Sunday 17th August 2025
Blog Page 29

Ancient Echoes, Modern Forms: Cheung Yee and contemporaries exhibition at the Ashmolean Review

Cienna Jennings
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Ancient Echoes, Modern Forms: Cheung Yee and contemporaries exhibition at the Ashmolean Review

Upon entering the Ashmolean Museum’s Reforming Abstraction exhibition, visitors are immediately struck by the diversity and energy of the works on display. 2D artworks line both the left and right walls, their vivid colours and dynamic shapes standing out against the gallery’s plain backdrop. The exhibition presents a wide range of media – from sculptures and woodcraft to experimental prints – highlighting the bold innovations of Asian artists during the late 1900s, with a particular focus on the Hong Kong sculptor, Cheung Yee. 

Cheung Yee was a visionary who helped redefine the boundaries of Hong Kong art. At a time when Western modernism was beginning to influence the local scene, Yee carved a unique path, merging traditional East Asian iconography and folklore with contemporary forms like abstract expressionism. Rather than copying Western styles, he reinterpreted them through the lens of his own cultural heritage. As a significant figure in this creative shift, Yee also co-founded the influential Circle Art Group and was an inspiration to many young artists seeking a break from innovation. 

One of the most compelling pieces in the exhibition is Cheung’s Spirit (1977)( as shown in the picture above), a striking example of his innovative ‘cast paper’ technique – a method that combines printmaking and sculpture. The process begins by carving reliefs into wooden blocks to form lead moulds, which are then filled with paper pulp and reinforced with glass fibre to give strength and texture. Once dry, the piece is painted in a monotone colour; in the case of Spirit, a bold, saturated, red. This colour was carefully chosen – red holds deep significance in East Asian culture, symbolising good fortune, joy, and celebration, often used in festivals such as Lunar New Year and weddings. 

At first glance, Spirit may appear abstract and ambiguous. But upon closer inspection, the piece reveals its depth – its concave shapes, curved lines and textured surface evoke the shell of a tortoise, a recurring motif in Cheung’s work. This is not just decorative – during the Shang Dynasty (c.1600 BC-1046 BC), tortoise shells were used with animal bones for divination practices and inscriptions. The spindle-shaped holes of this piece are a reflection of the Shang Dynasty practice of engraving and heating oracle bones to create fissels, which were seen as messages from the divine. In this way, Spirit stands as a perfect encapsulation of Cheung Yee’s artistic mission: to blend contemporary techniques with traditional symbolism in a way that is both timeless and new. 

Also featured in the exhibition is Chinese artist Liu Kuo-sung, another pioneering figure in East Asian art. One example is his vibrant work The Sun. In this piece, the sun sits at the top centre of the composition, surrounded by a deep crimson red sky that gradually softens into orange as it moves downward. In the foreground, green hues suggest landmasses and oceans, anchoring the piece with a sense of earthly presence. This part of the painting was created using Liu’s innovative technique of stripping away paper fibres and ink blotching, giving it a textured, organic feel.

Rather than depicting a landscape from the traditional bird’s-eye perspective common in Chinese painting, The Sun invites the viewer to gaze upwards from Earth into the vast cosmos. This shift in viewpoint-looking from the ground toward the infinite sky-marks a powerful departure from traditional perspective. By showing both the Earth and the surrounding universe, the piece resonates with the Chinese philosophy of the unity of ‘sky-heaven and humanity’, which suggests a deep connection between humanity and the cosmos.

Overall, the exhibition showcases the revolutionary work of Cheung Yee and his contemporaries, all of whom played key roles in redefining East Asian art through their avant-garde approaches. Cheung Yee, in particular, masterfully blends Western modernist techniques with traditional East Asian spirituality and folklore. His work challenges the conventions of ink-on-paper painting while remaining deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of Hong Kong.

Twelve points to politics: Eurovision is more than it seems

Jan Maciejewski
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Twelve points to politics: Eurovision is more than it seems

It’s a little over a week until the Grand Final of the Eurovision Song Contest, held this year in Basel, Switzerland. I don’t know about you, but I can almost smell the latex and hairspray. For many, Eurovision is an annual ritual of humiliation whereby families gather round the television on a Saturday night to scorn the nations of Europe for their questionable performances and voting patterns. For others, Eurovision is a progressive celebration of different cultures which promotes inclusivity, fosters diversity, and allows countries as small as San Marino to share the stage with musical powerhouses like the United Kingdom.

