Wednesday 27th May 2026
Blog Page 10

The Oxford donors in the Epstein files

CW: Rape, sexual violence, paedophilia, sex trafficking.

Stephen Schwarzman, Reid Hoffman, Len Blavatnik, David Reuben. These four billionaires have collectively donated over £340 million to the University of Oxford. They are the faces of the University’s financial strategy, which readily accepts the philanthropy of the rich and powerful, notwithstanding the controversy this can sometimes generate. In return, their names have been plastered across the city: from the Schwarzman Centre for the Humanities to the Blavatnik School of Government to Reuben College. 

The ‘Epstein files’ – the documents held by the United States Department of Justice regarding the criminal investigations into the paedophile financier Jeffrey Epstein – feature the names of these donors amongst the various emails, schedules, and guest lists. All of these are dated after 2008, when Epstein was publicly accused and prosecuted for soliciting prostitution from a minor. While there is no evidence of wrongdoing on the part of any of these wealthy benefactors, the release of the files in the winter of 2025/2026 has undoubtedly added a new dimension to the perennial debate about the role of billionaire benefactors at Oxford University.  

The release of the ‘Epstein files’ 

The process which eventually resulted in the release of the ‘Epstein files’ began more than 20 years ago. Investigation into the financier’s crimes was initiated in 2005, after a parent reported to police in Palm Beach, Florida, that Epstein had paid her 14-year-old stepdaughter to remove items of clothing and massage him. They soon identified more than 30 girls between the ages of 14 and 18 who had similar accounts of sexual abuse. This proved sufficient for a Palm Beach County grand jury to indict Epstein in 2006 on a state felony charge of soliciting prostitution. 

The case was referred to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), raising the possibility that Epstein could be convicted on a federal charge, which could have landed him with a life imprisonment sentence. However, the US Attorney’s office for the Southern District of Florida instead offered Epstein a plea deal, promising to end its investigation if Epstein pleaded guilty to two state charges, agreed to accept a prison term, and was registered as a sex offender. 

Crucially, the deal included a now-notorious non-prosecution agreement, in which the federal prosecutors’ office granted immunity against federal charges to Epstein and “any other co-conspirators”. Epstein’s victims were not informed of the non-prosecution agreement, which was filed under seal, and only became public knowledge in 2009 after a judge ordered its publication. Taking this deal, Epstein pleaded guilty to state charges of solicitation of prostitution and solicitation of prostitution of a minor under the age of 18 and was sentenced to 18 months in jail. During his imprisonment, he was granted leave for twelve hours a day to work at one of his foundations. In July 2009, he was released from jail, having served fewer than 13 months.

In the following years, more accusations emerged alleging an organised sex trafficking operation run by Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, his partner. The latter is now serving a 20-year prison term for conspiring with Epstein to sexually abuse minors. In July 2019, Epstein was arrested again and charged by federal prosecutors in New York with having sex trafficked minors, to which he pleaded not guilty. Before his trial could begin, however, Epstein was found dead in the Manhattan detention centre in which he was held; his death was ruled a suicide by New York authorities. 

Since 2019, Epstein’s crimes have become the centre of a political maelstrom, partly on account of the litany of famous figures with whom he was frequently associated. In the United States, calls came from both sides of the political divide between Republicans and Democrats for the information held by the Department of Justice to be made publicly available.

This culminated in both houses of the US Congress voting in 2025 to pass the Epstein Files Transparency Act, which ordered the Justice Department to release all the material it had pertaining to the criminal investigation into Epstein by 19th December that year. The bill was signed by President Trump, whose position on it had been unclear; something many attributed to his own personal connections to the deceased financier. 

The release of these ‘Epstein files’ has already unleashed significant political fallout on both sides of the Atlantic. In the UK, it resulted in the dismissal of Peter Mandelson – an Oxford University alumnus, former honorary fellow of St Catherine’s College, and, in 2024, candidate for Oxford University Chancellor – from his position as British Ambassador to the US, raising questions about the process of his appointment, which now threatens to destabilise Keir Starmer’s premiership. 

Reid Hoffman

While Mandelson’s links to Epstein have generated headlines across the UK, and the University has sought to distance itself from association with him, another high-profile figure associated with the University of Oxford, and mentioned in the ‘Epstein files’, has received comparatively muted attention, namely Reid Hoffman. After graduating from Wolfson College with an MA in Philosophy in 1993, Hoffman accumulated his estimated net worth of $2.6 billion by founding LinkedIn, the career networking service. In 2016, he shared a portion of these profits with his alma mater, donating $1 million to establish The Oxford Foundry, an initiative to support entrepreneurship at the Saïd Business School. 

The publication of the ‘Epstein files’ revealed that Hoffman’s ties with the convicted sex offender were more extensive than Hoffman had previously stated. Initially meeting through Hoffman’s efforts to fundraise for the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), the LinkedIn founder’s relationship with Epstein included exchanging gifts – among them dumbbells and a metal surfer statue – as well as staying at Epstein’s island in the Caribbean. 

Not only was Hoffman aware of Epstein’s criminal offences, but he actively sought to help protect the convicted paedophile from reputational damage. In 2014, Epstein was accused by a court filing in Florida of trafficking an underage girl to Andrew Mountbatten Windsor and forcing her to engage in sexual acts with him. Virginia Guiffre later revealed herself to be the girl in question. Mountbatten Windsor has repeatedly denied that he was involved in any wrongdoing. The Department of Justice files show that Hoffman not only did not disassociate himself from the financier but also offered to help with the media attention that had concentrated around him. In January 2015, Hoffman emailed Epstein saying, “been giving a bit of thought to how I can help with recent press fu…. Mostly looking for help on the on-line front [sic]”.  “Nothing to do during a storm, but hunker down, and wait until it blows over”, came Epstein’s response

Hoffman has issued several public statements about his “regret” over his relationship with Epstein. After the publication of the ‘Epstein files’ by the Department of Justice, Hoffman said on X: “I only knew Jeffrey Epstein because of a fundraising relationship with MIT which I very much regret.” Reid Hoffman has not been accused of any wrongdoing by the alleged victims of Epstein. 

