Wednesday 13th August 2025
Blog Page 84

The relativity of joy in the US election

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If there’s one word that Tim Walz emphasised on his first day as Kamala Harris’ running mate, it was “joy”. Since his selection, support for Walz has coalesced instantaneously among Democrats. From progressives like Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez to moderates like Joe Manchin, Walz has an uncanny ability to satisfy all aspects of the caucus. The party seems happy again, regaining a sense of optimism that had previously evaporated.

There’s little reticence concerning Walz. By all accounts, he’s a friendly and normal guy. In stark contrast to Donald Trump’s running mate, Walz looks completely at ease when delivering his stump speech. Watch JD Vance attempt the same, and you’ll see how his sloppy delivery of low-grade jokes fails to garner substantial laughter. Struggling to land punchlines, Vance becomes one himself, ridiculed and laughed at during Democrat rallies – much to the joy of party attendees.  

The role of laughter seems more pronounced in this election than in previous ones. Whether it’s Harris’ cackle landing favour with Gen Z or Barack Obama’s penis-size joke at the DNC, there has been a definite shift in campaigning strategy. Michelle Obama famously said in 2016 that “when they go low, we go high” yet arguably, the Democrats have been beating the Republicans at their own game here. In part, this is a response to the dirtier and more insulting politics which Donald Trump popularised – yet there’s a fine line between the jokes deployed by Democrats as part of a campaigning offensive and those uttered by Trump which just are offensive. 

Not everyone appreciates this distinction. When Democrats communicated the insensitivity of Trump’s remarks during the 2016 campaign, it seemed to fall on deaf ears. Many voters liked how he was a “straight talker” who “said it like it is”. They were attracted to his belittling of politicians because that’s how they felt about politicians too. Trump positioned himself as a spokesman for the people, someone who spoke their language and understood their concerns. He was down-to-earth and relatable, grounding his campaign in a motif of simplicity. If the Democrats are to win in 2024, then they need to battle the Republicans on these same terms.

This is why Harris’ pick of Walz is so astute. He can appeal to these voters. Even before his nomination, Walz had been criticising the political climate fostered by Donald Trump. In an interview on Morning Joe, Walz lamented how Americans now dread attending Thanksgiving dinner due to the inevitable political debates which emerge at the dinner table. These aren’t mere disputes anymore; Thanksgiving quarrels now serve as battlegrounds of morality. Being Team Red or Team Blue is no longer about your approach toward fiscal policy or political philosophy – it’s seen as a measure of your patriotism. Many Americans are sick of these culture wars and wedge issues, and Walz highlights how Trump continues to fuel them.

Bringing up a shared experience like Thanksgiving lethargy may seem like a relatively simple tactic, but simplicity resonates in election campaigns. It’s the currency of success with which Donald Trump won the presidency. Whereas Hillary Clinton proposed complex policy positions to the public, Trump latched onto headline-grabbing slogans such as “drain the swamp” and “make America great again”. Arenas full of people would chant them – smiles on their faces, joy in their hearts.

However, the joy found in Trump’s 2016 campaign wasn’t the hopeful and optimistic kind espoused by Desmond Tutu; it was joy at the expense of others. Joy at the expense of pollsters; joy at the expense of Clinton; and joy at the expense of sexual assault victims. In a sick perversion of the slogan, “#MeToo” went from a statement of solidarity to a swagger of success. For every woman whose “Me Too” meant that they, too, were victims, there was a man in the White House for whom it meant that he, too, got away with it. Pollsters, Clinton, and social movements all became part of an “elite” that had, for generations, let Middle America down. Feeding into feverish excitement, joy among Republicans only grew as polling day neared. Yet this was a joy that couldn’t exist in a vacuum since it was only alive by virtue of schismogenesis and division. Thus in 2016, the Republicans weren’t happy because they won – they were happy because the Democrats lost. 

To some extent, this relativity of joy is present in the Harris/Walz campaign. Yes, there is genuine optimism for the ticket across the broad spectrum of the party but fundamentally, the Democrats fear what a second Trump Presidency would bring. The joy in their poll lead is exacerbated given that it’s Trump they’re defeating. Harris taps into this when she whips up the crowd into chanting, “we are not going back”. Although Clinton’s warnings about Trump in 2016 may have been prescient, they only fed into his argument that political elites were out to discredit him. Now, in a post-January 6th world, the terms of debate have shifted, with Harris’ message speaking to tangible concerns. The American people know what a Trump presidency looks like. They know how desperate he is to regain power. They know how little he cares about the country. This isn’t speculation anymore – it’s fact. It isn’t a message built from fear so much as one inherited from recent history. 

How the Democrats tackle this fear is through joy. Not joy at the expense of others, but joy in the hope of a better tomorrow. Both Democrats and Republicans use the relativity of joy, but their foundations differ from being rooted in distinct policy platforms. With the Democrats offering social security and gun reform, the smiles at Harris/Walz rallies stem from the joy of providing. With the Republicans supporting a ban on abortions and restrictions on IVF, their cheers represent the joy of depriving. A clear faultline therefore emerges, with both campaigns fighting to win the monopoly for joy. At the minute, though, polling momentum points in just one direction – and it’s generosity which is on Kamala Harris’ side.

Shifting gears on affirmative action

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Affirmative action in America is gone, but the change in data so far doesn’t show clear racial balancing. Unlike Oxford, the American admissions system requires personal essays, extracurricular activities, and a range of demographic qualifiers. College progressives may be offsetting explicit racial quotas with a new emphasis on these categories. 