Beyond acting as a song contest, Eurovision has also become a symbol of queer culture, the Wadstock of the European world. In 2014, Austrian drag queen Conchita Wurst won the contest, and ten years later, Switzerland’s Nemo became Eurovision’s first non-binary winner. Aside from the artists, merely enjoying Eurovision has become shorthand for being gay. Telling people that I enjoy the contest feels like coming out all over again. By the same token, seeing my boyfriend squirm when I force him to watch Moldova’s entry in 2011 feels like an advert for conversion therapy.

All these interpretations are fundamentally reductive. Eurovision is far from an event that’s onenight-only. In fact, ‘Eurovision season’ begins several months prior to the show in September, as national broadcasters choose who they wish to represent them on an international stage. For some nations, Eurovision is the largest platform they get to show themselves off. Countries like Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan value Eurovision as an opportunity to showcase their unique and diverse cultures to an audience who otherwise wouldn’t be able to spell ‘Azerbaijan’ if you put a gun to their head. As such, Eurovision is not just a song contest which forces a captive audience to consume three hours of kitsch Euro-slop, but rather a platform for artists and delegations to show off their country in front of as many as 200 million viewers.

A European platform

Here in the UK, we like to mock Eurovision artists from their questionable fashion right up to their even more questionable vocals. Across Europe, however, Eurovision is a treasured institution. Last year, 96% of television viewers in Iceland tuned in to watch the Money, money, money contest. Other high viewing shares were reported in Sweden (87%), Norway (86%), Croatia (73%), and Lithuania (70%). By contrast, the viewing share last year for the UK was just 47%. It goes without mentioning that the reach of Eurovision exceeds household viewing – pubs, bars, and JCRs all take part in the fun too. Last year, I fondly remember ordering a pint of Orchard Pig at St Hilda’s as a Slovenian woman sang a song called ‘Veronika’ in the background: a night to remember (if only I could).

Despite such watch parties, though, Eurovision is not as salient on this side of the Channel. One reason for this apathetic attitude towards the contest is the legacy of our commentating tradition. Prior to Graham Norton, the main commentator for the BBC’s coverage of Eurovision was Terry Wogan, whose dry and sardonic humour meant that the contest wasn’t held in great regard during the late 90s and early 2000s. Furthermore, successive victories in the early 2000s by Eastern Bloc countries led to a sentiment that Western countries were being deliberately sidelined by voters. Notoriously, Wogan claimed that the UK’s dreaded nul points in 2003 was due to “post-Iraq backlash”. Regardless of whether it’s Iraq in 2003 or Brexit in 2016, it seems that UK viewers and commentators will go to no end in blaming external factors for dreadful finishes in the contest.

Valued at £7.6 billion in 2023, the UK music industry does not need Eurovision to prove its worth. As embarrassing as Jemini’s performance of ‘Cry Baby’ was in 2003, it didn’t have major repercussions on the UK’s international image. Even Jemini eventually profited from the ordeal, performing at a John Lewis in 2023 when Liverpool hosted the event (très chic). While larger countries usually dominate World Cups and Olympics, even the likes of Malta and Luxembourg get in the limelight at Eurovision. Every broadcaster is subject to the same rules: one act; three minutes; five partially-clothed dancers.

Juries and anti-intellectualism

What do the Brexit referendum, Donald Trump’s first election victory, and Eurovision 2023 all have in common? Apart from acting as evidence that people should never be allowed to vote on anything ever, all three events have epitomised a narrative that socalled ‘experts’ are wrong. In the Brexit referendum, economists warned about the financial ramifications of leaving the EU; in both the 2016 and 2024 US elections, it was a desire to ‘drain the swamp’ which propelled Trump to victory; and in Eurovision, there has been backlash towards the juries as ‘music experts’ which epitomises this anti-intellectualist trend.

In 2023, backlash was especially pronounced following Sweden’s victory at the contest. Despite Finland topping the public vote in eighteen different countries, accruing 376 televotes, it was Sweden’s Loreen which triumphed overall owing to a large jury score. Though discrepancies between jury and televote scores aren’t new, they have only been clearly visible to non-Eurovision geeks since 2016, when results ceased being combined into one overall ranking. For televote winner Finland to have an 133-point-lead with the public, and yet still miss out on the trophy, was a very public display of jury/televote misalignment.