Hoffman did not respond to Cherwell’s request for comment. 

EFTA00867052, US Department of Justice. Image credit: PDM via the US Department of Justice.

Stephen Schwarzman

Another influential businessman who appears in the ‘Epstein Files’ is Stephen Schwarzman, co-founder of Blackstone and the principal donor behind the Schwarzman Centre for the Humanities. His £150 million gift to Oxford, announced in 2019 (later increased to £185 million), was celebrated as transformative. However, his political and social entanglements have long provoked controversy. His connections to Republican politicians have drawn criticism from parts of the University community, notably leading to the formation of the campaign Oxford Against Schwarzman, uneasy about the optics of accepting funds from figures associated with polarising administrations.  

According to the released documents, Epstein’s interest in Schwarzman dates back to at least 2010. In one email exchange, the redacted correspondent suggests approaching the billionaire for a business venture: “I think attaching to Blackstone might be good idea. What do you think ? [sic]”. Epstein appears to agree, though not without some reservations: “at the right level , yes. , however the egos their are rampant [sic].” Concerning Schwarzman himself, however, Epstein’s assessment seems to be rather more positive, calling him “terrific”. The cache of emails does not contain evidence of direct correspondence or interaction, either prior to or following this email exchange, between the two men. 

The Department of Justice files show that, in February 2013, Epstein received an email from an external Public Relations (PR) agency purportedly inviting Epstein on behalf of Schwarzman, Jared Kushner, Donald Trump, Harvey Weinstein, and 24 others, to “cocktails and light supper” to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the New York Observer. It is not known whether Epstein ended up attending the small gathering.

Nor was this the last invitation the convicted paedophile would receive. In January 2015, Epstein received another email from the same PR agency inviting him, on behalf of Christine and Stephen Schwarzman, among eight others, to “attend our gathering at Christine and Stephen Schwarzman’s home” to celebrate the “incredible success” of the film The Imitation Game, which was produced by Schwarzman’s son. It is not known whether Epstein accepted this invitation. There is no evidence in either case that Schwarzman himself personally sought or knew of the invitation to Epstein. 

Stephen Schwarzman has not been accused of any wrongdoing by alleged victims of Jeffrey Epstein. There is no evidence of direct correspondence or association between Schwarzman and Jeffrey Epstein in the released files. A spokesperson for Schwarzman said: “It would be categorically false and grossly irresponsible to claim or imply that Steve had any relationship with this despicable individual… Blackstone is one of the world’s largest financial institutions and it is hardly surprising that someone working in finance would be aware of our firm. But that does not in any way suggest a relationship between Blackstone and this individual.”

EFTA00355074, US Department of Justice. Image credit: PDM via the US Department of Justice.

David Reuben

David Reuben is another influential Oxford donor whose name makes an appearance in the files released by the Department of Justice. Making his billions with his brother Simon in the metals business, David Reuben now focuses his efforts on venture capital, private equity, and the real estate business. 

The University of Oxford has benefited substantially from the philanthropy of the Reuben brothers. In 2012, the Reuben Foundation established the Reuben Scholarship programme for undergraduates from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds. In 2020, the University received an £80 million donation from the foundation, which they marked by renaming Parks College, the first new Oxford college since 1990, to Reuben College. In 2022, the University awarded the Reuben brothers the Sheldon Medal, the highest honour the University can bestow upon donors.

David Reuben seems to have appeared on Epstein’s radar in 2010, less than a year after the paedophile’s release from jail. Peggy Siegal, an American media and entertainment publicist and regular correspondent of Epstein, described Reuben as “a major nice guy”, and told Epstein “you need to meet him… you would like him.” This appears to have piqued Epstein’s curiosity, as he tells Siegal to “bring him over tomorrow for tea”. 

On the same day, prior to their proposed meeting, Epstein can be seen attempting to find out more about Reuben; in one email, the redacted correspondent mentions his “very murky past”, as well as his “huge assets”. In addition to this, Epstein contacted Peter Mandelson in an effort to dig up more information on Reuben: “david reuben, wants to come see me today„ do you know him [sic]”. 

David Reuben has not been accused of wrongdoing by any alleged victims of Jeffrey Epstein. There is no evidence of direct correspondence between David Reuben and Jeffrey Epstein.

 David Reuben did not respond to Cherwell’s request for comment. 

EFTA01826629, US Department of Justice. Image credit: PDM via US Department of Justice.

Len Blavatnik

The billionaire business magnate, Len Blavatnik, currently the third richest man in Britain, is one of the most recognisable names among the University’s primary beneficiaries. In 2010, he donated £75 million to the University to fund the Blavatnik School of Government, which offers a number of postgraduate courses in public policy. The University’s acceptance of the donation was met with controversy at the time, largely on account of the billionaire’s alleged links to sanctioned Russian oligarchs. 