The left’s answer has long been in favour of affirmative action as an obstacle-remover for future generations – adjustments today make them unnecessary tomorrow. But their university-level proposals are now irrelevant and unconstitutional. The solution, for now, must be upriver.

Every year, the US government releases the ‘national report card’, which tracks literacy rates, tested in third grade (ages 8-9), across different demographics. In 2023, Black students had a literacy rate of 18% and Latinos had 21%, compared to White rates of 42% and Asian rates of 58%. 

Aggressive and efficient resourcing of struggling racial minorities at the elementary-school level is a must given these numbers, and is now the only consequential option left to affirmative action proponents. Progressives should devote the bulk of their educational funding to reach marginalised groups before adulthood is even close. Conservatives will be satisfied that university-level qualifications are not bent to fit ethnic rationing.

And whether or not one believes elementary school is the right place to prioritise, it doesn’t matter. The Roberts court leaves no other choice at the higher levels.

A glass-half-full perspective on alcohol

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The sun rises in the east, all men are mortal, and students drink. Such is life, and Oxford is no exception. University life is soaked through with alcohol whether you’re at a bop or a ball, pres or afters, pub or club, a sports crewdate or a ‘blank and booze’ society. It’s the Oxford Experience – from freshers’ week to Finals’ trashing, alcohol is everywhere. 

This might be changing. More young people are completely sober. Culture has shifted, and where once any indomitable wills asking for a plain Coke would be lairily interrogated, most people now just appreciate the cheaper round. But while you might not drink, your life will by no means be alcohol-free. If you participate in much of social life, learn to love sober clubbing and being surrounded by drunk people. Abstinence will never not be a tradeoff; this is a university, and a British one at that. 

But while Oxford may never be sober, slowly, between physical and financial burdens, it’s drying. People are drinking less. After the umpteenth hungover ‘never again’ pledge, perhaps they stop only order singles or alternate with soft drinks. But still, they keep the buzzing pres, the shameless dancing, the warmth and easy laughter on late-night walks home through a beautiful city with friends. A happy medium is possible, and Oxford is on its way to finding it.
Keep an eye out for the Cherwell Intoxtigation, the biggest alcohol attitudes survey in Oxford’s history, coming later this Michaelmas.

The BBC: historic failures and future irrelevance

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The BBC is no stranger to scandal. From its MI5-assisted vetting of political ‘subversives’ to its contentious relationship with the Thatcher government, the broadcaster’s reputation has rarely been without controversy. While this is hardly rare for news outlets, the implications are particularly worrying for the BBC due to just how strong its influence is, with 68% of UK adults consuming some format of BBC journalism. In this context, the BBC’s tarnished history raises concerns about its contemporary dominance and future prospects, especially due to its standing as a public broadcaster with claims of independence and impartiality. Sadly, even these key qualities are constantly neglected.

Since 1927, a series of royal charters have outlined the BBC’s governance, including a guarantee of its editorial independence. However, recent events have provoked much criticism of government ties, such as the financial favours occurring between the BBC chairman and then Prime Minister Boris Johnson, or the suspension of Gary Lineker upon alleged ‘government pressure’. Last year, leaked messages revealed that BBC journalists had received pressure from Downing Street to criticise the Labour Party more harshly, and to avoid using the word ‘lockdown’ to describe 2020 pandemic measures, which they did. Clearly, these actions are highly unfitting for an independent broadcaster intended to serve the public interest.

While it’s easy to condemn the government for interfering with public broadcasting, the BBC is no innocent pawn. There is a key distinction between receiving government instructions and actually implementing them. And yet, the BBC has consistently yielded to partisan instruction, contradicting its claims of editorial independence and jeopardising its public reliability. With the BBC being the most frequently used source of UK election news, this string of journalistic failures sets a dangerous precedent for electoral authenticity.

Concerns over bias show no signs of slowing down. Despite its apparent commitment to impartiality, the BBC has an extensive history of bias allegations, consistently facing both left-wing and right-wing assertions. This generally works to the BBC’s advantage, as the common perception is that these allegations – often equal in number – tend to neutralise one another, serving as a token of the institution’s impartiality. However, this impression of neutrality is a somewhat shallow one, simplifying the matter of institutional bias into an overly dualistic argument.

But an often overlooked aspect of the impartiality debate is the BBC’s disappointing approach to bias accusations. Only 25 complaints of bias were upheld over a recent five-year period, out of approximately over 600,000. Note that the BBC – unlike any other UK broadcaster – has the unique ability to investigate its own complaints, preventing Ofcom from handling matters independently. While there will inevitably be complaints that are unjustifiable, such a staggering statistic makes it hard to imagine that the BBC’s internal watchdog is entirely committed to protecting good journalism, rather than the corporation’s own reputation.

Naturally, many will recall that the BBC has a history of concealing information for the sake of its reputation. In 2011, BBC executives opted to suppress a report into the late broadcaster Jimmy Savile, fearing that the publicising of his many crimes may harm his image, as well as that of the broadcasting giant itself. It was not until a year later that his abhorrent offences were revealed (by ITV), leading to much criticism of the BBC’s accountability.

The ongoing debacle surrounding Huw Edwards has obvious parallels to the Savile scandal, and demonstrates how the BBC has changed its approach in dealing with major controversies. No longer does the institution bury its failures so emphatically: Savile was posthumously honoured with tributes, whereas Edwards was suspended and publicly arrested. Despite the fact that the latter was still paid during his suspension – earning a total of £200,000, all publicly funded – this certainly marks a step, albeit a slow one, towards responsibility.