The 50/50 jury/televote system began in 2009 following successive victories by Eastern Bloc countries in the early 2000s. As Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union splintered into several countries, Eastern Europe began to achieve a monopoly in the televoting system of the early 2000s. Estonia, Latvia, Ukraine, Serbia, and Russia are all Eastern European countries which won for the first time in this era. Though neighbourly voting is not unique to Eastern Europe, with Scandinavian countries also exchanging high points, the arrival of many Eastern European nations in the 2000s made their regional alliances particularly influential in shaping the leaderboard. Notably, in 2007, not a single Western European country finished on the left-hand side of the scoreboard, nevermind placing in the top 10.

This ‘bloc voting’ concerned executives at the EBU who sought to improve the quality of music at the contest and to curtail the Eastern European dominance. The result was the introduction of ‘juries’. Each jury would consist of a panel of five ‘music experts’ whose ranking of the performances would constitute 50% of a country’s overall voting result. T hough this was controversial right from the outset, there was a general acceptance that the introduction of juries would, and did, improve the overall quality of entries in the contest.

Recently, the debate has become more heated. The last time that the juries and televote agreed on the winner of a contest was in 2017, when Salvador Sobral topped both scorecards for Portugal. The last time a televote winner won the overall contest was in 2022, with Ukraine’s Kalush Orchestra propelling them to victory in a Eurovision season defined by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In 2023 and 2024, however, it has been the jury winner who has triumphed over the televote favourites. As such, resentment towards the juries is understandable. The jury/televote debate is, however, more complex than this. What qualifies as a ‘music expert’ to the EBU is ambiguous and has therefore been the source of confusion. For instance, a member of the Swedish jury in 2013 was a 40-yearold backing singer called Monika. Monika may know how to hold a note; but should this ability give her the same voting power as hundreds of thousands of Swedish televoters? Thus far, the jury is out.

Regardless of where a particular audience member stands on this debate, though, its very nature acts as a microcosm for anti-intellectualism and indeed populist discourse which questions the notion that expertise and experience should qualify individuals to hold positions of power. It’s a trope that has been particularly common in recent election cycles. For Eurofans, though, it’s been in our conversations for a while. Often, the discourses that the contest generates are replicated on a grander and more potent scale.

Money, money, money

Though the EBU does not make any money from organising Eurovision, the contest is nevertheless a substantial revenue stream. Ticket-sales, sponsorships, and adverts all offset the costs of running the contest and, as such, the EBU tries to incentivise certain countries to keep participating in order to reduce the losses they would otherwise face. Sites like The Conversation have suggested that Israel’s continued participation in the contest, despite the war with Hamas, is driven not only by a desire to retain their participation fee but also by the influence of Eurovision’s main sponsor, Moroccanoil, an Israeli cosmetics company that could pull its support if Israel withdrew. Their continued involvement with Eurovision following the Israel-Hamas war has increased tensions in recent contests, which has rubbed off on how the contest is perceived. One Oxford student told me the contest is “dystopian”. Another told me the EBU has “incomprehensible ways of policing which political statements are allowed, and who can share them”. For the fans, the continued participation of Israel is a question of morality. For the EBU, though, it may be one of finances.

In the past, some host cities have profited from the increased revenue streams brought by Eurovision. In 2023, for instance, Liverpool generated an extra £20 million after hosting the contest in 2023. However, organising Eurovision can also be a financial burden. Copenhagen lost big in 2014 after its organisers baffling decided to construct a new arena in a disused shipyard, only for it to literally never be used again.

Beyond budgets, hosting Eurovision can also be considered controversial as countries use the opportunity to polish their image in much the same way that they do so on stage. Azerbaijan was accused held a contest known for its queer following whilst maintaining a crackdown on queer communities, and also evicted local families to build its 2011 venue. More recently, the 2024 edition held in Malmö was remarkably tense owing to the large Muslim population of the city protesting Israel’s participation, with death threats allegedly levelled towards Israel’s representative, Eden Golan. Eurovision can thus act not just as a microcosm, but indeed as a melting pot of anxiety and conflict. Far from its origins as a festival designed to promote peaceful coexistence following WWII, critics argue that modern-day Eurovision is more divisive and violent than ever.

Twelve points to politics!

