Guy Pewsey discusses prostitutes, children and Richard Dawkins with Russell Brand.Russell Brand is late. Forty five minutes late to be precise. Union officials claim that Russell is feeling a little unwell, but I’m growing impatient regardless. And I’m not alone. I am sitting in the front row of the Union’s packed debating chamber, surrounded by hundreds of people who have come specifically to see a face which every individual in Britain cannot help but recognise due to the massive coverage his many projects, including comedy, acting, presenting, and now writing, have received. Looking around the room, it is clear that many usually scruffy individuals have made an effort to look good for Brand, and when his arrival is announced a flurry of both men and women quickly make sure their hair looks okay. For that is Russell’s appeal; unkempt yet stylish, coarse yet loveable, a beacon of style to men (according to GQ at least) and irresistible to women (the cast of St Trinians, in which he recently appears, were warned about Brand’s ways before shooting started). At long last he strolls in to thunderous applause, bright eyed and smiling widely, sashaying in a careless manner not dissimilar to the walk of a Disney Princess.And so it begins; almost an hour of spontaneous musings, physical comedy and a book reading, covering his dismissal from MTV for dressing up as Osama Bin Laden on September 12th 2001, and a rather unfortunate incident when he spat in the face of a new girlfriend. After the performance – and performance it assuredly is – he leaves the chamber with long strides, casting a look of glee back at his audience.‘Where is that girl who asked the question about celibacy?’ I’m now standing next to Russell, surrounded by a swarm of fans. Casting my mind back to the chamber, I recall the pretty blonde who he is referring to. ‘You mean the girl in the dress?’ I answer vaguely. His head tilts as he adopts a primary school teacher tone of voice. ‘Now now, is that her name?’ I am unsure how to reply, but Russell continues regardless, ‘I suppose that’s quite nice really’ he says, ‘to the two of us she will always be the girl in the dress.’ I laugh politely, although I’m actually a little uncomfortable. He turns to me as if he has suddenly realised that I don’t belong in his group, then looks me up and down. I hold my breath, unsure what to expect; ‘Well then,’ he pauses while I stand silently terrified, ‘aren’t you a fine young specimen?’ He doesn’t stop there; ‘And what a fine head of hair you have.’ He ends with a purr, an actual purr. ‘Not as fine as yours though I’m afraid’, I answer. ‘Well, there’s time to do something about that’ Russell says with a wry smile. With this we are called upstairs.Although Brand plays the role of clown in most scenarios, it’s clear that he is more intelligent than many people give him credit for. He has just returned from a quick detour to view a photograph of Einstein’s visit to the Union, and while we talk he signs copies of his autobiobraphy My Booky Wook, which he insists is not one of the many celebrity stories on the market written by a ghost writer, insisting that he feels the same way about his book as others would do about their children. The reference to parenthood brings me to a particularly interesting part of his life, when his father took him on a fatherson expedition to the Far East where the two slept with prostitutes in their shared hotel room. I ask if experiences such as this have put him off having children, and he answers instantly; ‘I want to have children very much, I love children. Your parents try their best, don’t they?’ He seems not to harbour any bitterness, and has spoken earlier in the evening about his fondness for his mother. ‘I prescribe to the Larkin view of parentage. You know, “they fuck you up your mum and dad” and all that but you love them anyway.’ Russell pauses from signing for a moment and we continue. I had read earlier that day that Brand considers his style to be that of a Victorian pimp, an S&M Willy Wonka, so I was eager to question him on his perceptions of style. His look has championed the cause of the metrosexual, and I ask him how if he likes having his own sense of fashion borrowed by others. He pauses to construct his answer. ‘I like the idea of mimetics. I think Dawkins coined the phrase.’ He looks at me expectantly but I have no clue of what he’s talking about. I resort to a wistful nod and he continues. ‘Like the coordination of ideas or something, so if I can spread the idea of a hairdo then why not?’Of course, with the platform that enables Brand to display his style comes the inevitable press spotlight. ‘I try not to read the papers’ he says, ‘but it is affirmation to see yourself abstracted into a tabloid form, made into a ridiculous cartoon that could never begin to capture the nuances of the human character.’ He stops to remember a name. ‘Was it Lang that talks about the mirror phrase?’ Once again, I have no idea, and he shrugs and chuckles.The newspapers, magazines and organisations which sometimes abuse his privacy often ‘reward’ him with trophies; some welcome (Vegetarian of the Year, Most Stylish Man of the Year) and others less so (The Sun’s Shagger of the Year). ‘You do get objects’ he explains, ‘but I give them all away.’ I ask what the Shagger of the Year award looked like, and he grimaces. ‘It was the front page of The Sun newspaper with a picture of me on that I’ve never particularly liked.’ I ask where it is now. ‘I gave it to Jonathan Ross as a matter of fact. You struggle to get rich people gifts, you never know what to give them, so why not a portrait of you pictured on the front page of The Sun with the phrase “Shagger of the Year” emblazoned on the top?’ His criticism of Ross’ wealth is heavily veiled by the cheeky schoolboy tone in which it is delivered, a technique perfected by Brand. I tell him that my mother, a big fan, thinks he is the second most intelligent man on television. He interrupts – ‘Stephen Fry?’ I nod, and ask Russell what he thinks about him. His answer is suitably flamboyant. ‘I love him, I think he’s beautiful.’ I wonder if he minds not being first in my mother’s considerations, and he is resilient in his acceptance. ‘Oh no, there’s no shame in coming second place to Stephen Fry, unless it was in a straight nose competition.’