With more people getting their news from online sources than anywhere else, we can expect the BBC to depend more significantly upon younger audiences in future years, due to it being publically funded. Irrelevance is a common fate for legacy media, and the BBC shall be in an unenviable position if it fails to win the attention of future generations. For consumers aged 18-24, social media is the most commonly used platform for news. In all likelihood, this means that soon the BBC shall be yet another account fighting for prominence in your feed, eager to attract a youthful viewership.

Social media is generally deemed less trustworthy than traditional outlets as a platform for news, and rightfully so. It is therefore our responsibility to rigorously scrutinise the facts we are presented with, and to always, always demand high-quality journalism. The BBC is no exception: whether online or offline, there is never an excuse for the facts to be corrupted by individual biases or institutional failures. As the young audience that the BBC craves, it will be our engagement, or lack thereof, that will dictate the organisation’s future.

The oldest and largest public broadcaster should be an icon to be proud of, not some murky corporation perpetually mired in controversy. To stay afloat in a rapidly-evolving media landscape, more needs to be done to assure this country that the BBC serves the public interest first, and its executives second. For much of its lifespan, the BBC has been an inspiration to public broadcasters worldwide – unless improvements are made soon, it is only a matter of time until this legacy is lost.

7 October: Oxford community holds vigil for peace in the Middle East

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A year after the 7 October attack, around two hundred Oxford residents attended “Vigil for Peace, Remembrance and Unity” yesterday, organised by civic, community, and faith leaders at New Road Baptist Church.

Led by Bishop of Oxford the Right Reverend Dr Steven Croft, Imam Monawar Hussain, and Vice President of Oxford Jewish Congregation Louise Gordon, the vigil brought together a diverse group of religious leaders. Each held a prayer in their faith and spoke of the death and tragedy in Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon.

Attendees, embracing and chatting with each other, wore Jewish, Muslim, Christian and other religious symbols. An assortment of political symbols were also displayed, including yellow ribbons honouring the Israeli hostages and Free Palestine pins.

Bishop Croft said in his speech: “Events in the Middle East placed an immense strain on community relationships across the United Kingdom. We wanted to have an opportunity to come together and declare our intent to build peaceful communities in a diverse city and county, to celebrate the friendships that we have together, to grieve and lament together for all that is happening and the way that affects so many here as well as in those countries.” 

Oxford University Vice-Chancellor Irene Tracey and Oxford Brookes University Vice-Chancellor Alistair Fitt both attended the vigil.

Tracey said in her speech: “There is a lot of kindness in Oxfordshire reflected here tonight. Many in our respected communities are struggling to make sense of the ongoing conflicts and desperately want to do something to help those who are suffering. Let us guide their empathy into action for good. Let us build on that kindness and trust between all of our communities as we encourage respectful conversations and a deepening of our relations.”

Political leaders including Vice Lord-Lieutenant of Oxfordshire Lynda Atkins, Oxford City Councillor Susan Brown, and Oxford East MP Anneliese Dodds were also present.

MP Dodds told Cherwell: “I was very pleased that this vigil could still go ahead, the third such vigil to have taken place in Oxford since the 7th of October. I am very grateful to the Baptist Church for enabling it to happen and, more important than ever, that Oxford communities and people of all faiths and none were able to come together to support each other.”

At the end, attendees held a moment of silence with candles and flashlights. They also sang along to the anti-war song “Where Have All the Flowers Gone?” with lyrics such as “Where have all the graveyards gone?/ Covered with flowers every one/ When will we ever learn?”

A year ago, Hamas militants killed about 1,200 people and took 251 hostages from Israel, 97 of whom remain unaccounted for. Since then, Israel’s war in Gaza has killed over 41,000 people according to Gaza’s health ministry. In recent weeks, after months of cross-border fighting, violence escalated in Lebanon, where Israeli strikes intended to target Hezbollah members have killed over 2000 people. Hezbollah and Iran have launched missiles at Israel in retaliation.

Serious life lessons from silly Oxford mistakes

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It was my last set of collections before Prelims, and I was writing an essay on dopamine. (You’ll be intimately familiar with this neuromodulator even if you don’t study experimental psychology, provided you’ve consumed and incurred sufficient online ‘brainrot’ over the summer.) In citing the paper which pioneered our understanding of the crowd-favourite chemical, I thought it would be nice to name its now-infamous author in full. So I did, chronicling in my very first sentence the “discovery of the reward signal by Howard Schultz”. There was only one problem: Howard Schultz did not discover how dopamine works. Howard Schultz, rather, is the former CEO who created modern-day Starbucks; clearly, his name had infiltrated my mind that day – perhaps due to my morning beverage. And my tutor, as a friend, close colleague, and former postdoc (for eight years!) of Dr. Wolfram Schultz, knew the difference, believe it or not. The introduction of my collection essay thus contained just one simple – yet stinging – comment: “Please get it right.” Oh, and one more thing: my tutor told Wolfram of the embarrassing mix-up. Ouch.

In three or four years of tutorials, classes, and exams, you will make mistakes. Now, unless in your previous life you were a politician trading on the stock market, I recognise that this concept won’t be new to you. Studying at Oxford, however, you are stereotypically likely to be called out on these mistakes – even the small, seemingly inconsequential ones. Of course, my mix-up of the Schultzes was more funny than anything else, but it’s not uncommon that feedback is far harsher, and sometimes even personal, so it can be easy to take such ‘destructive criticism’ to heart. (This is especially true for those who’ve been accustomed to a steady stream of academic and extracurricular praise for the majority of their formative years.) Thus, I want to share three simple steps I’ve begun to learn from two years of mistakes in Oxford, both big and small.