As far as can be ascertained from the email exchanges found in the released files, Epstein sought to foster an association with Blavatnik over the course of several years. On 16th September 2010, Epstein’s executive assistant, Lesley Groff, extended an invitation to the billionaire to his New York townhouse for dinner with Epstein and Ehud Barak, the Israeli Defence Minister. The meeting was described as “very private , no agenda [sic]”. On the same day, Blavatnik responded, confirming receipt of the invitation. A few days later, he emailed again: “it seems like i will not be able to be there. many thansk and say hello to Jeffrey [sic]”. 

In 2012, the former US Secretary of the Treasury Larry Summers, in an email exchange with Epstein, informed him that he “visited Len Blavatnik he is your neighbor”. In the same year, an email from Allison Reddington details Epstein’s schedule for his visit to Cannes. The itinerary for the 20th May includes “Harvey Weinstein and Len Blavatnik lunch on boat”. There is no indication of whether this lunch took place.

The chain of correspondence seems to indicate that Blavatnik remained in Epstein’s social sphere. An email from Groff to Epstein on the 12th May 2014 titled ‘Reminder: Possible Dinner Party Mon. May 19th?’ lists “Len Blavatnik” under the heading “Guests”. Other invitees included Woody Allen, Larry Summers, and “Schwartman [sic]”. Epstein’s regard for Blavatnik appears to have continued well into the 2010s. In an email exchange dated to the 24th September 2017, the redacted correspondent asks Epstein: “btw, do you know any adequate Russian oligarchs?” Epstein replied: “adequate? len blavatnik”. 

Len Blavatnik has not been accused of any wrongdoing by alleged victims of Epstein. Blavatnik declined to comment.  

EFTA02421173, US Department of Justice. Image credit: PDM via US Department of Justice.

The University of Oxford was approached for comment.

Peacocks

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Their grounds abut a large colonial on Staten Island:

Five or six of them

Swaggering along verdant lawns,

Brick walkways, man-made ponds –

Such bravado. What pretty boys!

Pets of somebody, clearly.

They preen each other,

The astonishing blue of their feathers,

Slashed with generous reams of gold and emerald.

They make spectacles of themselves – oh the notions!

Little quivers ripple through them, like air in a desert.

No peahens, no audience but us.

Limbo full of pick-up artists.

It is indeed their mating season, I am told

By the woman with the long nails and Red Bull

Who owns the house.

“Who’s this all for, then?” I ask.

Oxford University to make changes to consent training modules

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The University of Oxford has reported that 38% of new students completed its online consent training in the 2024-25 academic year, according to the latest Student Welfare and Support Services (SWSS) report. The figure represents an increase from 33% the previous year and an almost 80% increase in the number of college staff accessing the training, showing clear improvement in the development of the training scheme. The report also outlines plans for mandatory training for all students to start in the next academic year. 

The University has strongly encouraged students to complete the ‘Consent for Students’ module developed by the charity Brook, which covers issues such as harassment, boundaries, and bystander intervention. While some colleges require completion, approaches have varied, contributing to uneven uptake.

The Sexual Harassment and Violence Support Service (SHVSS) told Cherwell of their plans to further change the module to “a bespoke, in-house online training programme to strengthen how Oxford prevents and responds to harassment and sexual misconduct” that has been “co-designed with Oxford students and is grounded in the context of Oxford’s collegiate community, signposting to collegiate as well as central University support”. 

This includes plans to make consent training mandatory for all incoming students for the 2026-27 academic year as part of the registration process and strongly recommended for returning students, in line with new regulatory expectations under the Office for Students’ Condition E6. The regulation, which came into full effect last August, requires universities to take stronger action to prevent and respond to harassment and sexual misconduct, including through training, clear reporting processes, and student support.

Alongside the online module, the University has expanded in-person provision with ‘Healthy Relationships and Consent’ workshops. The SHVSS team told Cherwell they have been “delivering the programme across 18 colleges this academic year (up from 15 colleges in 2024/25), with 118 student facilitators, and trained around 2,000 students”, with this being “in addition to any local arrangements that colleges may make.” The SWSS report describes this as part of a “significant expansion” of preventative activity, intended to complement support services and promote cultural change. The University has framed the expansion of training as part of a broader strategy to strengthen awareness, reporting confidence, and institutional response to harassment and sexual misconduct.

The annual report of the SHVSS further highlights rising demand for support. The service received 201 new referrals in 2024-25, continuing an upward trend in recent years. The report notes increasing complexity in cases and emphasises the importance of prevention and early intervention alongside reactive support.

With continuous improvement on the content, enforcement and monitoring of the new requirement and consent module, the completion rates are on an upward trajectory. The SWSS report notes that evaluation and monitoring will be a priority going forward, particularly as the University seeks to ensure that provision remains “evidence-based, effective and inclusive”.

How places are made: A meditation in the City of Love

Springtime bloomed around me, pink and bright. Soft white petals were adrift on the warm afternoon breeze, slanted April sunlight glanced off my cheek. The city, too, was magnificent. Looming buildings decorated with artifice and care, streets paved with stone – the greenery only added to the majesty. The botanical gardens unfurled before me, rolling with colour and life. A man was humming quietly to himself on a nearby bench. It sounded romantic, sort of high and yellow like those sweet, bright tulips. I lost myself in the sprawl of Paris for a time, eyes permanently glued upwards. My latte was perfectly rich and sweet, the air was warm and clear. It was an idyllic day. 

Still, there was something missing. Even amidst all its splendorous sights, the city held no memory. The echoes of a previous trip came to me in moments: that distinctive intersection, a particular building, or the crêpe shop on Île Saint-Louis. But mostly the streets felt empty. They didn’t evoke much feeling at all. It took me time to understand the vacant feeling in my chest. I was awestruck, certainly. Yet the lack of memory felt striking. I began to think, how can I feel nothing for a city as beautiful as Paris? What is it that really makes a place? 