Interview courtesy of the Oxford Union

John Marshall comments on US politics. Hilary Clinton’s tearful episode a day before the New Hampshire democratic primary appears to have reignited her camp gain. With some pollsters putting principal adversary Barack Obama ahead by ten points this left many wondering exactly what had happened.Are Americans really that capricious? Despite the notorious unreliability of US opinion polls, this result implies a sea change in active popular sentiment. Large numbers said that they decided on the day. Although polls fairly accurately predicted Obama’s vote share, Clinton appeared to take the vote of every independent and some committed to third place candidate John Edwards.The dramatic shift of many independents to Clinton signals the success, but mostly the failings of current American politics. Voter interest in politics is unusually high – the American people seem to be responding to the rhetoric that America needs change. This turn will likely support more responsible and responsive government.However, serious questions must be asked when a tearful moment from a presidential candidate is credited with winning a potentially pivotal election. This moment is symptomatic of the prevailing image politics that has replaced substantive policy debate. Personally, it is Senator Edwards’ (poorly funded) vision that most significantly differentiates the candidates, yet focus among democrats centres upon the Clinton/ Obama battle. Both are ubiquitously surrounded by boards and signs containing ‘change’; while both Clinton and Obama proffer similar views on moral issues like abortion and gay marriage, the key issues of foreign and economic policy are a more fundamental concern. Characteristic of the post-2005 Democrats, their apparently separate visions for change are vague and predominantly negative in that they argue simply against Bush’s conduct on Iraq, Medicare, social security and the high income tax cuts. Against this backdrop, it is unsurpising that issues of competency and personal charisma take hold among voters in an age that can now relay images of Clinton near breakdown on televised, 24-hour news and internet sites within seconds. When we speak of more interest in this election, this is where it is directed.Considering the reality of the policy junctures concerning Iraq, Medicare and social security, the US needs to publicly discuss its direction. When a brief chink in Clinton’s usually controlled and austere image apparently causes an almighty electoral rupture, supporters of democratic politics must worry. Clinton’s dramatic New Hampshire success admits turnout approximately double the state’s primary average and serves to illuminate the extent of the recent national democratic deficit. Although all democrats should support increasing turnout, and the greater legitimacy that such results confer, nationwide US primary turnout hovers around ten percent. It will surprise nobody that those who do vote are not a representative bunch.Given the low levels of active participation, a pivotal moment such as the potential destruction of Clinton’s campaign or the long-awaited demonstration of ‘real’ emotion (depending on how you see it) mobilising a wave of support among a minority can induce drastic consequences. This seems to be what happened in New Hampshire where the influx of the undecided and habitual non-voters (suggested to comprise many single women) finally swayed by Clinton’s outpour rushed to the poll booths to give Clinton ten percentage points more than expected and thus secure the victory that now reinvigorates her campaign.The rising interest and participation in what may prove to be one of America’s most significant political years in recent memory is to be commended. But this should not conceal the threatening and thinly-veiled problems that lurk underneath.