Eurovision is embroiled in geopolitics and queer politics alike. Though Eurofans like me do enjoy the contest for its own sake – and believe me, nothing makes me happier than when someone gets my reference when I say that an outfit is ‘giving Barbara Dex’ – an awareness of the contest can often offer more insight into the complexities of geopolitics, self-determination, and performativity than several feature-length op-eds in the New York Times or Atlantic. Eurovision is a microcosm as well as a melting pot; an escape from conflict as well as an arena for it to play out on stage. Political whilst professing to be anything but, Eurovision is an event that’s full of contradictions. That’s what makes it so fun to watch. Next time someone loudly boasts that Eurovision ‘is just political’, whether this be a family member or fellow college bar goer, nod your head in agreement. However, although such statements are intended to lessen the value of the contest, it really just makes Eurovision all the more fascinating to follow.

VE Day celebrations to take place across Oxfordshire

Noah Robson
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VE Day celebrations to take place across Oxfordshire

Street parties are being planned across Oxfordshire as part of a national programme of events to mark the 80th anniversary of Victory in Europe (VE) Day on Thursday 8th May.

Celebrating 80 years of peace, Oxford City Council have encouraged residents to host street parties by waiving the road closure charge typically in place for hosting such small community events. Various historical displays and tributes have been planned, including a nationwide ‘Great British Food Festival’ on Bank Holiday Monday (5th May).

On VE Day itself, the Council have announced that the Union flag will be flown over both the Town Hall and Carfax Tower. At the latter, a bell-ringing ceremony will take place at 6.30pm, with a beacon being lit at Blenheim Palace later that evening.

Elsewhere in the city centre, on Saturday 10th May there will be a performance from the Bicester Military Wives Choir at lunchtime, on St Michael’s Street and at the Covered Market.

At the Soldiers of Oxfordshire Museum, in Woodstock, an exhibition dedicated to telling the story of the final stages of the Second World War has opened, on display until November. It particularly focuses on the experiences of soldiers local to the area, such as women working for MI5 at Blenheim Palace, who recount their memories of “people dancing in line from St Giles to Carfax”.

Lord Mayor of Oxford, Councillor Mike Rowley said the anniversary was an “important opportunity” to remember the sacrifices of those involved in the war effort, and “to honour the bravery and sacrifice of the wartime generation”.

He continued: “VE Day is a defining moment in our history, and this may be one of the last opportunities we have to thank the surviving veterans, so we should celebrate them in style.

“Gathering with our neighbours and local communities to share food, drink and stories will always be a very special thing to do. By waiving the road closure charge for small street parties, we want to make it as easy as possible for people to take part.”

Ssh… here’s the debrief on gossip

Amy Lawson
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Ssh… here’s the debrief on gossip

Some words in the English language, though they might have a neutral meaning in the dictionary, are instant red flags: empath, nice, devil’s advocate. “Gossip”, though, has always been firmly amongst the ranks of the irredeemable – it’s a word associated with idle talking, often about other people’s business, often without their knowledge. At its worst, it isolates people, driving friendship groups apart and creating a hopelessly toxic environment for the ones left behind. So does this condemn our partiality for spilling the tea? 

Yapping is a historical instinct, it turns out. It hails back to before the 12th century, where the word “gossip” or “godsibb” later developed from its original meaning of “godparent” to describe anyone who was a close acquaintance, a confidant. As time went on, the word began to pick up an increasingly gendered undertone. In Chaucer, the Wife of Bath frequently mentions a “godsibb” of hers, a close female friend with whom she shared her grievances about everyday life. The usage sounds relatively innocuous, but already, it was beginning to pick up a disparaging connotation. In many ways, it’s hardly surprising how what started out as a relatively innocuous term has become associated with being the neighbourhood/college busybody: after all, there is, apparently, nothing more threatening than women gathering together to have a chat. 

Yet gossip is a term which encompasses so much more than just bad-mouthing other people. It doesn’t always have to carry a sense of contempt. Of course, circulating rumours and delving into other people’s lives without their consent or even their presence tends to break social bonds rather than establish them, but I’d argue that gossiping – or debriefing, which I think suits my meaning much more – has an innate unifying power which, when used properly, can bring people together.

It all boils down to the exchange of information, which is increasingly what our society is built upon – a kind of social currency. When we express our opinions healthily in the company of people we trust, we understand each other better. Chatting, yapping, having a blether: however you’d like to put it, it can be a force for good. Now more than ever, it’s particularly important in friendships amongst those identifying as women. It can help us identify individuals who might pose a threat, and how their damaging behaviours often affect us. That’s right – yapping might even save lives. 