At some point, I wandered into a ceramics shop, packed with a zorn palette of creatures large and small: frogs with gazes turned towards the sky, cats in raincoats standing in terrified anticipation. Reds, yellows, whites, and greens; they clinked and rattled as my steps shook the floor. There was something warm and deep about this room – I felt their eyes upon me as I ran my hand across their glazed and sculpted forms. Cluttered and cramped, it felt a bit like home. The shopkeeper told me that they made the pieces just upstairs, and that it had been her passion project for the past decade. There was character to that room. The bright colours and careless arrangement; everything was exactly where it should have been. 

I think that places are made. Natural beauty, grand architecture – they’re all important, but they only go so far. Places are formed from memories etched into streets, from ghosts which dwell in between moments. They’re shaped by the dreams and aspirations which have been poured into quiet, hidden hollows, like that shop in Paris. I think of cities I’ve called home: Philadelphia, Providence, Oxford. Each holds a different version of myself. 

In Philadelphia, passing through the square by the fountain conjures our laughing voices in the dark – eyes straining towards the starry sky, trying to catch a glimpse of Jupiter. I remember lying down in the early dawn light, laughing at Perry’s blue van, and the telescope he could never seem to place just right. I feel full and warm, lingering in that park where I had my first date. For me, that was the essence of springtime: eating iced treats, just nervous enough to be unsure of where to put our hands. The eventual clasp of his fingers in mine, his shining brown eyes and the cherry blossoms which were just beginning to flower. 

In Providence, the walk to our café was always carefree; sunlit pilgrimages to warm pastries full of flashcards and gossip. The main green usually ripples in the autumn light – full of familiar faces, music, and games. I picture lying on a blanket among people I care for deeply, and watching the afternoon slip by. The pool holds my highest highs and the depths of my sadness: each emotion picked through relentlessly in between sets. His apartment – learning one esoteric ancient language or another, in between trips to the pizza shop next door. We must have talked until the store closed. Each building holds a different subject I studied in the early hours of the morning, a different coffee which carried me through the term. 

Even Oxford holds memories, now. Walks from Lincoln, Brasenose, or Balliol accommodation at 3 a.m. after a particularly spirited afters, tracing the well-worn path to my room down by the river. Drawing ridiculous caricatures on menus, somehow turning a Wetherspoons into a site of great sacredness. Debriefs in our coffee shop, sipping lavender-infused drinks and refusing to get any revision done. Then there’s the late nights in the Schwarzmann, spinning on stools underneath that unblinking eye, and telling secrets in the dark.

It hit me when I walked down Cornmarket for the first time since the vac: the weight of all of these memories. Oxford has always had grand architecture, peaceful paths down by the river, and whispering meadows. But in the beginning, it had not been made yet. Not for me, at least. It felt empty. Full of possibility, sure, but vacant. Now, going into Trinity, I feel the strength of each emotion, each recollection. To be made is to be remembered, filled with personhood and character. That shop in Paris was made, shaped from the weight of passion and care. Philadelphia and Providence were made by the people and places which matter to me. Oxford has been made by all of these things, good and bad. I feel every moment as if I am living it again. Perhaps that is what it means to make a place. 

Oxford MP takes Ultimate Picture Palace Campaign to Parliament

The MP for Oxford East, Dame Anneliese Dodds, raised the ongoing campaign to save the Ultimate Picture Palace (UPP) on Jeune Street in parliament last Monday, urging the government to “go further” to protect “community assets like the UPP”.  

The independent cinema is struggling to go ahead with renovations to the premises on account of uncertainty over the length of its tenancy. Its landlord, Oriel College, has so far refused to extend its lease beyond 2037, citing plans to create a “Fifth Quad” to accommodate graduate students.

“Too often, as in the case of the UPP, we see a David and Goliath situation for communities that want to control local assets”, Dodds told the House of Commons in an adjournment debate last Monday. She argued that the challenges faced by the UPP reflect wider difficulties experienced by community-owned assets across the UK. The dispute has also raised broader concerns over the University’s gradual encroachment into the town of Oxford. 

The UPP’s management told Cherwell: “We very much welcome Anneliese Dodds raising the situation facing the Ultimate Picture Palace in Parliament, and we are hugely grateful for her support as her comments are an important recognition of the serious challenge we face. Without a longer lease … our community-owned cinema – recognised nationally as a leader in cultural cinema for its programme, access, and audience engagement – cannot unlock the investment it needs to survive.”

The lack of long-term security has already prevented the cinema from accessing major grant funding, raising concerns that it could become financially unviable before its current lease expires. Executive director of the UPP, Micaela Tuckwell, told Cherwell that she hopes both the College and Picturehouse can “collaborate” and incorporate the cinema “within their Fifth Quad plans”.

Dodds echoed this in Parliament: “There are some brilliant examples of higher education institutions working with arts organisations in the UK, and such co-operation could make the UPP an even more special place. So far, Oriel College appears not to have recognised the potential benefits of engaging with the Ultimate Picture Palace in this way. I urge it to reconsider, and to grant the UPP its long-term lease.”

In response to Dodds’ comments, Oriel College told Cherwell it had “no plans to extend the lease at this early stage in the tenancy.” The College added: “We are very proud of our heritage cinema and are in dialogue with the new managers about how to ensure it remains open to the wider public.”

Founded in 1911, the UPP is the oldest picture house in Oxford. It is currently owned by over 1,200 stakeholders in the local community and is a registered Asset of Community Value (ACV) by Oxford City Council, which recognises places of social or cultural significance to a local area. The petition to keep the cinema open surpassed 20,000 signatures this week. 

