definitely something all Mertonians should be up in arms about.” Andy Godfrey argued, “I imagine if enough people were to threaten to refuse to donate money to them they’d start to worry.”

Jennifer Hoogewerf-McComb, another alumnus of Merton, commented, “This is completely disgusting” adding, “we should be refusing to donate.”

JCR President James Nation commented, “Mertonians do have a very strong attachment to certain members of staff by virtue of the fact that we have a very friendly community here of which [they] are a key part. Particular cases at the moment have brought the College’s policy to light.”

Nation explained, “In this particular case, I do not think College will change their policy…Some Mertonians I’ve spoken to so far can see the reasons why College has gone for this option, but are just upset that it is affecting a well-known staff member in particular.”

Merton has a set retirement age for all staff, which applies to everyone, including scouts, porters and Fellows. Other Colleges decide on an individual basis whether staff should retire at 65 or stay on. However, Merton argues that it is fairer to have an overarching policy that would see all staff retire at the age of 65.

Angel Sarmiento, finalist at Merton and former JCR Treasurer said, “One thing is pretty clear – Merton alumni have set a precedent both for Merton and for other Colleges, that policies will be subject to the scrutiny of the alumni as well as that of current students.

“It is amazing how fast the response was to the issue. Even if it does not make an effect on this situation, Colleges will be more careful in the future about how they act. They will not be able to brush off the alumni with a statement by the JCR President if they cannot justify their policy.”

Douglas Bamber, the Domestic Bursar, argued in defence of Merton’s position. “Merton College policy has not changed and the default retirement age of 65 has always been the College policy.

“We operate the same policy as the University for all categories of staff and furthermore we comply with the law of the land.”

Porters at Merton declined to comment on the issue.

 

 

Oxbridge funding slashed by £10 million

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Concerns have been raised about the status of the unique Oxbridge tutorial system following news that around £10 million will be withdrawn from government funding to Oxford and Cambridge Universities.

In a document addressed to the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE), Oxford University has reportedly said that it will have little choice but to slim down provision for teaching unless an alternative source of income is found.

The proposed cuts would affect funds allocated for the upkeep of Oxbridge’s historic buildings, and the University warns it would have to divert resources to fill the gap.

David Palfreyman, the bursar of New College, Oxford, and the director of the Oxford Centre for Higher Education Policy Studies, expressed concern at the difficulties less wealthy colleges could face in maintaining the prestigious tutorial system. “We are a relatively rich college and we will do our damnedest to keep it going but I don’t know how poorer colleges are going to struggle through.”

Commenting on the challenges facing Oxford, a University spokesperson denied that the tutorial system is to be scrapped. However, they pointed out, “Current public funding only covers about 50% of Oxford’s undergraduate teaching costs. The more cuts we face in government funding, the more acute this problem becomes.

“We are doing all we can to help ourselves, particularly through our large fundraising campaign, where we are asking friends and alumni to help us maintain Oxford’s standards of excellence.”

The University is not alone in facing fiscal difficulties. The University and College Union has suggested that more that 5,000 jobs are at risk nationwide as the government reduces its Higher Education budget by £180 million.

However, some have argued that it is disproportionate that Oxbridge should be hit by £10 million of this cut.

Oxford University is still engaged in consultations with the HEFCE.

Cringe, appreciate and cringe some more

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While travelling with my family through the United States, we decided to watch Bruno, a film with rave reviews that opened to packed audiences. Needless to say, watching the film was not a very pleasant experience for my mother, who was raised in a strictly orthodox Hindu home and witnessed all the horrors of religious pogroms when she was young. Her inability to understand irony merely added fuel to the fire. The ability to divorce subject matter from its artistic expression in a humourous form is culturally subjective, but one should not assume that this is purely symptomatic of cultural upbringing. While it may be obvious to most that it is not Bruno’s political insensitivity but rather its stupidity that is humourous, the line between the two is often blurred. In fact, a large part of why Bruno and Borat have been so popular is their suppression of obvious irony.

“The problem is that an audience may confuse the irony with political insensitivity itself”

Borat is a classic example of where this divorce between the subject and its portrayal has been most successful. For instance, when Borat makes fun of Jews, this is not intended to support anti-Semitic views but rather portray the narrow minded, racist nature of these views. The problem is that an audience may confuse the irony with political insensitivity itself. The success of these films, may in fact result in desensitizing us to racism by making racism funny. Today, political insensitivity has become a fad and young people often take pride in justifying mild forms of racism.