On a less serious note, there’s something so freeing about a full debrief session with a friend you haven’t seen in a while. Phones on silent, beverage in hand, you wile away the hours chatting about anything and everything going on in your lives, and often walk away feeling much lighter. Unlike regular small talk, there are no topics that are off-limits, opening up space to broach challenging issues and deepen your connection with that person. Debriefing is ritualistic, healing, and a much larger part of our society than we give it credit for.

University Welfare Services release annual reports

Lilly Law
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University Welfare Services release annual reports

The 2023/24 reports from Student Welfare and Support Services (SWSS) were published last week. SWSS are split into four services: University Counselling, Disability Advisory, Sexual Harassment and Violence Support, and Peer Support Services. Support from each service is available to any student in the collegiate university, and SWSS maintains a close working relationship with college welfare teams.

The counselling service reported success in their new appointment prioritisation system: 37% of students referred to the service were seen in less than five working days, up from 30%. Of the 8% of referrals which contained “substantially time-sensitive presentation or personal circumstances”, 81% were assessed in less than five days. 

Women continue to outnumber men in seeking counselling, making up 62% of students accessing central university services. Undergraduates were the most likely to use all services. They were also the only degree classification to use college counselling services more than central services. While post-pandemic “survey fatigue” was blamed for the low completion rate of feedback forms, 92% of respondents rated their experience as “very good”.

Referrals to the Disability Advisory Service (DAS) increased slightly this year. 23.3% of students had interacted with DAS, compared to 22% in the previous year. By the end of the 2023/4 academic year, more than 3,400 Student Support Plans were in place. Students mainly sought help from DAS for examination adjustments, especially for dyslexia and dyspraxia. Citing concerns about NHS waiting times for autism and ADHD assessments, DAS began to accept a wider range of disability evidence. They include a referral to NHS autism or ADHD assessment by a GP, and a support plan from another university, school, or college.  

The Sexual Harassment and Violence Support Service saw a 5% increase in referrals, but saw a decrease in referrals to the Independent Sexual Violence Advisor, who provides support for those against whom sexual misconduct has been alleged. Half of those referred did not wish to make a formal report to their college, the university, or the police. The Service saw an increase in cases where the incident was ongoing, and 40% of those that it handled had occurred within the last six months. However, 49% of incidents disclosed took place outside of a University context. Seven more colleges adopted the online ‘Consent for Students’ training, with fifteen providing it in total.

The Peer Support Service continued to train students in supporting each other. 123 students completed peer support training, taking the total number of active Peer Supporters to 354. This is a decrease from last year, where 142 new Peer Supporters were trained. The Service trained 32 new Junior Deans, for a total of 137. This number dropped for the second year running, down from 47 in 21-22 and 40 in 22-23.

According to the Student Union’s latest welfare report, 76% of students have felt anxious during their time at Oxford University. 44% had felt depressed. 38% reported their mental health worsening since coming to the University, with almost three-quarters stating that their course had adversely affected their mental health. 40% of students had never used welfare support, and only 35% were satisfied with it.

An Oxford University spokesperson told Cherwell: “Oxford is committed to ensuring that all of our students have access to an outstanding educational experience and that we fulfil our legal obligations by providing reasonable individual adjustments and study support for disabled students.  We are pleased to offer an environment in which disabled students want to study and can disclose a disability, and the University remains firmly committed to reducing and removing barriers to learning and embedding inclusive teaching and learning practices that benefit all students.”

Jane Harris and Katherine Noren, Co-Directors of Student Welfare and Support Services, said: “We are proud to present this year’s annual reports, with deep gratitude for the daily collaboration between students and our teams. Their collective efforts enhance our understanding of the challenges and opportunities for student wellbeing at Oxford, and shape the services we provide. 

“We remain committed to delivering high-quality services and strengthening partnerships across the University, recognising that effective student welfare is a shared undertaking that draws on the diversity and wisdom of Oxford’s comprehensive welfare ecosystem.”

Flash in the Pan Pan: Street-food style Asian tapas

Cherwell Lifestyle Section Editors
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Flash in the Pan Pan: Street-food style Asian tapas

If you can drag yourself over Magdalen Bridge and past the roundabout (that for most students marks the limit of the Oxford bubble), Cowley and its surrounding area offers many worthwhile alternatives to the chain restaurants that dominate the centre of town. On quiet St Clements Street, a warm glow welcomes guests from behind an unobtrusive facade – Pan Pan restaurant promises a casual and comfortable dining experience.  