Dodd’s appeal comes amidst the government’s proposal for an English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill, which aims to introduce stronger protections for ACVs such as the UPP. The bill would create a ‘Community Right to Buy’ provision, giving local groups the first opportunity to purchase such assets, alongside a fair market valuation and additional time to raise funds. However, as currently drafted, the policy would apply only if the asset were to be put up for sale by its owner, meaning the UPP, which is facing an unrenewed lease, would not be protected under the Bill. 

Speaking in support of the measures, Dodds told the House of Commons: “The community right to buy will mark a landmark shift”, but added, “we need to go further”. 

All in a day’s Work.txt: Metatheatre’s extremes

For £5 (and a 42p booking fee), I found myself in a room full of theatre kids who had finally attained that cherished jewel of our modern world: a job. I first heard about Work.txt when I was asked by a friend (or coworker?) if I was free Saturday night. Being instinctively adverse to clubbing, I was, indeed, free. Unemployed, even. And this was a gilt-edged proposition I just couldn’t turn down. At the mention of the name Ted Fussell, I threw £5 (plus the emphasised 42p booking fee) of my student loan at Ticketsource, completely unaware of what I was getting myself into. All I knew was that I was expected at ‘The Place of Work’ (Lecture Room Six at New College) at 8pm that Saturday. Since punctuality is one of the traits that makes me such a team player, I met Teddy Farrand (or the receptionist?) outside the lodge ten minutes early, presented him with my ticket, and announced that I was clocking in for my shift. 

Upon entry, I followed the instructions on the screen, placing the book that I was asked to bring with me onto the growing pile in the centre of the stage. I struck up a conversation with my fellow audience members, or coworkers, as we began to immerse ourselves into this bit to which we had already committed £5 plus (say it with me) a 42p booking fee. “It feels like we’re talking around a water cooler”, Rebecca Harper remarked before she mimed holding a little paper cone. We speculated about whether this would count as work experience on LinkedIn. The audience was already taking the “play performed entirely by its audience” pitch very seriously. 

The show centred around a script-cum-PowerPoint presentation. Yellow text flashed on a black screen, encouraging either the whole audience to speak or only a specific group who had something in common. The categories ranged in specificity, from “runners” to “people who don’t sleep well”. This technique was rather revealing: you never knew whether your voice was going to be part of a chorus or if you would be reading a line alone. You could learn a lot about how your fellow audience members characterised themselves through their silences and their responses with this technique, and you shared a lot about yourself in return.

Work.txt often works metatheatrically and draws attention to its scripted nature. The stage manager’s digression about Gilmore Girls, for example, then diverged into something along the lines of “I haven’t even watched Gilmore Girls. This is just what the screen is telling me to say”. The screen could also edit your perceptions of a character trait with which you had already aligned, gradually revealing information after you had already committed to reciting the assigned script. For example, I took on the role of “a person who hasn’t said very much yet” and was caught off guard when this character then spiralled into one spouting criticism against the show. I found myself complaining that this wasn’t real theatre, that it wasn’t Mamma Mia the Musical, regardless of the fact that I (the individual, not the character) was having a great time. 

The show emphasised the £5.42 ticket price as a way of pointing out the peculiarity of the fact that we had paid someone else to let us do work for them. This was likened to the structure of university; we get loans to do work that will eventually help us do more work and pay back the loans until we are sixty years old. For now, though, that £9,535 a year is only a number on a webpage, and we can forget that the drudgery of our degrees is not only self-inflicted, but something we pay for. 

These more bleak illuminations were mingled alongside other excellent comedic moments, executed successfully thanks to the energy of the audience. This article would not do the show justice without a nod to the single best moment of student theatre I have ever experienced, as either cast, crew, or audience. The screen flashed up with these words on separate lines: Every. Night. In. My. Dreams.

The melancholic whistling of the opening notes radiated from the screen before us, and the slide changed into a karaoke video of Celine Dion’s ‘My Heart Will Go On’. We sang all 4 minutes and 40 seconds. Arms swayed. I turned to the others in my row and began to dedicate my performance to Maggie Kerson, who likewise responded with a dramatic air grab, as she informed me her heart will, in fact, go on. We turned our phone torches on and waved them in the air. It was a live concert on a small scale, but the energy could have filled Wembley Stadium. I choose to believe that this was an accurate reflection of the corporate world, that each working day is punctuated by the collective belting of 90s pop classics.  

At the end of the play, the humour melded with an unsettling bitterness. It jumped from the subtle commentary on the working world and our place within it, not as human beings, but as employees, and shifted to a more blunt, bleak outlook of the world. Our main character and fellow audience member, Holly, lay on the floor and told us all the reasons she wanted to “stop”. The printer, which had been inconspicuously set on a table in the corner of the room for the duration of the play, then took over as the narrator, providing an epilogue. This speech moves beyond the end of the working day and blends cosmic existentialism with meaningless corporate speak. It tells us about the destruction of the natural world, the death of the human race, yet the persistence of work nonetheless. “God tries lateral thinking”, the audience is told. “Sound gets put on a zero-hour contract.” It was bizarre yet depressing to hear this workplace jargon being applied to the world beyond humanity. The universe became a workplace, striving towards nothing in particular. It was a reminder of how far we have come from where we started as part of the natural world, how we have produced our own prisons in the form of deadlines, networking, and contracts. 
While my heart will go on, so will the corporate cesspools we have built for ourselves, but Celine Dion has only sung a power ballad about one of these things. Still, Work.txt provides something of a solution to the horrors of the modern workplace in its call to inaction in a world of hustle culture and relentless productivity.