On more than one occasion, I have come across individuals who seem to think that making Holocaust or ‘dead-baby’ jokes is acceptable. While I am not making any value judgments as to whether these jokes can ever be made, I can say with a degree of certainty that in most cases the individuals telling these jokes would never have dared exercise the same degree of insensitivity had there been Jews or pregnant women around at the time. While the intention of these jokes may have been to display, in a self-deprecating manner, the idiocy of these ideas, often conversations may take a defensive turn and efforts are made to justify racist or bigoted ideals. Mix that with the absence of irony, or its ineffective portrayal, and you have a classic recipe for unpleasant jokes.

“Nowadays, politically insensitive humour is analagous to cigarette smoking amongst teenagers; the allure of the taboo”

Earlier this year, during a regular gathering of friends in a local pub, a friend of mine decided that it would be appropriate to pretend to be racist. To be honest, it made for loud laughs and a good time. However, as the night wore on, the pretence seemed to wear off, and a strange form of the forbidden fruit effect seemed to take over. Nowadays, politically insensitive humour is analagous to cigarette smoking amongst teenagers; the allure of the taboo. The attraction to the forbidden is fertile ground for attention-seeking teenagers who want to be provocative. This can be dangerous when they convince others that their ideas are reasonable. While the comedian may know at the back of his mind that he is not racist, he may encourage it in others or be seen as racist himself.

I am not sure that the risks involved in such interpretations justify censorship, but they are risks nonetheless; a risk that is present with most activities from bungee jumping to drawing cartoons. The question is, how far should these risks go? The line should be drawn at some stage, but where?

Staircase 22: 7th week, part1

Ralph and Peter Renee start getting angsty about the impending election while Kati starts looking for a foot on the Oxford stage. Will Eleanor’s hust for p

eafowl rep leave her unfit for the position?

Don’t forget you can catch up on all the previous episodes on Staircase 22 in the podcasts section of the website.

Don’t miss tomorrow’s episode exclusively here at Cherwell.org

Shakira visits the Oxford Union

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Cherwell reports from Shakira’s visit to the debating society. 

The Wrong Stuff

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In the quest to replace Andrew Flintoff and to have a variety of bowling options, there is a possibility of England picking Luke Wright to bat at number seven in the first Test match in South Africa. Although it is understandable that England wants a five-man bowling attack, Wright simply lacks sufficient quality with bat or ball to merit Test selection.

Wright is a destructive and clean-striking hitter of a cricket ball. He is a fine fielder and bowler capable of hitting almost 90mph, so it is easy to see why Wright has been touted for Test honours. It is an appealing idea to have Wright come in at number seven and demoralise bowling attacks in a manner not dissimilar of Flintoff. But such a notion is not ground in reality.

Wright has so far played 28 ODIs, averaging just 22 with the bat, despite being given significant opportunities to open the innings. With the ball, his ten wickets have come at a cost of 47 apiece – so where exactly is the evidence of a man able to make a valuable contribution to the side batting at number seven?

It is first worth considering what England would regard as a good series from their number seven against South Africa. Realistically, Andy Flower may hope he could average 30-35 with the bat, including some momentum-seizing 50s, and claim perhaps 10 wickets at an average of under 40. If he were to perform that task, few could argue he is not worth his place in the side.

But he simply would not. Wright’s technique remains far too flawed for him to score consistently at Tests, especially against pace bowling of the calibre of Dale Steyn. Indeed, he has only ever scored two county championship centuries. His bowling bustles and is improving but a first-class bowling average of 43 doesn’t lie: it tells the story of a man who could not even be trusted to contain, let alone threaten. Revealingly, Paul Collingwood (a shoe-in for the first Test), is entrusted with the ball more in ODIs and has a lower first-class bowling average. Along with Jonathan Trott and Kevin Pietersen, that is sufficient bowling to augment the four frontline bowlers.

Wright has potential, certainly, but his selection, especially for such a challenging series, would wreak of prematurity: this is a man who needs to cement his place in the limited-overs sides and do more for Sussex in the four-day arena before he should be considered a viable Test candidate. His selection would be a throwback to the pre-Flintoff days, when England were so desperate for an all-rounder that they selected men, such as Ronnie Irani, who patently lacked either the batting or bowling quality required.

Having Matt Prior at six and Wright at seven would not inspire confidence. If England beef up their top-order, selecting all six of their specialist batsmen with Prior an ideal number seven, they should be able to regularly compile scores of 400 plus in their first innings. And that, rather than through bits n’ pieces men, is how Test matches are won.