By Louise Collins and Cassie Lester3  stars. The News Café is not the ideal place for recuperation after a heavy night’s bopping. Devoid of comfy sofas and lazy armchairs, the bright, airy interior is better experienced when one is feeling more resilient. News Café is however definitely suited to a quick break from shopping with friends or a quiet solo coffee to remind yourself there is a world outside Oxford. The wall-mounted televisions continually flash news headlines and the wall racks contain everything from magazines to foreign language newspapers; good for a study break if you’re still feeling up to learning about the outside world after collections. Free from the hysteria of Cornmarket’s coffee-chains, and unpretentious in its style and approach, the News Café is however a place in which a good caffeine hit is to be had and offers a broad selection of meals, from cooked breakfasts to heavy lunches. We had a late breakfast of toast and a smoked salmon bagel; both were tasty and prompt, although the toast came with miniature plastic packets of Marmite, jam etc that weren’t quite sufficient. Prices are comfortably mid-range – £2.10 for toast with marmite or marmalade, £4.75 for a smoked salmon and cream cheese bagel. More importantly the cafe charges £1.60 for a decent coffee and £4.90 for a full breakfast with a vegetarian option, and the standard of both food and drink is both good and generous. Service too was efficient, with friendly and attentive staff. Give up on the New Year’s resolutions early this year and embrace the full English fry-up and obligatory newspaper with open arms.

Michael Sweeney comments on Oxford's attitude towards academies.The news that Oxford and Cambridge have decided to snub the government’s initiative to forge greater partnerships between universities and city academies will no doubt compound negative public conceptions of the universities’ snobbery. When combined with static entrance figures for its state school intake, which continues to make up below half of undergraduates, it’s clear neither institutions are doing themselves any publicity favours. One question few are inclined to ask, though, is whether the university should be concerned with these things at all.Doubtless, it all comes down to money. “City academy” is the euphemistic name for struggling schools that need major cash injections and some extra TLC, so secretary of education John Denham’s appeal to universities to twin with their local academies is essentially a bail-out request. Clearly, added funding is not the answer to all of societies ailments, but where teachers cannot contend with the multitude of problems that spill into the class-room from working class estates, it is usually the only way to obtain the required services.Denham wouldn’t put it this way, of course. At a conference in October he cited universities’ ‘educational expertise’ as the key to improving schools problems. Really? You would hope they were pretty good at running a nine hundred year old intellectual factory with 40,000 members, but whether they are well placed to decide what to do about Wayne’s disruptive behaviour is left to the imagination. The truth is that such partnerships will result in the university hiring experienced secondary school heads to deal with schools on individual bases -which means, yes, more money.The job of a university is to produce people who are well qualified to contribute to society. It is not to fix societies problems. That is why the university is right to keep its cash. It is also the reason that Brown’s government should stop pressurising Oxford to do something about its admission figures. Isn’t it obvious that the reason fewer state school educated students attend this university is because fewer of them are capable of doing so? Not surprisingly, sending your son or daughter to Eton or St Paul’s does tend to make them better educated, and so better equipped to succeed at admissions.The problem is that politicians are looking too high up the educational ladder. The only way to help state school students is to help their schools, and the way to help schools is to help working class estates, not just by alleviating crime and antisocial behaviour, but also by assisting programmes like Sure Start.Thankfully, the university seems to realise this, so their inevitably unpopular decision should be commended.