Trade unions and students rally in Oxford to mark General Strike centenary

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Students and the University and College Union (UCU) joined a march and rally in Oxford today to mark the 100-year anniversary of the 1926 General Strike. 

The march left Manzil Way, Cowley, at around 12.30pm and arrived at Bonn Square in the city centre around 1.15pm. Those attending included the Oxford District and Trade Unions Council (ODTUC), the UCU, the Teachers’ Union, the National Union of Journalists (NUJ), the National Pensioners’ Convention, and the Renters’ Rights Union. They were joined by members of Oxford Stand Up to Racism (OUSTR), the Socialist Worker’s Party, the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty, the Communist Party, Your Party Oxford, and other groups. Several students attended, including a group from the Oxford Labour Club (OLC).  

The event commemorated the anniversary of the 1926 General Strike, a sympathy strike which took place across the United Kingdom from 4th to 12th May 1926, in an attempt by the Trade Union Congress (TUC) to pressure the UK Government to improve working conditions and prevent pay reductions for coal miners. In Oxford, railway, print and building workers took strike action in solidarity with miners in other regions of the country. The strike was largely seen as unsuccessful at achieving its aims. 
A commemorative banner was commissioned by ODTUC for the anniversary. Designed by Jeannie Harrison, it was officially launched at an event in East Oxford on 24th April. The event was attended by Lord Mayor-elect, Cllr Chewe Mukonge, and Master of Balliol College, Dame Helen Ghosh.

Image credit: Hattie Simpson, for Cherwell.

In a comment to Cherwell before the event, Co-Chairs of the Oxford Labour Club (OLC) described the General Strike as “one of the most prominent points in the history of the British trade union movement…two million people joined together in solidarity to show both their employers, and the ruling political class, that working people in the United Kingdom deserve to be heard, seen, and respected”.

A UCU committee member told Cherwell they were here to “try and honour that tradition” of workers’ strikes and warned that “in many ways, we’ve gone backwards”. They noted it was “important to show solidarity with members of other UCU branches who are experiencing significant attacks on their working rights and working conditions.

“Oxford from the outside has a reputation of ivory towers, but there are lots of problems with poor job security… [and] attacks on higher education. Oxford isn’t immune.” Another UCU member, Rob Blundell, emphasised the importance to Cherwell of “recognition of the unions within colleges because at the moment the 36 independent colleges do not recognise unions”. 

Many attendees of the march also made reference to the continued relevance of the original strike. Harrison, who also attended the rally, told Cherwell: “What caused it to begin with was the miners… but in this climate with zero hours contracts…[there’s] a lot of insecurity around work, I think it’s really important. You can’t do these things on your own, you have to join a union”. An attendee from the Alliance for Workers Liberty also told Cherwell: “We need not only a sense of how we might change the world but where we’ve come from.” 

Image credit: Hattie Simpson, for Cherwell.

OUSTR and the Socialist Worker established stalls at Manzil Way and Bonn Square, and various groups distributed leaflets and campaign materials at both locations. Marching to the City Centre, those gathered shouted chants including “Here to stay, here to fight, workers of the world unite”, “What do we think of landlords? Shit. What do we think of shit? Landlords”, and “Whose streets? Our streets”.

Speakers at the rally at Bonn Square included Steve Wright, General Secretary of the Fire Brigades Union, who described May Day as “a day written in struggle”. Speaking after his address, Wright told Cherwell that he aimed to “bring the message that it’s only workers that can fight back and push back employers…I think it’s about looking forward and building a society and country that’s built in the interest of workers.”

Speaking to Cherwell, an attendee praised “left-wing unity on the basis of joint action where we agree, and honest debate where we disagree”. Referencing representation at the event from OLC, a Communist Party activist told Cherwell: “If they’re here to support workers, I’m here to stand with them”.

Multiple groups also praised the government for recent legislation, including the Employment Rights Act and the Renters’ Rights Act. A spokesperson for the Renters Rights Union celebrated the ban on no-fault evictions, which came into law at the beginning of May, and said they “want people to know that their rights have changed”.

Image credit: Hattie Simpson, for Cherwell.

Dr Pushba Chaure, Vice-President of the Oxford and District Trade Union Council and member of the Teachers’ Union, told Cherwell how the UK was “hiring teachers from abroad” to fill vacancies, and said migrant workers in education were “treated like second-class citizens”. Oxford Stand Up to Racism organiser Ian McKendrick told Cherwell: “It wasn’t migrants who crashed the banks…who imposed austerity” and called for unity between those campaigning for the rights of workers and the rights of migrants.

In a speech, Paula Dunne, Chair of the steering group for Strike Map, a national trade union activist organisation, referenced the upcoming local elections in Oxford, set to take place on the 7th May. She told attendees that “it is important to look at which political parties have stood in union with the workers”.

A brass band accompanied the marchers and played throughout the journey down to Bonn Square, with one performer describing the event as “part of the history of music within the trade union movement”.

Today’s event will be followed on 16th May by performances including live music at the Museum of Oxford to tell the story of the 1926 General Strike in Oxford. 

Additional reporting by Stanley Arlidge, Ned Remington and Hattie Simpson.

Oxford Mutual Aid re-opens after month-long closure

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Oxford Mutual Aid (OMA) has reopened after a month-long closure due to “emergency repairs” at the hall they operate out of, which the charity described as “the longest closure period OMA has ever seen”.