As a chronically indecisive person, especially when it comes to food (as my friends can well attest – sorry!), the idea of ‘small-plates’ dining has always appealed to me. Can’t pick one thing? Try a bit of everything! Pan Pan’s menu comprises a variety of small Pan-Asian dishes, as well as larger plates, covering diverse cuisines with Japanese, Thai, and Korean street-food styles.  

Tapas-style dining has soared in popularity over the last decade or so, with businesses rushing to hop on the trend. This has, unfortunately, enabled exploitation: eschewing the spirit of the small-plates experience, many restaurants hike up their prices and reduce portion sizes, which is a nasty financial sting in place of a digestif. The small dishes at Pan Pan were a little on the expensive side, but the quality made each dish ultimately worthwhile. 

Pan Pan has cultivated a cosy and intimate dining ambience, while avoiding a claustrophobic intensity. The modern decor – illuminated with warm tones, and punctuated with booth-style seating, as well as tables – fosters a casual atmosphere, appropriate to the menu’s homage to street-food culture. 

Between the four of us, we ordered six small plates, and one large dish. There is a solid range of vegetarian options, with notable transparency regarding the use of fish sauce (not always a given). The service was friendly and very efficient, with less than ten minutes of waiting time. To drink, we ordered Thai milk tea; while it was somewhat overpriced, it was thankfully not too sweet, as is often the case, so it ended up being a surprisingly appropriate companion to the food.

The Japanese seaweed salad was perfect; the addition of carrot and sesame really elevated the dish to make it flavoursome, light, and refreshing. The crispy calamari and the crispy prawn gyoza dumplings (somewhat off-puttingly titled ‘Crispy Dump’) had a really great texture that lived up to its name, and the sauces that came with them accompanied each dish skillfully. Although we were skeptical at first of the Roti Canai, which seemed incongruous in the company of predominantly Korean, Thai, and Japanese style dishes, the accompanying curried sauce was more Thai inspired in place of the usual daal, so that it married well with the other dishes. The Sichimi Tofu was a highlight, coated in crispy flavour with a delicately soft interior, which would have marketed the protein often unjustly typecast as flavourless to the most ardent carnivore. The bao bun was big enough to split into four, but I could have eaten my body weight in that pillowy dough. It was perfectly offset with chilli mayo, and a crunchy vegetable croquette. Hungry as we were, we also ordered the Spicy Tofu Bibimbap to share. The generous portion size at a reasonable price was a welcome change from the small plates, and the dish was packed with an enticing and well-balanced variety of ingredients. 

Eclecticism in restaurants is often a point of weakness, however. As much as I enjoyed my meal at Pan Pan, the broad-brush approach, attempting to encompass such differing cuisines in one menu, felt almost hurried. Each individual dish seemed authentic and well-rounded – they resisted the fallacy of fusion food, that detrimental attempt to be quirky. Yet there was not much chance to fully appreciate one particular flavour profile when all of them were subsumed within a whirlwind tour of ‘Asian’ food. The attempt to comprehend the entirety of a vast continent within a two page menu was admirable, but inevitably, fell short. The menu maintained cohesiveness, but only just.

The atmosphere of the restaurant was what stood out to me the most; its casual style seemed designed to encourage sociable dining. As a venue, it’s not exactly suited to a date, but it was the perfect excuse for a much-needed start of term catch up between friends. 

What we ordered: Japanese Seaweed Salad (£5.90), Crispy Calamari (£8.50), Crispy Dumplings (£6.20), Roti Canai (£4.90), Sichimi Tofu (£6.90), Bao (£5.50), Spicy Tofu Bibimbap (£11.90), Thai milk tea (£4.90).

New Mods: An infantilising step away from the fundamentals

A Classics Student
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New Mods: An infantilising step away from the fundamentals

Oxford has long played an important role in the world of classical academia. Feeney, Lyne, Griffin, Macleod, Murray, Hall, Osborne… the list of notable classicists who have studied here, if not even taught tutorials themselves, is immense. Surely it is only common sense that the University should continue this tradition, a duty both to itself and to the discipline of classics more broadly?

You would have thought so. But the changes to the Mods syllabus (the equivalent of Prelims, exams which classicists sit in Hilary term of their second year) make alarming reading for anyone invested in the subject. The most striking change is the removal of the Iliad and the Aeneid, two works it is vital to study because of their fundamental influence on all of the rest of ancient culture. They have been replaced by an anthology of texts, including such niche works as Terence’s Adelphoe and Lucian’s True Histories, interesting in their own right but surely not fitting to be studied by classicists at the very start of their degrees.

