Cherwell talks to Chelsea Walker, the President of the Oxford University Dramatic Society in the second episode of the Getting to Know series.
The Class
An unrelenting reflection of the tensions, trials and tussles of a group of junior school students, Laurence Cantet’s The Class combines a measured account of the social dynamics of the inner-city classroom with a startling loyalty to the reality of the school system.
Set in what the production notes describe as a ‘multi-cultural Parisian school’ (read ‘deprived, with the wider racial tensions of French society imposed on a miniature scale), The Class succeeds, where so many ‘inspirational’ American tales fail, because the students are real students, the parents real parents, even the teacher, played by Francois Begaudeau, is a real teacher (the film having been based on his bestselling auto-biographical novel Entre les Murs). Individuals are not manipulated into plot points; they instead afford the film an unswerving sense of honesty.
In a similar vein, our gaze never veers outside of the school grounds. The only glimpse of the outside world comes when Souleymane, a disruptive pupil whose frustration at school soon takes a turn for the worse, exhibits pictures of his family and friends in front of the class, or when Wei, a Chinese student who finds it difficult to interact with his classmates, reads out his ‘self-portrait.
This is not to say that The Class avoids the social issues that dog any ‘multi-cultural school’, quite the opposite. It expertly forces the audience into an awareness of the socio-political climate that shape the lives of these students, working to distil so much context into a manageable frame without simply reducing any characters into ciphers, or even worse, caricatures. The result is a film that genuinely questions our assumptions about the role of the school in a ‘liberal democracy’, offering a vision of the modern system of education that is, to say the very least, unsettling.
On its release in 1995 the French cabinet commissioned a special screening of La Haine to give them some idea of the crisis that had led to the rioting in the banlieues; likewise, in 2003, immediately after the occupation of Iraq, the Pentagon offered a screening of The Battle of Algiers to any personnel interested in the problem of guerrilla insurgency and ideological conflict. It is this reviewer’s opinion that Ed Balls would do well to take an hour or two out of his busy schedule to watch The Class, it is essential viewing.
5 stars
Buried Child
Two stars
In the last half-hour of Buried Child, the audience gets to see a ‘symbolic rape’, a character metamorphosing into an ancestor, a man taunted by having his wooden leg stolen, a description of a murder and the exhumation of a decaying corpse, the buried child of the title-all that in about half an hour. As that’s only a third of the play, watching that costs you about £1.67. Surely this can’t fail?
It does. Let’s start with the script of this 1978 play by Sam Shepard, set in a decaying farm in Illinois. It’s certainly visceral, the feeling of an isolated, nerve-prodding family is there in spades, but as dialogue it’s boring: knarled, pretentious, sub-Pinterian prose-poetry. Next, the plot is full of heavy-handed, vaguely ritualistic and alarmingly humourless symbolism, none of which really means anything: a man walks into a yard and finds corn where none has grown in years with whose leves he then covers his sleeping father, his brother loves shaving people against their will, and so on. Strangely, for all the stuff that happens (there’s some incest in there as well), it’s actually quite boring, and chaotically structured: a large chunk of the first act is a dull expository monologue about a character who died years before, who nobody ever really mentions again. So why have the monologue? To spend several minutes telling us that old farmer’s wives in the middle of nowhere can be racist, that some sons are more clever than others, and that some people die young surprisingly and it’s rather sad, it seems. This must be the commentary about the American Dream the Wikipedia article for the play talks about.
The staging is better than the play deserves: Tom Palmer was still reading his lines off a script in the press preview but his and Sam Kennedy’s performances had the right level of constrained anger and good American accents; Anna Popplewell made the best of by far the worst-written part. Sean O’Reilly tried to match his performance to the actors playing his brother and father but an uneven accent hampered his performance. Harriet Madeley as Shelly, an outsider from California entering the tense family home, slyly tailored her acting in a part with dialogue that felt like it came from a different play to feel very different to the other actors.
In short, if you like this play, or think you’d respond to the style of writing, the staging is perfectly competent and it’s certainly not forgettable. Otherwise, think twice.