The community organisation, founded in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, provides “essential weekly support” to 190 households in Oxford, supporting around 750 people. They have distributed 30,000 food parcels since 2022, including around 250 emergency food parcels per month. The group also distributes toiletries and baby supplies to those in need. They described themselves to Cherwell as “Oxford’s biggest direct food support provider”, supporting over 2000 people, or 1.2% of Oxford’s population, every year. The majority of those supported are children.

OMA re-opened on 27th April after “the repairs and safety issues” to the hall were resolved. In a comment, OMA told Cherwell they were “very grateful” to those who donated to cover the costs of repairs, with donations exceeding a “stretch goal” of £4,000 during the month of closure. All donations not spent on financing repairs have “gone to purchasing more supplies to ensure we can fully provide everything our community needs” during a time of “heightened demand”. 

OMA told Cherwell: “We have had to replace much of our food stocks and replace a substantial amount of shelving amid other equipment…Support from the community to cover these costs has ensured our financial stability has not been put in jeopardy.” 

OMA added that their closure had been “devastating” for the community: “OMA is the only support they can access. We are the only org to deliver across the entire city, meaning we’re able to reach people with disabilities, health issues, stringent childcare or work responsibilities and/or low mobility – people who find it hard to reach more traditional food support.” The charity added that they have referred those in need towards alternative provision where possible during their closure. 

On their website, OMA describe “two Oxfords”, with the University and surrounding “wealthy districts” making the city “one of the most expensive places to live in the UK”, whilst also being home to “some of the most deprived wards in the country”. According to OMA, between 9 and 14% of the city is estimated to be experiencing food poverty.

The organisation has described itself as a “grassroots action network…born out of LGBTQ and trade union organisers, and local community groups”, believing in “solidarity, not charity”. Following their re-opening, OMA told Cherwell they “will continue to support everyone we can in Oxford, across the whole city”.

Local election manifestos published as student candidates contest key wards

The Labour Party, the Green Party and the Liberal Democrats have released their manifestos ahead of the upcoming Oxford City Council elections, as a number of current and recent University of Oxford students contest seats across the city.

Voters will go to the polls on 7th May to elect half the members of the city council. The council is currently in no overall control, meaning no party (or coalition of parties) holds a majority. Labour is the largest group of the council and (until the resignation of ten councillors over Gaza in 2023) had been in the majority for the past 13 years. According to projections from PollCheck, the Council will remain without overall control, with Labour losing six seats but remaining the largest party. 

In some wards, Oxford’s residents will have the chance to elect current and recent University students. Holywell, the ward where most central colleges are located, will be contested by Labour candidate Awab Kazuz, a first-year History student at St Edmund Hall, and Green Party candidate Alfie Davis, a 2024 St Anne’s College graduate. In 2024, the City Council elections in Holywell saw the incumbent Labour councillor narrowly beaten by a Green Party candidate.

The Green Party are also fielding PhD student Zelalemawee Asheber in Walton Manor – home to Somerville College and St Anne’s – and Modern Languages finalist Indigo Haynes in Blackbird Leys. In Carfax and Jericho – home to Worcester College and Gloucester Green – Oxford University Conservative Association President and Lady Margaret Hall History student Harriet Dolby is running against Reform candidate, and Oriel College student, Vittorio Cuneo-Flood. The Liberal Democrats are contesting the Osney & St Thomas ward with Harry Morgan, a second-year at Pembroke College and last term’s Oxford Students’ Liberal Association President. 

The local Labour party released their manifesto last month, focusing on housing, climate policy, supporting the local economy, and local pride as it’s four major priorities. It proposes action on second homes and short-term lets, alongside making housing carbon neutral, and a commitment to campaign for rent control powers in the private rented sector, a policy the Labour government does not support. Whilst no specific reference is made to the impact of their policies on students, Awab Kazuz told Cherwell that housing pressures are central to his campaign, describing scenes of students queuing for accommodation as “absolutely unforgivable”. He said Labour’s plans to crack down on short-term lets and second homes, alongside stronger protections against “bad faith landlords” and an expansion of affordable housing, will ease the strain on student renters. He added that although the council does not have the power to introduce rent controls, the local Labour group would continue to campaign for “tangible, radical action” at a national level.

The Green Party has proposed an “Oxford Living Rent”, alongside similar promises to campaign for stronger rent control powers and restrictions on short-term lets. Other policies include to lobby central government for the power to introduce a tourist tax, an increase in the Oxford Living Wage, and a commitment to support congestion charges and low traffic neighbourhoods. The party has also called for the closure of Campsfield House Immigration Removal Centre (located outside of the City Council boundaries) – the only major party to make such a commitment in their manifesto. 

Zelalemawee Asheber and Indigo Haynes told Cherwell they would seek to expand Oxford’s “city of sanctuary” policies, criticising recent visa restrictions and calling for greater support for students affected by changes to asylum and immigration rules. They added that a Green-led council would work to increase support for local organisations assisting asylum seekers and push for more community-based housing, with affected students included in these schemes.

The local Liberal Democrats’ manifesto sets out goals including a “fairer Oxford”, “healthier Oxford”, and a “net-zero Oxford”. Its housing plans centre on increasing supply through “densification” of existing buildings and development of underused land. It also emphasises  support for Oxford’s status as a “city of sanctuary”. These elections come after the government’s announcement last month of an emergency brake on new student visa applications from Afghanistan, Cameroon, Myanmar, and Sudan. Harry Morgan told Cherwell that a Liberal Democrat-run council would work with local MPs, including the Lib Dem MP for Oxford West and Abingdon, to “exert pressure on central government” and prevent visa changes affecting students.