Whilst the Iliad and the Aeneid can now be sat as Finals papers instead, this still means that a classicist can go through their entire degree without reading the most influential texts in the classical world. To try and understand ancient literature without the Iliad and Aeneid is like trying to understand trigonometry without algebra first.

The language of these texts is also relatively easy for a first-year student to read, certainly far easier than that of Thucydides and Tacitus, two of the authors who will replace them. The Faculty generally seems to be very apathetic to the study of classical languages, so much so that they have not yet released any details of the form of the new language papers, the website only saying that ‘grammar work’ will play some role in the course.

Reports suggest that they intend to make prose composition (translating from English into Latin or Greek) optional, offering candidates an alternative comprehension paper on a text they have prepared beforehand, little more than a memory test. But writing in other languages is an invaluable skill, giving students an awareness of structure, style and idiom which cannot be gained simply from translating into English. Any languages student could tell you that for free, yet the Classics Faculty seems unable to appreciate it.

But, for anyone who has any knowledge of the faculty, this decision is entirely, depressingly unsurprising. The centralised language classes are known to vary heavily in their quality, with the worst being little more than a recap of grammar learnt at A-Level or even GCSE. Handouts often contain mistakes and the grammar tests focus on arcane, practically irrelevant forms. Yet the Faculty also disapproves of the language classes that individual colleges run for their students, set up precisely because of their failure; they have even rejected offers from senior college language tutors to help run faculty classes. This all seems to point to a faculty that believes classics can be taught without in-depth study of original languages, a notion which has gained currency recently but is undoubtedly absurd: it’s like the Old Testament without Hebrew, Dante without Italian — English students must even learn Old English before studying Beowulf. The simple fact is that so many fundamental aspects of literary criticism, from style to tone to word choice, cannot be properly appreciated in translation.

At this point an important caveat should be made: whilst no longer “the hardest set of exams in the world”, (as Cherwell once called it), the demands are still brutal, with candidates sitting more papers at Mods than at Finals. It is no secret that the Mods term is perhaps the most gruelling in the whole four years. Moreover, students with no prior experience of Latin or Greek at Oxford seem to be at a disadvantage: in the past three years they have made up a third of the intake, but only a fifth of the First Class results at Mods. But surely the fact that someone’s experience of languages before Oxford makes more of a difference to their result than the five terms of teaching they have received here is just another damning indictment of the faculty?

Indeed, this attitude is simply infantilising towards classics students, many of whom became interested in the subject precisely because of the linguistic side. It is especially patronising to those who have not studied Latin or Greek before: the enthusiasm and commitment to study a subject you have little prior experience of should not be underestimated. You are forced to ask: who do these reforms actually benefit? Clearly not the students, nor many of the professors, with some even using their lectures to show their sadness/disgust/indignation at the changes to the course. Even worse, one tutor noted that placing less emphasis on language will have a knock-on effect on schools and their teaching, just as the government has decided to pull the plug on funding for Latin lessons: any idea that these reforms will promote equality is simply naive and misguided.

The changes to Mods are detrimental to the study of both language and literature, demeaning to tutors and tutees alike, and will perhaps even be harmful to the teaching of classics throughout the country. This is a faculty that is unable to live up to the standards of its own staff and students.

Mini-crossword: TT25 Week 1

Zoë McGuire
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Made using the free crossword puzzle generator from Amuse Labs

Previous mini-crosswords this term:

Follow the Cherwell Instagram for updates on our online puzzles.

For even more crosswords and other puzzles, pick up a Cherwell print issue from your JCR/Plodge!

Liberal Democrat victory in last County Council election

Conor Walsh
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Liberal Democrat victory in last County Council election

Oxfordshire residents voted in what was expected to be Oxfordshire County Council’s last election on Thursday 1st May after the UK government announced intentions to reform local government in December of last year. The Liberal Democrats gained a majority in the chamber, winning 36 seats.

A total of 69 councilors were elected, with the number of contested seats increasing from 63 to 69 following a review by the Electoral Boundary Commission.

Results of the election were announced on Friday, 2nd May. The Lib Dems saw a 12-seat increase compared to the last elections, giving them an outright majority and overall control of the council’s chamber. Previously, the council had been under no overall control since 2013, relying on a coalition between the Lib Dems and the Green Party in the last elected chamber.