Confusions
This weekend I went home. This is not surprising really; the end of fourth week always rekindles memories of half-terms spent lazing around, when “fifth week blues”, “collections” and “essay crisis” were still a universe away. Whilst there I went to see a school play, and despite my bias, due to this school being my alma mater, and the main part being played by my sister, I must say that the formidable acting talent on offer from a bunch of 11 to 16 year olds in my generic northern comp far outshone anything I witnessed in Confusions.
As the name perhaps suggests, this is not a conventional five-acter. It is more like five separate plays, with intertwining stories and characters and multiple parts played by the same actors. The venue is the rather odd choice of the St. Hugh’s bar, which admittedly provides the intimacy needed for a play so focussed on the familiar discourse and the comically domestic situations portrayed, yet may struggle in attracting those not thrilled about the trek.
My advice would be, that unless they are your friends, don’t bother. Of the two scenes I was shown, there is little to shout about. A smidgeon of poignancy here, a chuckle every now and then, but otherwise dullness: overarching, joy-sucking dullness. This is the fault of the actors, who deliver lines haphazardly and lazily. In one scene, the anticipation of an affair being revealed and the comedy of lovers trying to hide their tracks dissolve in air polluted by grey monotonous dialogue; I felt I could have been watching Beckett, so hopelessly empty were the silences. And even in the merciful moments when the incessant soullessness of their speaking ceased, clumsy acting still filled the room like a bad smell. One scenario requires abrupt switches between voiced and mimed conversation, and it always made me laugh how previously docile hands and arms would suddenly spring to life, waving emphatically, as if people talking intimately in a restaurant would seriously communicate like air traffic controllers.
The sad thing is that this play by acclaimed playwright Alan Ayckbourne could have achieved so much more. The script is innovative and the direction is not at all bad, with good use of props and space. Yet, as it is, bad acting wins the day, leaving that standing ovation and rapturous school hall merely a warm and distant memory.
(Two stars)
All the World’s a Stage: Shakespeare improved
The ironic thing about the deification of Shakespeare is that those who first lauded him to the skies as a genius hated to see his work as he wrote it. Samuel Johnson may have praised him, but he said of the ending to King Lear, ‘ The public has decided. Cordelia, from the time of Tate [1681], has always retired with victory and felicity. And, if my sensations could add anything to the general suffrage, I might relate that I was many years ago so shocked by Cordelia’s death, that I know not whether I ever endured to read again the last scenes of the play till I undertook to revise them as an editor.’ So he accepted the tradition, which began after the Restoration and lasted until the nineteenth century, of presenting King Lear and Romeo and Juliet with happy endings.
In 1660, Sir William Davenant, Shakespeare’s godson and the son of the mayor of Oxford, obtained the monopoly right to put on many of Shakespeare’s plays, giving him the right to make all necessary changes. Some were to make the plays shorter, some were to add more dances, songs and music to show off the orchestras theatres now had, and some were to fit in new effects, such as explosions, wave machines and thunder, but the general aim was to make Shakespeare’s writing more classical. Out went vulgar comic juxtapositions, such as the porter at the gate in Macbeth or the Fool in Lear, and in came ‘regularised’ dialogue. Each metaphor and simile was chosen to signal clearly how Macbeth was doomed by his ambition in his unnatural plan to steal the kingship, as were new scenes for the Macduffs discussing the ethics of removing a tyrant. A version of The Tempest by Dryden added a new character: Hippolito, man who had never seen a woman, to complement Miranda.
These versions were soon forgotten, but happy endings and new scenes were longer-lasting: until the nineteenth century actors as a routing added new scenes and changed the endings. The reason? Partly to give their characters dramatic soliloquies, partly because, simply, actors and audiences could not cope with the despair of Lear’s ending. In 1812 one writer wondered if it, ‘as originally penned by Shakespeare, could be borne by a modern audience.’ For them, it was unnatural to see goodness go unrewarded on stage: that was poetic justice, nothing else made sense of life.