(1) Acknowledge. If the mistake affects others, apologise too, genuinely and succinctly. Even if you don’t think the mistake is Earth-shattering, acknowledging your error assures your fellow human(s) that you care, and haven’t dismissed what they clearly felt – whether rightly or not – was important enough to point out. (2) Learn. Mistakes are, quite literally, how we learn. In fact, it was Wolfram Schultz’s work which uncovered that our dopamine neurons encode a learning signal based on the difference between expectation and reality, which then helps update our memory and optimise future behaviour. When you make a mistake, use the resulting emotions to help prevent you from repeating said mistake. In the countless essays on the topic of dopamine and reward since my first year, I’m sure you won’t be surprised to hear that I have never again forgotten Wolfram Schultz’s name. (3) Laugh. We’re not on Earth for a very long time – enjoy the ride! Laugh at yourself. Laugh at the situation. About a year after my collection mix-up, I would find myself in contact with Wolfram, and I revealed to him my identity as the undergraduate who mistook him for the mastermind behind Starbucks. Wolfram’s reaction? He too simply laughed: “Yes, I am not Howard Schultz, as far as I remember…”

Laughing also helps you be kind to yourself, a final lesson which will remain invaluable as you overcome mistakes not only in the academic realm at Oxford, but in career and personal pursuits far beyond the ring road. Whether you’re a medical student who’s just been told by their lab instructor they’re “bound for general practice” (a real story I heard last year), you’ve just fumbled your final McKinsey interview, or you’ve dropped the ball with the love of your life, always treat yourself compassionately as you get back on your feet. You’re not alone, and to make one mistake – or even a hundred – doesn’t doom you to eternal failure; to make mistakes is an inevitable fact of the human condition. Even Albert Einstein, whose face populates any image search for ‘genius’, made his lion’s share of mistakes! Take one example: the woman with whom he first visited Oxford, in 1919, was his second wife Elsa, on whom he was not only cheating with his secretary, but who was also his first cousin (born an Einstein) and a mistress from his first marriage. On mistakes, the ‘genius’ had this to say: show me a man who has never made a mistake, and I will show you one who has never tried anything. Happy Michaelmas, friends.

Long vowels or short shrift: Oxford’s shocking accent hierarchy

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Every sun demands a shadow, and Oxford is not exempt: a darkness lies beneath the University’s glittering magnetism. Engrained classism is found in all corners under the dreaming spires. One manifestation of this is accent prejudice, which awards a Southern drawl the gold medal. 

I encountered this bias immediately in my first term. A disclaimer: despite growing up in Birmingham, I do not have a Brummie accent, something I attribute to having a Welsh mother and a Londoner as a dad. Coming to Oxford was the first time this lack of accent, a notable absence of “bab!” in my vernacular, was complimented: Freshers week had been a series of congratulations, “You don’t sound like you are from there, well done!”. I was once accused of lying: “You must be from London, go on, just admit it!”. 

However, rather than taking offence, I took solace in these remarks. Riddled with imposter syndrome, it was hard not to smile when asked what part of London or Surrey I was from. They think I am one of them, I would excitedly mutter: I belong. This quiet thrill spoke to my anxiety about fitting in, driven by the idea that the “true” Oxford student fitted a narrow, privileged mould.

To the joy of my insecure self, my accent helped me to blend into the sea of majority Southern students. In 2021-2023, 28.7% of admitted undergraduates were from London, and a further 29.5% came from the South East or South West. This geographical dominance helped me fit in, but my experience was also riddled with classist prejudice. For example, after a string of wrong guesses about my background, someone pleaded, “Oh God forbid, don’t tell me you’re from the North?!”. When someone found out I lived in Birmingham, they half-jokingly offered me a place to stay at their family’s country estate during the holidays – because, apparently, “a girl like you shouldn’t live there.” 

What girl had they mistaken me for? All I knew was that my accent had played its part in making me palatable for the most affluent students. Yet sounding the part only works up to a point: accent isn’t enough. When asked, “Where do you summer?”, I was confused, not realising “summer” could be a verb. When asked which school I went to, the expectation was that I would name one of a handful of elite institutions. Accents might change, but backgrounds don’t. A different vowel pronunciation couldn’t suddenly place a silver spoon in my mouth.

Looking back at my insecure fresher self, I feel a sense of shame, even sadness, about how I navigated my first few months in Oxford. Like a magpie attracted to shiny things, I consciously and unconsciously mimicked the accents around me, adopting new pronunciations and vowel sounds. When I returned home, my family would comment that I sounded “posher,”; however, instead of feeling proud, I felt like a traitor, a sell-out. The “compliments” that once reassured me at Oxford now seemed hollow. I realised that I had severed myself from my roots, and destroyed the footsteps which had got me to Oxford in the first place. I hated myself for it. 

The self-hatred also came with a fractured sense of identity. My accent shifted between Southern intonations and full Welsh vowels, leaving me unsure which, if any, was my “true” voice. I could not properly recall how I used to speak and when home friends commented on how much my accent had changed, I often wondered how authentically myself I was. I ultimately was left not knowing who my “true” self was. My sense of identity had been utterly distorted. 

The pivotal moment of change came when my tutor said he could tell I was part Welsh by the “lyrical” and “musical” way I wrote. With excitement, I immediately spoke of my favourite childhood memories by the Welsh coast and explained that my house had never known silence as classical music had always filled its walls. Through my words and how I wrote, he had seen my story. His observation was neither moralistic nor loaded with an expectation I should change myself to conform. In fact, he didn’t want me to. 

I had felt such relief – it was like coming up for air. With time, Oxford began to feel like a space for me, in my entirety, rather than a select manufactured appearance. Paired with the love-filled acceptance of my friends and most peers, who continue to help me feel more authentically myself by the day, I am forever grateful for my tutors’ kindness and genuine care for students of all backgrounds. When I did not feel like enough, they always reminded me that I was. 