Every generation of Oxford life produces characters who form an indelible impression on a new intake of undergraduates. Benazir was one such person. Her character and lively personality dominated the Oxford of the late 70s and even at that early stage, marked her out as an historical figure for the future. Nothing is more tragic and dangerous for the world than the assassination of senior politician at the height of her powers, struggling to address the challenges of a country that sits at the fulcrum of world security.I was one of those enthusiastic freshers who came up to Oxford in 1976 at a time when our domestic politics was bubbling with ideological fervour, and the world was moving towards such seismic events as the fall of the Shah in Iran.Benazir had been to Harvard, had read for a further degree at LMH and was completing a further year at St Catz. Her presence in the Union was fiery and fun and at the end of Michaelmas 76, she romped home in the Union elections. Her combination of seriousness and humour sparked a series of crowded debates in the chamber, ending with a hilarious evening on the motion ‘That this House likes dominating women’.For some absurd reason she decided to repaint the President’s office powder blue and some of us willingly helped her; only I don’t think we ever removed the books first. I took a call on the President’s red telephone while Benazir was up a ladder with a paintbrush, only to find myself speaking to her father. He was the first Prime Minister I’d ever spoken to. A few weeks later he was deposed by Zia ul Haq and, in an act of unspeakable act of viciousness, hanged a year later.The bullets and bomb on December the 27th struck a cold and poignant parallel with the fortunes of her father a generation earlier. Two days prior I’d enjoyed an email exchange with Benazir in which I wished her every success for 2008 and hoped I could come to her swearing in as a third-time Prime Minister. As always with Benazir she never forgot her friends and the reply was swift, insisting that if the elections weren’t rigged she was likely to win, and that I had to come to the inauguration. Although optimistic and determined, her email ended with the words; ‘what man proposes, God disposes…’ Some people deride the Oxford Union for being an elitist and artificial forum for self-important student politicians. Nothing could be further from the truth. In Benazir’s early days the Union helped her hone her evident skills into a formidable political force.Pakistan is a nuclear power, it borders Afghanistan and it has swung perilously between democracy and dictatorship. Benazir was the best possible chance Pakistan had for moving in a practical way from army rule back to democracy. The country’s institutions are flawed and fragile. Behind every former general there is a new one to take his place. Behind every elected politician, there are forces and practices which can pollute the democracy the country needs.Benazir knew she was in danger but she refused to remain in exile and turn away from the duty she felt to her country. Her courage is of the sort none of us in our lives will probably ever have to face. She was just at the point in her life when she had learnt from her past mistakes – and she made a few – but was equipped to become the most notable political leader Pakistan has had since its original foundation. Her death is a crime, a tragedy and a backward step for a country so deeply in need of the leadership she was displaying so bravely.by Alan Ducan MP

By Jack Farchy
Oxford is divided as a petition is being drawn up to silence a nuisance bagpipe busker.
Heath Richardson, a bagpiper who has been busking in Oxford for 14 years, is the one of the targets of a petition to Oxford City Council from aggrieved shopkeepers, office workers, and university students, who want him and other irritating buskers to stop causing so much noise.
Oxford City Council has published a code of practice for buskers, which states that “busking must not be intrusive or a nuisance in nearby premises”, and that buskers must move on after one hour’s busking.
 
However, the code is currently voluntary, and its critics want the council to bring in laws to restrict buskers who cause irritation. Jo Reid, verger at St Michael at the North Gate Church, says that buskers are not adhering to the code. “Noise levels affect people’s working environment. Bagpipes and other loud instruments do carry. People who have shops on Cornmarket often can’t hear the customer they are serving. All we are asking for is a few hours when we can get some work done and make some phone calls,” she said.
She recalls one incident in particular involving a concert given by group of German schoolchildren from Bonn, during which Mr Richardson started playing outside. “I went out and said, ‘Would you mind taking a break for half and hour and having a cup of coffee, or perhaps moving a hundred yards down the street?’
He told me, ‘This is my fucking job. Fuck off.’ And he went on playing throughout the children’s concert.”
Mr Richardson usually plays on the corner of Cornmarket and Ship Street, near Jesus College student accommodation. One Jesus student, who had a room on Ship Street last year, said, “I could hear him all day – it was impossible to work. The bagpipes are such an annoying instrument. I would definitely support the petition against him.”
But the bagpipes are not as unpopular with everyone. The petition against Mr Richardson has prompted the creation of a Facebook group entitled ‘Oxford bagpipe man LOVER group’. One contributor wrote, “He is better than those rubbish pan pipe people who always hang around near the Westgate. And he makes a nice change from bloody animal rights protestors!”
Jean Fooks, Lib Dem councillor for Summertown, investigated the allegations against Mr Richardson. She said, “Mr Richardson is conforming to the city council’s voluntary Code for Busking. This is clearly one of those situations where we need to find a compromise between those who enjoy the bagpipes and those who find them irritating. I do think that busking of various kinds adds life to the city centre and that a certain amount of noise is to be expected there.”