Currently, neither the Conservative Party nor Reform UK have published local manifestos for the Oxford elections. Cuneo-Flood told Cherwell that Reform UK opposes the “woke-driven policies which make travelling in and out of Oxford both time-consuming and possibly expensive”. On housing, Cuneo-Flood raised concern that “places of accommodation given to illegal immigrants and asylum seekers” resulted in “less houses for locals”.

The Conservative Party is fielding candidates in every ward, whilst Reform UK is contesting all but Holywell. Alfie Davis claimed on BlueSky that Reform were unable to attain the two supporting signatories necessary to stand a candidate, writing “it’s clear young ppl [sic] reject Reform”. Speaking about Holywell, Cuneo-Flood told Cherwell: “No candidate is fielded in Holywell because no student candidate was found. To any student who would have voted for Reform had they the chance, I say that a change from the direction in which this country is heading is only possible if those who seek the change are willing to say so.”

Alongside the main parties,  a number of independent groups are also contesting seats across Oxford. In the 2024 local elections, independent candidates and groups – including the Independent Oxford Alliance (the largest group) – secured a significant share of the vote, with the Alliance alone winning over 15% and 4 City Council seats. Several of these groupings are standing candidates again in 2026.

Harriet Dolby and Reform UK Oxfordshire were approached for comment.

Both rags and riches: Social media is heightening Oxford’s class disparities

According to the University of Oxford’s admissions data, in 2024, 14.5% of students admitted were from the most socio-economically deprived areas in the UK. Many students at the University come from comfortable, more middle-class backgrounds, but sprinkled in are members of the elite: the children of aristocracy and the ultra-wealthy. For many working-class, state-educated students, coming to Oxford allows them to interact with people from this world for the very first time.  

It can be very disorienting to enter this new social sphere. At first, you can feel overwhelmed by its strange traditions and the people you are suddenly interacting with. It is bizarre to have a Scout who automatically cleans up after you. To be wined and dined in black tie, and to have a bursary that allows you to spend without worry, can feel uncomfortable for those who grew up with less. It’s very easy to feel out of place, both academically and socially.  

As time goes on, immersion in this fantasy land can make you out of touch. There is an illusion of student solidarity, that we are somehow all the same. We all know the trauma of essay deadlines, we use the same Oxford lingo, we study in the same libraries, we eat hall meals together, and we attend the same events. But then the vacation rolls around. As people return home, you realise that this Oxford bubble is not real life. The reality of class differences smacks you abruptly in the face.  

For working-class students, the truth is that many university acquaintances do not live the same lifestyle as you do. Most students at Oxford never need to worry about  whether their household will make ends meet this month. They do not have the burden of a maxed-out student loan, a crippling overdraft, and a laborious part-time job awaiting them in the vac. The vacation period is one where the vibrant world of Oxford feels very far away. What can connect you is the friends that you have made there, and social media is the easiest way to catch up on their lives. 

A dopamine-boosting doomscroll is particularly tempting for those of us who have few entertainment options during the vacation. Instagram shows you the lives of your new acquaintances and the alien world they reside in – a montage of huge houses, constant travel, and smiling friends in chalets and pools. It could not be more different from how you and most people live. It is difficult to escape the realisation that not only does this lifestyle exist, but it also exists near to you, and yet remains unattainable. It opens your eyes to the true class difference that exists between you and many of your peers, which amplifies the feeling of not quite belonging to the environment of Oxford. The unequal nature of the lottery of life is made more apparent when social media allows you to take a glimpse into the lifestyles of fellow students.  

In term time, there are always subtle reality checks that remind you of the class differences that exist at university, and they tend to be cliché – what school did you go to? Blank stares at your reply. Where do you typically holiday in the summer? Awkwardly state that you will probably be at home working. These reality checks are far harder to dodge when your scrolling takes place in an uncomfortable home, shattered, after a long shift at work. 

The whiplash that comes with oscillating between a comfortable, social, and cosy time at university and a harsher time at home is an exhausting experience. It can feel like you don’t really belong anywhere. A sense of isolation is inevitable when you are one of the few people in your circle who live in real financial struggle. It can seep into your confidence academically and socially. The thoughts of “I don’t really fit in here” get louder in those moments where class difference is made apparent, which only exacerbates imposter syndrome.  

As petty as it may seem to whine about  social media, which is entirely curated anyway, it doesn’t undermine the fact that this is a symptom of the core experience of working-class students at Oxford. The solution seems simple – just delete social media during the vacation and try accepting that your lifestyle is different from your peers. Whilst that is certainly a way to escape the toxic comparisons, it is not that easy, nor is it the main problem. Social media enables you to witness the unaffordable lifestyles of people around you. Even without that tool to help you sneak a peek, the cutting realities of being working class in Oxford will always find a way to follow you around.  

Like stones in your shoes, it can add pressure to change yourself to fit into this new world, as your own feed transforms in response to this different social circle. Working-class students can attempt to glamorise what little they have by changing their social media habits. Perhaps post some snapshots of the budget holiday you worked the whole summer for? The story behind that picture of a nice meal with friends, or snaps of the Varsityski trip, is that it has plunged you into the (not so) warm embrace of your overdraft. These attempts to blend in are made in vain and can feel depressingly shallow. 

But it’s not all doom and gloom. There is extraordinary pride in knowing that making it to Oxford from a socio-economically deprived background is a sign of true strength and resourcefulness. The pains of adapting to a world where most people will not understand the life experiences that come with this pay off. The ability to live two contrasting lives certainly makes you a well-rounded person. Despite having the burden of financial worries, fewer networks, and feelings of social isolation, working-class students at Oxford still manage to adapt and thrive.