However, I recognise that my story is seemingly in the minority, and it is due in part to the fact that my sense of disconnect at Oxford was not from being marginalised or excluded, but rather from the perception of assimilation greater than I felt. For students who have accents which do face social marginalisation, their experiences greatly differ; the pressure to change can often be far stronger, and the consequences of not doing so are more cuttingly felt. 

A Scottish undergraduate spoke to me of how she consciously altered her voice during tutorials and moots, where she would “tone down” the broadness of her accent. She found that when she did, she was treated with more respect, taken more seriously, and viewed as more intelligent. It helped protect her from having the experiences of a Mancunian undergraduate, who shared that a tutor repeatedly claimed to be unable to understand her. She was forced to repeat herself sentence after sentence in tutorials and classes, ostensibly in the name of “clarity.” Listening to her recount this, I could understand every word she said without difficulty. Her accent was perfectly comprehensible: the issue is the tutor’s prejudice. Her experience underscores the bias that exists within academic and professional settings toward Southern English accents, a bias that unfairly equates certain ways of speaking with intellectual worth.

A sense of worth is what this all comes back to: the desire to be treated with dignity and respect, where your right to belong is not measured by your accent or background. Yet the uncomfortable truth is that accents do act as a form of social currency. They can shield people from discrimination and open doors more easily. Amelia Taylor, Regions Officer at Class Act, told Cherwell, “[mocking accents] reinforces the sense of otherness at Oxford that is caused by regional disparities in deprivation and opportunity – so students from less well-represented regional backgrounds may not only have a harder time reaching Oxford, but have to battle with discrimination when they’re here”. 

This reality forces us to ask: how much of yourself do you change to fit in? My decision to embrace self-authenticity and reject the belief that an Oxford student must look, act, or speak a certain way was liberating. But I recognise that others adjust their accent as a form of self-protection. It helps them blend in and access social and academic spaces that, in an unfair world, are more easily available to some than others. It is a cruel system with the weight of a long history behind it, but it is a ladder that can feel easier to climb than to dismantle. I know it is easy to preach authenticity when less is at stake. 

I can only hope that Oxford is full of more love than judgement, with a bigger desire to embrace others rather than hurt them. Words and comments that stayed with me carried weight because of their sharpness, not their frequency, and I want to believe that Oxford’s classism persists more because of the loudness of voices that proclaim it than the number who share those beliefs. This University is for everyone, always. Therefore, in both small and large actions, the accent bias, and all forms of classism and prejudice, must be continually confronted and challenged. 

War crimes, rent climbs, and bad wines: A very short history of protest at Oxford

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It’s Trinity term, and you’re heading back to college after spending a sunny evening unwinding in University Parks. You get halfway down Parks Road and look to your left. In front of the Pitt Rivers lies the Palestine encampment. You look to your right and see fading on the walls of Keble College the message “Hands off Vietnam”. There’s a history of student protest at Oxford and you’re walking through it. Who were these student protestors? What did they protest for? How successful were they?

We start all the way back in February 1355 with perhaps the most pretentious cause for protest possible. At the Swindlestock Tavern, now the Santander at the top of Queen Street, a group of students were enjoying a drink to celebrate St Scholastica Day. Spryngeheuse and Chesterfield are two of these students, and they complained that the wine they were served was unsatisfactory. When the landlord of the tavern refused to serve them anything else, snobby Chesterfield threw a drink in his face and bedlam ensued. The pub brawl turned into mass rioting that lasted for three days with 30 townspeople and 63 students killed. All these deaths because a posh Oxford boy didn’t get his way. Not a great start to the legacy of student activism at this University. 

In 1603, things got more political as Oxford University became a constituency with two Members of Parliament in the House of Commons. This leads us to our next incident of student protest in 1829 with Christ Church’s famous ‘No Peel’ door. The message, hammered into a door at the foot of the steps of the dining hall, was a response to Oxford MP Sir Robert Peel’s sudden support for Catholic Emancipation despite being elected on a platform of opposition to it. The upshot of the graffiti was that Peel lost his seat in a by-election held in February 1829. Oxford students holding their member of parliament to account — a much more principled protest than the drunken disagreement of just a few centuries prior. It’s a shame that the principle they were fighting for was religious oppression, but then again Christ Church does have a history of trying to vote away religious representation. This alternation between political protests and grouchy grievances defines student action at Oxford. Whilst global and political issues may change, the entitled student remains the same. 

‘Free Speech’ is the cause of many protests at Oxford to this day, thanks to the ever problematic Union, but the first of these did not involve those at the self-declared “world’s most prestigious debating society” at all. In March 1926, the Vice-Chancellor of the University pushed two communist undergraduates to sign a paper pledging that they would not propagate their political views. This was met with great outrage not only within Oxford but also nationally. It was the main point of discussion at the Congress of the National Union of Students, at which Mr D. Barber from Cambridge said that “students of this country are not going to countenance any sort of intolerance of that nature”. Oxford is often accused of being rather insular, isolated, and self-interested, but here Oxford students began to find their feet on a wider national platform of student activism. 

Nevertheless, insular, pretentious, out of touch Oxford remained and on the 7th March 1936, Pembroke students refused to eat in the hall for the first time in the college’s 300-year history. You’d be forgiven for assuming that the students took issue with the cost of the meals. However, the then JCR President Mr. Cartmell made it very clear that the problem was not the price, but the quality of dishes served. It seems Oxford students are historically fussy banqueters with very high standards. As a response to the protest, a new menu featuring potage dubarry and filet halibut marguerite was implemented for the following dinner, which satisfied the pompous Pembroke students. Hall saw a record attendance. 