Colleagues and former students have paid tribute to the life and work of Andrew Glyn, a radical and influential economics Fellow at Corpus Christi College, who died from a brain tumour on 22nd December 2007, aged 64.Born on June 30th 1943, the son of John Glyn, the 6th Baron Wolverton and a wealthy banker, he attended Eton and New College, Oxford. Despite a privileged family and educational background, Glyn remained a life-long political radical and was regarded as the foremost Marxist economist of his generation.Before he was chosen as the first ever tutorial Fellow in Economics at Corpus in 1969, Glyn worked from 1964-66 as an economic advisor to Harold Wilson’s Labour government.In the eighties, he collaborated closely with the National Union of Mineworkers throughout the 1984-5 strike, producing a series of incisive critiques of the economic foundations for the Thatcherite policy on pit closures.His last book, Capitalism Unleashed (2006), acknowledged the resilience of Western capitalism but continued to warn of its socially destabilising consequences. Writing in the Guardian, Cabinet Office Minister and former student Ed Miliband remembered his strong views and his “deep commitment to a fairer and more just society.” He said, “While Andrew was an analyst, he did not want simply to understand the world, he wanted it to change.”Glyn was also known as a great jazz enthusiast, reportedly telling one student, “The three greatest men who ever lived were Lenin, Trotsky and Charlie Parker. Not necessarily in that order.” He is survived by his wife Wendy Carlin and four children from his two marriages.His funeral took place in the College hall on 4th January, attended by family and friends, fellow economists, colleagues at Corpus, as well as current and former students. Amongst them were David Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, and his brother, Ed. Reflecting on Mr. Glyn’s contribution to the University, Corpus President Tim Lankester told some 300 mourners that Andrew Glyn “represented the very best amongst Oxford tutors.”He said, “He was loved and revered by those he taught. He gave his students the tools, from a variety of economic traditions, with which to question and analyse. He didn’t try to impose his own views, even in the early days when his economic ideas were, shall we say, less rounded. No-one used the tutorial more effectively in encouraging students to think clearly and critically.”by James Stafford

By Mike Sweeney Thames Valley Police and the Oxford Union have both denied making security mistakes during the Free Speech forum last term at the Union, during which a group anti-fascist protesters seriously disrupted the event. Despite making what both sides have described as extensive security plans, the Free Speech forum on 26th November was delayed by over an hour when more than thirty anti-fascists protester broke in to the main debating room and staged a sit-down protest. Superintendent Brendan O’Dowda, local Police Commander for Oxford, rejected suggestions that the police should have prevented such disturbances. He said, “The police engaged in a considerable amount of planning and preparation prior to this event. There was a memorandum [with theOxford Union] as to what the roles and responsibilities were. One thing that the police were not responsible for was checking and quality assurance of those that were entering the debate.” He added, “Not a single person was arrested and no criminal offences have taken place. In policing terms, the event passed in line with our strategic objectives.” The Oxford Union also refused to accept that their security had been at fault, alleging that the disruption had occurred as a result of a “deliberately planned challenge by protesters.” In a joint statement Luke Tryl and Emily Partington, the current president of the Union, said protesters had exploited a safety measure by security officers to prevent people being crushed.“Our qualified security team allowed in several protesters at the gate who were being crushed in order to avoid any harm coming to them, but whilst they were undertaking to ensure the safety of all at the gate several protesters scaled the Union walls at their own risk,’ they said. “There were people sitting on top of the railings next to the gate and right up against the gate when for some reason it opened for about half a minute and around thirty people managed to force their way through.” “The security guards tried to grab us but there were too many and we managed to get into the debating chamber.” Students who had acquired tickets to attend the debate failed to get into the Union because the crowd was blocking the entrance and jeering at those who tried to enter. Some ticket holders resorted to climbing over the Union walls themselves. Ruby Thompson, a history and politics student at Brasenose college, was able to enter through a side entrance. “The crowd was shouting verbal abuse at those who tried to get in. Some people gave up,” she said. “I suppose the police could have made it safer to get in, but it was reckless of the Union to hold the debate and they really should have taken more responsibility.” “I think it’s unfair to impose such a burden on the police for what was essentially a publicity stunt,” sheadded. Asked if they would apologise to their members for the level of disruption at the debate, Luke Tryl and Emily Partington said, “The Union is, of course, sorry that members may have felt intimidated as they tried to attend the forum, but we feel that the blame for that intimidation must lie with the protesters themselves". Facsists try to name student protesters on Redwatch Photographs of students involved in protests against the Free Speech forum last term have been posted on a far right website which encourages its viewers to post the names and addresses of the protesters. ‘Redwatch’ claims to have been set up in retaliation against the activities of anti-fascist groups who it says have published the details of British Nationalist campaigners. A statement on the website says, “Fight back- send us details of your local red scumbags- we want their names, addresses, phone numbers, photographs, work details- anything and everything about them to publish here.” Duncan Money, a second year at Balliol, whose details appear on the site, is an anti-fascist campaigner who has received threats from far right groups. However, he said that those who had appeared on the site had no reason to worry. “A couple of attacks have been connected to Redwatch, a teachers car got torched in Leeds and a trade unionist was stabbed in the face in Liverpool, but it’s important to stress these are isolated incidents. There are literally thousands of people shown on the website.” “The protesters have only their faces on the site and it is far, far more likely they will be run over by a car then experience fascist violence.”