The Recruiting Officer
Four stars
Directing a production at The Oxford Playhouse is no easy undertaking. The subtleties of character which can be conveyed in a studio theatre are easily lost on a large stage. This is perhaps the main fault of Helen McCabe’s production of George Farquhar’s Restoration comedy, The Recruiting Officer. However, the fault simultaneously lies with the play itself, which calls for stock characters to play out this comedy of errors. Despite moments of weakness, Helen McCabe is certainly successful in drawing the audience into the eighteenth century landscape of Farquhar’s Shrewsbury and fulfilling the main function of the play: to entertain the audience.
The Recruiting Officer contains all of the usual features of Restoration comedy – concealed identity, bawdy jokes and a revelation scene which leads to a happy ending. The most popular play of the eighteenth century, Farquhar’s witty dialogue maintains the audience’s attention throughout the plot twists, which is of particular value in a play of this length. At the centre of the story is Captain Plume (Tim Pleydell-Bouverie) who has recently arrived back in Shrewsbury and is attempting to court Silvia (Harriet Tolkein), causing her angry cousin Melinda to intervene, resulting in Silvia’s being removed to the country by her father, Justice Balance (Guy Westwood). In the meantime, Captain Brazen (Rory Fazan) and Mr Worthy (Maximus Marenbon) vie for Melinda’s affections, while Silvia returns to Shrewsbusy in disguise as ‘Jack Wilful’ and Sergeant Kite (Edwin Thomas) disguises himself as a German fortune-teller in order to encourage men to enlist.
Tim Pleydell-Bouverie gives a charismatic and, at certain moments, delightfully camp portrayal of the womanising Captain Plume. Although rather caricatured, his strength of performance helps to carry the play and generate plenty of laughter. Both Sylvia and Melinda are strong characters, although they appear rather affected at times. More could have been made of their quarrels if they had been toned down slightly, introducing a comic disjunction between the polite language in which they address one another, and the antagonistic feelings which lie behind their speeches. The problem for all three actors is that the demand of performing in such a large space means that lines become rather ‘vamped up’ by the need to project, and lose the differentiation of tone which makes a character more believable. However, all three prove themselves worthy of performing in a leading role at the Playhouse. But perhaps the real stars of the show are Edwin Thomas and Guy Westwood, who put in convincing and highly comic performances which help the intricacies of the plot to flow and keep the audience well-entertained.
A well-designed set and use of period costume situates the play in eighteenth century England, and the set allows flexible movement between outdoor scenes in the market place, and the more intimate indoor scenes. The relatively large cast allows McCabe to make strong use of the space of the Playhouse stage, and her crowd scenes are well-choreographed. Thus, the audience certainly finds themselves immersed in the society being portrayed. The public/private dichotomy which is explored is central to the underlying moral of the play, which considers the importance of honesty in a loving relationship. At times, the actors fail to capture the true nature of their character behind the social façade. But even without this subtlety of portrayal, the production is strong enough to engage the audience’s attention, and, what’s more, have them laughing out loud.
A Clockwork Orange
Chelsea Walker’s adaptation of the dual construct that is A Clockwork Orange, being half a morality tale by Anthony Burgess and half a film by Stanley Kubrick, is one that has set itself a very difficult task. On the one hand it has engage with Burgess’s profound meditation on the nature of free will and the weakness of the human condition; how, if given the chance, we may well choose ‘lashings of the ultraviolent’ or ‘the old in-out’; how desperately we need authority and yet how it will ultimately destroy us, ‘when a man cannot choose, he ceases to be a man.’ The novel questions whether morality is a restricting of our brutish desires by the fear of punishment by the state or whether it can be something more profound: located elsewhere. On the other hand it must engage with one of the most visually stunning, or perhaps shocking, pieces of cinema of the twentieth century. It must either play with Kubrick’s imagery, offering a new interpretation of his aestheticization of violence or seek to establish its own aesthetic standards and assert them against the expectations of the audience. The production that could manage all of this would be remarkable indeed; the student production that could manage it all the more so, unfortunately this attempt is hardly remarkable.