The Greens also saw electoral success, winning four additional seats, bringing their total number of councillors to seven. Meanwhile, the Residents’ Association held on to their one seat on the council, and Reform UK elected their first-ever Oxfordshire councillor.

Liz Leffman, the current Lib Dem leader of the council, said that the election was “everything I could have hoped for”, whilst newly-elected Reform UK councillor Hao Du said he was “exhausted but very honoured” to be elected.

Both Labour and the Conservatives lost seats in the election. Labour won a total of 12 seats, a three-seat loss compared to the last elected chamber, whilst the Conservatives lost 15 seats, leaving them with only ten seats in the chamber.

Oxfordshire currently has a two-tier system of local government meaning that local services are provided by a combination of councils. Across Oxfordshire, services such as social care, waste collection, and transport are provided by Oxfordshire County Council where elections took place on Thursday.

Meanwhile, in the city of Oxford, local services such as planning, licensing, and tax collection are the responsibility of Oxford City Council. Elections for the city council took place last year.

The UK government has announced its intention to simplify this two-tier system by 2028. This means that Thursday’s election was likely the last ever election for Oxfordshire County Council.

Instead of this two-tier structure, local government in Oxfordshire will be replaced by one or more unitary local authorities as well as the election of a new regional Mayor. The precise structure and geographic boundaries of these offices are yet to be determined.

Announcing an overhaul of local government structures in December last year, Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner said: “We have an economy that hoards potential and a politics that hoards power. So our devolution revolution will deliver the greatest transfer of power from Whitehall to our communities in a generation.”
Speaking to Cherwell, Oxfordshire politicians have widely welcomed the plans to restructure local government in Oxford. The Conservative Party, however, have expressed scepticism over the plans with Shadow Secretary of State Kevin Hollinrake calling the plans “delegation, not devolution”.

‘I now live in constant fear’ – UN judge convicted of enslaving woman jailed for six years

Peter Chen
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‘I now live in constant fear’ – UN judge convicted of enslaving woman jailed for six years

Lydia Mugambe, a UN judge convicted of keeping a woman as a slave in her home in Oxford whilst she was studying for a DPhil in law at Pembroke College, was sentenced to six years and four months imprisonment at the Oxford Crown Court on 2nd May.

In March of this year, a jury found that the victim cooked, cleaned, and cared for Mugambe’s children from 6am to 10pm for no compensation, whilst the UN judge kept her passport and travel documents from her. The jury also heard evidence of intimidation and threats against the victim from Mugambe, including one incident where Mugambe threatened to cancel the victim’s visa and expose her to the authorities when she asked to be paid.

She was sentenced on one account each of facilitating a breach of UK Immigration laws, keeping a person as slave, trafficking a person into the UK for exploitation, as well as intimidating the witness to prevent her from testifying.

Caroline Haughey KC, prosecuting, read for the court an impact statement from the victim, who cannot be named for legal reasons. In her statement, the victim explained how these crimes have affected her everyday life since she reported Mugambe, stating: “I live in constant fear … I don’t sleep most nights. I have stopped speaking to most of my friends. I used to enjoy going on walks with my friends and singing and dancing to music … I now mostly sit alone in my room with my laptop.”

The court also heard how Mugambe attempted to silence the victim by contacting her pastor back in Uganda in order to pressure the victim into dropping the case against her.

Mugambe repeatedly shook her head in disbelief whilst the impact statement was read out. 

The prosecution pointed out that Mugambe has shown no remorse. In fact, the judge explained that Mugambe continues to see herself as the victim in this case.

Mr Justice Foxton sentenced Mugambe to six years and four months imprisonment, half to be served on license and credit given for time served on remand. The court also made references to a potential arrangement where Mugambe would serve her prison sentence back home in Uganda.

A restraining order was agreed which prevents Mugambe from contacting the victim, and a compensation order was made to repay the victim of her lost wages. During the defence’s remarks, Mugambe made an apparent attempt to seek a restraining order against the victim; this was not acknowledged by the court as it did not have such powers over the complainant in the case.

Ch Supt Ben Clark of Thames Valley Police told Cherwell after the sentencing: “Modern slavery is an under-reported crime and I hope that the bravery of the victim in this case encourages other victims of modern slavery to come forward.”

A spokesperson for the University of Oxford said: “The university is now commencing its own disciplinary process, which has the power to remove students convicted of serious criminal offences.”

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