Student Activism in the UK at large ramped up in the 1960s, and Oxford did not stand on the sidelines. In June 1961, there was a protest by Oxford students against the actions of Portugal in Angola. The Portuguese had recently forced the cultivation of cotton as the only commodity crop, and this sparked massive civil unrest and widespread violence. The protestors secured an audience with the parliamentary private secretary to the Minister of State at the Foreign Office who told them they were right, and that Britain could not support the present policies of Portugal in Angola. This success ensured there was revolutionary energy through the decade which ended with some of the largest student demonstrations this country has ever seen. In March 1968, over 15,000 people marched in opposition to the Vietnam War from Oxford Street down towards Grosvenor Square, where 246 protestors were arrested. One of those arrested was then Wadham student and famous children’s author, Michael Rosen, who later wrote a poem for the Isis about the demonstration where he described being arrested and attacked by police. He and his flatmate Donald Macintyre, a Christ Church student, then attended the October protest alongside over 100,000 demonstrators. This decade saw the birth of mass student activism, and Oxford played its part. Indeed, until the 1990s student activism was hopeful and far-reaching. Students with Campaign Atom rallying against the US bombing of Libya in 1986 declared that they “fully expected to be arrested”. There was a real tenacity, drive, and willingness for self-sacrifice that is no longer seen today.

The turn of the century was dominated by protests about living costs and tuition fees as focus pivoted to domestic issues. Things began to escalate in October 1987 when students at Mansfield went on rent strike over rising costs as their daily rate was going up from £2.91 to an eye-watering £3.12. The most significant of the financial demonstrations was that of five students who refused to pay the £1,000 tuition fee in December 1998. The Stop the Fees Campaign organised rallies outside the Bod and over 2,000 students came out in support. Whilst Campaign Atom saw people willing to go to jail, one of the Oxford protestors famously said, “we don’t want to endanger ourselves to the point where we are simply becoming martyrs”. The move to introduce fees ploughed on and there was a growing sense that student campaigns didn’t really achieve much anymore. Even though more than 100 students occupied the Bod in February 2001, they were largely ignored and no policy changes were forthcoming. The failings of the Iraq protests compounded this feeling of powerlessness. Cherwell’s 2005 article entitled ‘A bleak future for student protest’ summed up the mood of the time. The successes of the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign seemed a distant reality given the ineffectiveness of recent movements. The potency of campaigning was coming into question and students’ commitment to it was wavering. Student protest at Oxford had lost its intensity and determination. 

When everything seems a little flat and hopeless you can always count on the Union to do what it does best –  invite disgraced bigots to give speeches. And in November 2007 that is exactly what they did. The Holocaust denier David Irving and chairman of the BNP Nick Griffin were the two chosen on this particular occasion. Naturally this sparked huge opposition from students, and alongside protests outside of the Union, many demonstrators made their way inside and orchestrated a sit-in protest from within the chamber. Student protest had some energy again. This was an Oxford-centric protest however, and all it did was create a media frenzy. Whilst it used to be the case that Parliament would listen to student protesters, now it seemed that only tabloids were interested in our thoughts. Take the 2010 austerity protests for example. On 10th November 2010, roughly 50,000 demonstrators marched through Central London in opposition to planned spending cuts to higher education and the increase of the cap on tuition fees. The then president of the OUSU David Barclay was quoted in the BBC article on the protests, but only 400 students from Oxford attended. Oxford University occupies a prominent space within the public debate, especially on student issues. There is a media privilege afforded to the Oxford student. But with such a small number attending the protest, it seems that no-one is willing to make use of it. Has the Oxford Student given up?

November 2017 saw a return to the spoiled, bratty protests that plague Oxford as Christ Church students were outraged that their bop was shut down almost an hour early. A college that once led the drive to oust a Member of Parliament was now throwing a tantrum over their special little party ending early. Was this what Oxford student protest had really come to?  A Cherwell article published the same year urged people not to “indulge in protests” as “[t]hey have become a young adult fad with little, if no, effect”. Decades of having demands ignored by successive governments, as well as University and college administrators, led to such political indolence that bops were the only issue we could muster any anger about.

2020 brought an end to the idleness. There was a climate protest with students occupying the front quad of St John’s for five days. This was an important factor in the University agreeing to divest from fossil fuels and commit to a net-zero investment strategy. Moreover, the Rhodes Must Fall movement reached Oxford as protestors demanded to take down the statue of the imperialist Cecil Rhodes from the front of Oriel College. The story gained massive media coverage as it ticked two boxes. One, it was a story about Oxbridge, which news outlets seem never to get bored of. Two, it was a ‘culture war’ issue, which is a lazy journalist’s bread and butter. There was now vocal unrest within the university with activists using the spotlight afforded to them as Oxford students to campaign for issues and causes that matter. 

Despite Covid-19 and its aftermath, student activism ramped up and in April 2022 a protest took place on Bonn Square against the exclusion of trans people from the ban on conversion therapy. Just a year after this protest was held in support of trans people, the ever out of touch Union decided to invite the transphobic Kathleen Stock to give a talk. As expected, this was hugely unpopular and the University’s LGBTQ+ Society organised a protest to vocalise this discontent. This generated a huge media storm, and everyone seemed to have an opinion on the matter, including the then Prime Minister. Oxford students were protesting loudly, and their slogans were being heard. 