I do not mean to say that the play is bad; merely that it takes too much upon itself. There are signs that an attempt has been made to re-imagine the work of Burgess/Kubrick in the creative use of height and space- the scene where the prison Chaplain exhorts the prisoners to reform from atop a block while they alternatively abuse him and abase themselves before him is particularly effective. However the portrayal of the violent aspects of the plot seems awkwardly caught between the stylized ‘ultraviolence’ of Kubrick and the moral shabbiness suggested by Burgess. The rapes and beatings are set to classical music but lack any sense of choreography or suggestive imagery (such as Kubrick’s decision to have Alex beat an artist to death with her own phallic sculpture: his assertion of the art of violence over the art of sculpture) and instead seem to emphasise merely fumbling barbarity. Jacob Taee’s portrayal of the protagonist, Alex, is strikingly good throughout, both sensitive and gleefully evil. However the rest of the cast is somewhat patchy; perhaps partly because they are mostly required to play multiple roles and partly because the subject matter is almost entirely concerned with Alex.
Overall, I would say, a valiant effort at a difficult task but anyone familiar with the film and/or the book will leave disappointed; anyone unfamiliar with either may well enjoy this production but would get more out of the originals.
A new approach to dealing with fringe critics, and a must-read
One of the most interesting things about political commentary in the United States is that the more you move away from the ‘mainstream’ print press and network TV, and into the worlds of cable news and talk radio, the more polarised everything becomes. Political issues are rarely black-and-white, there are shades of grey. Not so on cable news and talk radio.
Take the stimulus. Obama signed it on Tuesday. You’d expect that a reasoned observer would argue neither for its absolute correctness or absolute wrongness, for it is neither absolutely right nor absolutely wrong to most in the political spectrum. Economists and politicians from left and right may have varying degrees of agreement with both the concept and the details of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan, but extremely few would argue that it’s 100% perfect or 100% imperfect.
Except that doesn’t work in a world where ratings are all important and largely dependent on the interestingness of broadcast content, because this sort of graded analysis doesn’t persuade the average viewer or listener to tune in in primetime. And so much of the commentary you see on US cable news or hear on talk radio takes big issues like the stimulus as admitting of binary judgment — the stimulus is either ‘transformative’ or ‘catastrophic’. It is not merely ‘strong/weak in parts’, but ‘communist’, or (my personal favourite) ‘un-American’. Issues are framed in these ways because it’s these sorts of judgements which are most conducive to the biggest, most watchable arguments. This is why Rush Limbaugh has (it is believed) just signed a contract that will make him the highest-compensated broadcaster of all time: because the polarised diatribe he engages in is, to many, required viewing.
All this presents a challenge for mainstream politicians, particularly those in government. The challenge for successive administrations has been this: how do we deal with these marginal crazies, who many watch and agree with, but who many more consider to be extremist ranters. (Limbaugh is one in particular who, judging by his approval ratings, is hated by many more people than he is loved by).
The orthodox approach has been that employed (with varying degrees of compliance) by multiple previous White House teams, chiefly the Democrats: that of ‘freezing out’ the crazies. By not responding to the spurious commentaries from the fringes of the political spectrum, the hope is they will not receive any more recognition than they merit. The view taken, in essence, has been that the Limbaughs/Coulters/O’Reillys/Hannitys of this world are so far off the mark that to respond to them would only provide them with unwarranted recognition — the oxygen of publicity.
But this new White House is taking a new approach: attack them, but in such a measured, reasoned, calm manner as to give the impression that the ranters are just that — loudmouths with little interest in the nuanced realities of political discourse.