There has been a significant increase in the number of applications and acceptances from ethnic minority students, according to recently published figures by the University. In the most competitive year in the University’s history, applications from black ethnic minorities for undergraduate entry in 2007 rose by 19% with acceptances increasing by 21%. Both educational charities and parliamentary figures welcomed the news. A spokesman for the Sutton Trust, which campaigns to get brighter students from non-traditional backgrounds into top universities, said, “We are delighted that the latest figures show an increase in students going to Oxford University from ethnic minority backgrounds. We would like to congratulate the University.” A motion tabled for Parliament by Dr. Evan Harris, MP for Oxford West and Abingdon, also acknowledged the work the University had done to raise the achievement and aspirations among black boys. The motion stated, “This House welcomes the University of Oxford Black Boys Can Programme which is run in conjunction with the National Black Boys Can Association, wishes the 26 students in this year’s programme every success, and encourages more higher education institutions in the UK to participate in such schemes.” The joint venture involves residential programmes in Oxford as well as follow up training days and talks for parents on how best to support their boy’s aspirations. Mike Nicholson, Director of Undergraduate Admissions, said, “Competition for a place to study at Oxford University has been fiercer than ever last year. It is good to see that specifically targeted outreach activities, such as our work with black ethnic minorities, is beginning to bear fruit. We are grateful for Evan Harris MP’s interest and support for our work with the National Black Boys Can Association.” However, there have been reservations concerning the relevance of the latest statistics. A spokesman for the NBBCA said, “We need to look behind the figures.” He argued that a closer look at the data revealed an increase in students from “dualheritage backgrounds” and not necessarily those from African and Afr can- Caribbean backgrounds. He went on to say that more still needed to be done to widen participation at the Red Brick universities. “One of the things they could try is to go into inner city black communities and conduct some sessions in schools so that brighter students from those areas do not feel intimidated, but think ‘I can be there as well’.” The call for more action coincides with increased efforts by the university to widen access. In November a visit by the US Civil Rights Leader, Rev Jesse Jackson, launched the ASPIRE initiative aimed at encouraging more black students to apply to the University through mentoring schemes. At the event hosted by Regent’s Park College, Rev Jackson called for the University to reflect the diversity of society. Meanwhile a University spokesperson explained how the University would increase its work on widening access through a “new Student Funding and Access Office which brings together functions which were previously distributed across the administration.” James Lamming, Vice-President of OUSU, added, “OUSU, the Oxford Access Scheme and the University have all been investing in encouraging applications from all backgrounds, through open days, school visits, residentials and guides such as the OUSU Alternative Prospectus. OUSU hopes to see the University continue investing in the schemes, like the Summer Schools, that have proven to be most successful, and targeting support to help talented students from all backgrounds who have so far not enjoyed the greatest educational opportunities.” Yet Oxford continues to attract criticism after the latest admission statistics revealed that the number of state school pupils who were admitted had not risen. Of those who gained a place to study for 2007 entry, 46.8% were from the Maintained sector, a slight decrease on the percentage for the previous year. This follows a Sutton Trust report which claimed that a small number of top independent schools provided one third of all admissions to Oxbridge. A spokesman for the Sutton Trust said that they “hope the number of youngsters going to Oxford from state schools and poorer homes will also increase, as students from these backgrounds remain under-represented.” Last year there were 13,639 applications in total, an increase of 8.1%, which is the largest number ever recorded. From these there were 3,160 acceptances. This equates to an overall success rate of 23.2%, nearly 2% down on the previous year’s figure of 25.4%. by Katherine Hall