“From the River to the Sea…” is one of these slogans that has become very familiar. The first week of November 2023 saw two demonstrations in support of Palestine. On the 1st November, 1,500 protesters marched through Oxford towards Bonn Square, and on the 4th, there was a large gathering outside the Weston Library. Fast forward six months and the Pitt Rivers encampment is set up. Upon the establishment of the ‘liberated zone’, OA4P released a statement which speaks to the unique position of Oxford student protestors. It acknowledges the hand Oxford played in empire-building and how we continue to benefit from it. As students of this university, we walk through the same corridors as those who led us into Iraq, read in the same libraries as those who implemented economic policies of austerity, and dine in the same halls as those who wrote the Balfour Declaration. That is the history we are writing the next chapter of. The OA4P statement asks, “What is the cost of your silence?”. Refusing to speak out, campaign, and protest is allying yourself with the crop of Oxford students that have made the world we now inherit, and given the last Conservative government’s anti-protest legislation it seems they would like us to stay silent. 

Ordinarily it is wealth that gives you influence over the establishment. Money gives you power, privilege, and status. But Oxford is the Establishment. Whilst it positions itself as a beacon of intellectual progression and freedom, its past mostly displays begrudging acceptance or outright suppression of protest. It’s churned out countless politicians, cabinet ministers, and Prime Ministers. It is the breeding ground for society’s elites. As members of the University, we benefit from this reputation. We as a student body are granted media attention, political capital, and societal respect. We’re given a platform not many get a chance to speak from. A poll conducted by Cherwell last year revealed that nine in ten respondents were open to attending a demonstration in the future. The opportunity for action is there. There are students who want to speak out, and platforms on which they can.

In 60 years time, when someone is walking down Parks Road and they look at the wall of Keble. Will they see the fading message “Hands Off Vietnam” and think, as we do, that was the last time a student protest actually achieved something? Or will there be a new legacy for them to inherit?

On Leadership by Tony Blair, Precipice by Robert Harris, and Oxford crime – Books of the Month

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On Leadership by Tony Blair 

A French novelist, on receiving a letter from a person of title, remarked that the “style was that of a shopping list.” He might have been talking about Sir Tony Blair. Blair may have been one of the most gifted politicians and notorious war criminals of his generation, but unlike, say, Henry Kissinger (an obvious influence here), he can barely write a paragraph which is not staccato and telegrammatic. Here is his first attempt: “No Leader [his capitals] I ever met, who succeeded, did so just by being a leader. They did it by hard work… And by curiosity. By a willingness to learn. By a relentless pursuit of the right answer.”  

In this new textbook of inside tips on the mechanics of being a leader, Blair posits that there are three stages of leadership through which all Leaders must pass. In the first, Leaders know nothing about the art of governing and lap up all the advice they can find. In the second stage, Leaders think they have gained enough experience to know everything when, in fact, they know nothing. In the third, Leaders accept the smallness of their range of experience and once more become willing to listen and learn.  

Certainly, there are insights to be gained from a man who ran the country for ten years and has been on first-name terms with the most powerful people on the planet. Blair’s observations are pithy, intelligent, memorable, and universally applicable to the study of leadership. On the other hand, he is disturbingly enthusiastic about Elon Musk, technocracy, and AI. On the subject of big business his advice is candidly to cut taxes and deregulate. When reflecting on his own legacy, he mentions “understandable disagreement and anger” about the bloody cataclysm of the Iraq War, but is keen to pad out the rest of the page with a list of his achievements in domestic policy. 

Don’t purchase this book – otherwise Blair will receive the royalties, and he makes more than enough from his advice sessions with foreign dictators and his £35 million property empire – but if you can find a copy in a library, it is a unique and valuable read. 

Precipice by Robert Harris 

H.G. Wells’s Mr Brittling Sees It Through – at one time the most popular novel in the world – contains the first great fictional account of Britain in the summer of 1914, when the sunny complacencies of nineteenth-century civilisation were engulfed by total war. Robert Harris’s Precipice contains the latest. A historical novel, it is the true story of then-prime minister H.H. Asquith and his affair with Venetia Stanley, a twenty-six-year-old aristocrat. 

The character of Asquith is compelling if slightly incomplete. He would write to Venetia several times a day, and by regular post would send her some of the most dangerous state secrets. In his letters (which are real) obsessive rhapsodies are melted in with the official secrets of a Whitehall on the cusp of war. Admittedly, Harris’s reliance on these primary documents for Asquith leaves some questions unanswered; the prime minister’s motivations are underdeveloped, because the author is not concerned with explaining so much as with depicting his passion. Venetia is more impressively realised. In her case, there are no letters to draw on (in real life, Asquith destroyed all her epistles), and so there is more effort to unpack her motivations. “I feel it’s almost my patriotic duty to keep him happy,” she says of Asquith. She emerges as a dynamic, burning, tragic heroine – possibly the greatest character of Harris’s corpus.  

Harris never neglects the plot, which is rapid, engrossing, and marvellously constructed. The book is a page-turner with real literary craft behind it, clearly and economically written. Atmosphere and setting are vividly evoked from the very first paragraph onwards: “Late one Thursday morning at the beginning of July 1915, a young woman with dark wet hair strode long-legged from the serpentine in Hyde Park along Oxford Street towards Marylebone. In one hand she carried a cream linen sun hat, in the other a damp bathing costume and a pair of silk stockings rolled up inside a navy-blue towel.” If you only read one historical novel this year, make it this one. 

Lessons in Crime: Academic Mysteries edited by Martin Edwards 

The British Library Crime Classics series, now well past its hundredth book, derives a part of its appeal from the fact that the forgotten writings of an era give a much more vivid insight into it than those which survive for posterity. All the books in the series are immersive in their period charm. Lessons in Crime is an anthology of short, well-plotted, and superbly entertaining mystery stories, mostly from the Golden Age of Detective Fiction, all set in the world of academia.  