Note this clip. It’s Robert Gibbs, the White House Press Secretary, responding to this from Rick Santelli, a CNBC contributor. Santelli is not, admittedly, in quite the same league as Ann Coulter or Rush Limbaugh when it comes to fringe opinion. But his rant — and it’s hard to describe it as anything else — got a lot of play and attention. So Gibbs responded. He was not afraid to admit that he’d watched the clip of Santelli “a lot over the past 24 hours”. He rebutted his argument, but also subtly eviscerated Santelli’s credibility. Watch for the line, “I think we left a few months ago the adage that if it was good for a derivatives trader that it was good for Main Street. I think the verdict is in on that.” Gibbs shows precisely what the Obama strategy has been these past weeks, towards many of the more vocal and extreme opponents of the administration. He responds, substantively, and at the same time gives a clear impression about personality: that the detractors are out of step with real people (here he draws attention to Santelli’s former occupation as a “derivatives trader”), whilst the administration is in line with the feelings of “Main Street”. The same is true of his tone, and of Obama’s. It’s calmness is intended to provide sharp contrast with that of the detractors.
This is the new approach, and it’s interesting and different. It came about in the wake of Daschle’s withdrawal. It was then that Obama took to the road to sell the stimulus, and started fighting back against critics (for example in the clip I linked to here). It’s part of a strategy to take Obama’s popularity out for a ride, to see what it can do. Not chafing against his established image of a cool, professorial figure — the ‘comforter-in-chief’ as some have (rather awkwardly branded) him– but rather using his clear oratorical power and personal persuasiveness, and the skills of his top staff, to respond to those who had enjoyed relative freedom from rebuttal.
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I normally dislike the intrusiveness of labeling articles as ‘a must-read’, but this brilliant piece is worth a look. Rahm Emanuel is not only the White House Chief of Staff (often thought to be the second most powerful person in Washington after the President), but he’s turning out to be a particularly powerful holder of the job. What’s more, he’s got a certain Malcolm Tucker-ish quality.
6th Week: Obscurantism
Frankly, no one’s going to give two hoots, or even one and a half, about this week’s releases. It’s not a vintage week. Sorry. The next two should be much, much better.
Glasvegas – Flowers and Football Tops **
This is meant to be their best song, right? Which is why we’re meant to listen for five whole minutes? Someone’s dead son and that. I like the first thirty seconds of ambient noise, they’re very nice. After that it’s a bit less interesting, not particularly coherent or logical. A bit like a clan of highland warriors marching in big boots round a colossal labyrinth, calling to each other when they get lost. There’s a certain grace, solemnity, funereal grandeur…but as a single it’s a bloody mess and frankly far too self-important.
Beyonce – Halo *
So, after the rather attractive ballad that was ‘If I Were A Boy’, she follows up with another dancefloor banger in ‘Crazy In Love’ fashion, right? Wrong wrong wrong. It’s another ballad, only less affecting, less catchy, generally less. Bad move.
Tilly and the Wall – Pot Kettle Black **
Quite an old song for a single release, but still. This wants to be ‘Standing In The Way Of Control’ mixed with a scuzzy garage riff, like a punkier White Stripes. This means it’s altogether less fun than that silly ‘Beat Control’ single they came out with last term. Except that one and a half minutes in, a juicy fat synth and aerobics shout-out breaks in, incongruous and diverting as a streaker at a sporting event. It lifts the song from dirge to mediocrity. Which is something, I suppose.
Eugene McGuinness – Fonz ***
The wunderkind is back. Like James Yuill or frYars, he’s used to experimenting with the meaning of ‘singer-songwriter’. This time around, he’s decided it means binning the beats, and making like a generic guitar band, circa 2003. Some spectral falsettos and chirrupy lead guitar add interest to the choppy guitars and tight rhythms, making for an impressive enough, lean little song.
Polly Scattergood – Other Too Endless *****
This torchsong begins like Sinead O’Connor’s ‘Nothing Compares 2U’, slowly building with a sultry beats and reverb-guitar arrangement, leaving plenty of space to notice her remarkable elocution. ‘I will always bring you lots of do you good soup because I am kind’, she sings, and you don’t believe her for a second – she’s clearly angry really. And at times the anger threatens to boil over. But it never quite does. The song comes first. Real (or wonderfully acted) emotion. Great dynamics. A naggingly insistent melody. A spiralling climax. Scatter very good indeed.
Something Old, Something New
Various Artists – £3 mp3 albums
Amazon have added a new raft of exceptional deals, from the new Lily Allen album, to the slightly older Santogold, and Burial’s brilliant Untrue. True classics available include Five Leaves Left, but you don’t need me to tell you about that…
Florence and the Machine – iTunes live EP
If you’re fed up of waiting for a proper release, suck on this for size. Less a filling meal than a humbug, it’s a fine temporary stopper from the girl with the biggest gob.
As I said, next week will be better…
Political issues a step too far for OUSU?
Ian Bhullar
Keble
OUSU should not take a stance on political issues and go beyond its purely representative role. This is a common view that has been repeated in opposition to the motion condemning Israel’s attack on Gaza, and it is a view that is simply wrong. I exclude stances on political issues like top-up fees, which aim to improve our lot as students, but this is about students expressing views on things that do not directly affect them. This is what we do when taking issue with the University’s investment policies-a stance that is generally accepted because it relates closely to us as students. Yes, we speak out partly because it affects us, as the University uses the name of our community in support of companies with which we might disagree. But our justification is that we seek to change something bad which is happening because of this body’s actions.
In a similar vein, it is our seeking to change a horrific situation that motivates us to take a stance on Gaza: the starting point is our desire to take action on an external problem, not just the fact that it affects us personally. Issues like Gaza may not have this same direct link to us, but if we have the tools at our disposal to make the slightest difference, then perhaps we are obliged to use them.
Of course, OUSU should represent all its members’ views, and this is difficult when it is engaging in the political arena. One problem we face is of letting a minority feel threatened by the majority’s position.
To this end, especially in a partly identity-based argument like that of Gaza, we need to get facts right and accept that no motion will ever get a consensual response. Even if we think that the issue of Gaza is too complex to bring to OUSU, there are many political issues which will not cause a similar perception of alienation. In the early 1960s the NUS was a major component in the Anti-Apartheid Movement.
The capacity of the combined SUs to motivate a body of concerned citizens is extremely powerful: talk of a students-for-students policy is selfish when there are people who may benefit immeasurably by our collective speaking-out. We have at our disposal a body with the power to make people think about human rights abuses and unethical actions perpetrated by our leaders-and we have a responsibility to use it.
Tom Greene
Worchester
Lewis Iwu has voiced his frustration that the majority of students are ignorant of what OUSU does. Whilst some strides have been made to rectify this, OUSU will do itself no favours if it continues to persist with wasting everybody’s time by entertaining political motions. The defeat of the motion to condemn Gaza last Thursday is significant for OUSU’s wider role in student life. The idea that OUSU can act as a mouthpiece for the political opinion of the students of Oxford is absurd.
On an issue as complex as the crisis in the Middle East, a body as diverse as a university will never have a coherent opinion on the issue. If this motion had passed, it is inconceivable that it would have done so unanimously, or in reaching an anywhere near consensual status.
The motion is also practically useless. For all Iwu’s achievements as president of OUSU, solving the crisis in the Middle East will never be one. The obvious counter to this is that there still remains a moral duty to express condemnation of despicable acts-such as those in Gaza. Yet, this moral expression is not- and has never been – OUSU’s role. For instance, the reason that no motion was put forward to condemn September 11th is presumably because it would be inappropriate and high-handed. That St. John’s JCR should be able to make any progress with a problem that fifty years of international diplomacy has failed to master seems to me to be patently ridiculous. However, that judgement aside, there are a plethora of atrocities that OUSU pays no attention to and this is exactly how it should be. If it really is OUSU’s responsibility to condemn every unjust act in the world then Iwu is surely wrong to condemn our confusion on this particular controversial issue-it certainly wasn’t in his manifesto.
My belief that politics has no place in OUSU is not because of the accusation that those opposed are politically apathetic. Organisations exist in Oxford within which debates about Gaza should take place. OUSU should make sure they are not one of them. By ruling out any political aspect to their existence, they could both clarify their role and improve their image. The motion was defeated on Thursday only after 41 different votes on moves to vote; I cannot think of a more pointless way to spend an afternoon.