The best of them are set in Oxford. In “The Missing Undergraduate” an Oxonian policeman investigates the disappearance from St Peter’s of the son of a Tory MP. In the snappily suspenseful “The Gilded Pupil”, an Oxford graduate gets a post as a millionaire’s governess and becomes embroiled in a dangerous kidnapping plot. In “Murder at Pentecost”, a travelling salesman (ill-fatedly named Mr Montague Egg) visits Oxford and is able, by virtue of being the only outsider, to solve the murder of a Master; this story is by Dorothy L. Sayers, who was the daughter of the chaplain of Christ Church, and who would go on to write possibly the best Oxford crime novel, Gaudy Night. An original Sherlock Holmes adventure is included, as well as a story about A.J. Raffles, the once-famous cricketer and gentleman thief, although it is not Raffles’s best outing.  

There are fifteen stories in all, making the book good value for money, and, as ever, there is an engaging and informative introduction by series consultant Martin Edwards.  

Exclusive: Lord Peter Mandelson, Imane Khelif, Humza Yousaf, and Vera Wang to speak at Oxford Union

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Cherwell can exclusively report that chancellor candidate Lord Peter Mandelson, Algerian boxer Imane Khelif, former Scottish First Minister Humza Yousaf, and fashion designer Vera Wang are among those to speak at the Oxford Union this term. Noteworthy debate topics include Israel-Palestine, Kashmir independence, rejoining the EU, and abortion rights.

Other speakers include Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek, Trump aide-turned-critic Anthony Scaramucci, streamer Hasan Piker, rapper-actor Jaden Smith, and Citadel CEO Kenneth Griffin.

Lord Peter Mandelson, former Director of Communications for the Labour Party and current hopeful for the role of Oxford University Chancellor, will also be appearing at the Union this term. Mandelson is considered to have been a key player in the branding of Tony Blair’s Labour Party as ‘New Labour’, and is still reported to have an ‘influence’ on Keir Starmer and the current government.

Imane Khelif, an Algerian boxer, won a gold medal at the Paris Olympics this summer amid misinformation surrounding her gender. The International Boxing Association (IBA) previously disqualified her for failing a chromosome test, while the International Olympic Committee ruled her eligible and discredited the IBA. Public figures such as JK Rowling and Elon Musk, who called her gender into question, were recently named in Khelif’s criminal complaint over “aggravated cyber harassment.” 

In addition, Humza Yousaf, the youngest and first ever British-Asian Scottish First Minister will be speaking. Yousaf won the Scottish National Party leadership election in 2023 following Nicola Sturgeon’s resignation. Whilst in power, he made headlines for his outspoken support of Palestine. In 2024, he ended a coalition agreement with the Scottish Greens, leading to a vote of no confidence in him, before which he resigned.

Vera Wang, an influential American fashion designer known for her wedding dresses, is another speaker. Wang started her career working at Vogue and Ralph Lauren before starting her own fashion line. She rose to prominence in the 1990s, going on to make wedding dresses for public figures such as Victoria Beckham. She is also known for her evening wear which has been worn by the likes of Michelle Obama and Sofia Vergara. 

One of the debate topics is “This House Believes Israel is an apartheid State responsible for genocide”, which will see speakers including political scientist Norman Finkelstein, Palestinian poet Mohammed El-Kurd, and Director of UK Lawyers for Israel Natasha Hausdorff. Israeli professor Gerald Steinberg, who was invited, publicly declined the invitation in a letter that accuses the Union of “poisonous hatred”.

On the wording of this motion, the Union stated: “More than 76 years on, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains unresolved. Critics accuse Israel of employing military tactics that target civilians and infrastructure, amounting to ethnic cleansing, while others defend these actions as legitimate self-defence against terrorism. Israeli military operations in Gaza, attacks on Lebanon, and continued settlement expansion have exacerbated tensions.

“The debate over whether Israel’s actions, in light of UN reports and International Court of Justice (ICJ) rulings, amount to apartheid or genocide continues. Recently, the UK’s Labour party banned terms like ‘genocide’ and ‘apartheid’ at its conference, raising concerns about free speech and the ability to criticise Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.”

Another controversial debate motion is “This House Believes in an independent state of Kashmir”, which will feature speakers including current Defence Minister of Pakistan Khawaja Asif, Labour MP Naz Shah, and former advisor to the Prime Minister of India Prem Shankar Jha. Indian film director Vikek Agnihotri, who was invited, publicly turned down the invitation, calling the topic “offensive”.

Other debates include “This House Would Rejoin the European Union” with former Deputy Prime Minister Lord Heseltine and journalist Rachel Johnson, as well as “This House Regrets the Repeal of Roe v. Wade” with Reproductive Freedom for All president Mini Timmaraju and lawyer Erin Hawley. The Union will be hosting a 60th Anniversary Debate of the visit of Malcom X, with chancellor candidate Margaret-Casely Hayford and Labour MP Bell Ribeiro-Addy. 

On the social side, the Union will be hosting its termly ball – themed The Sands of Time – on 2nd November, a US Election Night Watch Party on 5th November, and President’s Welcome for freshers on 11th October. Union president Ebrahim Osman Mowafy said that access pricing will be offered at all social events.

Osman Mowafy told Cherwell: “This term, we have curated a lineup of debates and speakers that reflect our commitment to free speech and open debate. From global political leaders to renowned cultural icons, this term promises a unique blend of thought-provoking discussions and diverse perspectives.”