Saturday 5th July 2025
Blog Page 1026

Sophie in ’t Veld on faith groups, populists and smart integration

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Sophie in ’t Veld, Dutch MEP for the Liberal Democrats 66 party, does not mince her words. She has filed lawsuits against the US Department of Homeland Security, attacked Pope Benedict’s views on gender theory and deemed Nigel Farage’s claims as probable as a Martian invasion. When I spoke to her before a seminar at the Blavatnik School of Government, tucked away in the green room straight after her arrival, she lost no time in putting forward her opinions.

An honorary associate of the UK National Secular Society and former winner of their ‘Secularist of the Year’ award, Sophie began by outlining the increasing influence of faith groups in European governance. “At the start of European integration in the 50s, there were six countries which set up intergovernmental cooperation in the area of coal and steel, and that didn’t have a very strong ethical dimension. Today, we are over 500 million citizens, and we’re dealing with lots of ethical issues, and there are lots of policy areas with strong ethical dimensions. So ethics has become very important, and I note that the more conservative brands of religious communities have already understood this and they’re very much on top of it, but the more liberal brands of religion and humanist and atheist groups have not yet fully captured this.

“So we see that there is very strong influence from the Vatican – because they have privileged access to the institutions as a state, they don’t have to register as a lobby firm – but we have also seen a very rapid rise in the last couple of years of evangelical groups funded from the US. They are of a very conservative reactionary brand, lobbying very intensively, sometimes aggressively, and they use all the available channels.

“Although I fundamentally disagree with what these groups represent, I welcome their presence. However, I think it’s very important that other voices are heard as well. The problem is that secular voices are usually not organised: if you are a stamp collector, you may join an association for stamp collectors, but if you don’t collect stamps you’re not going to set up an association for non-stamp collectors, so it’s more difficult to get the more progressive liberal voice – which I think is dominant in most European countries – heard inside EU institutions.”

Redressing this balance is one of the motivations behind Sophie’s latest project, which draws a smile as we begin discussing it. “I’m working on something that I find very exciting. I’m the draftsperson for what we call ‘The democracy, rule of law and fundamental rights pack’, and a mechanism to enforce those three pillars of European integration. The funny thing is, if you look at the treaties, there are hundreds of pages, but it starts with Article One, which says ‘hi everybody’, and then Article Two is about our values. Article Two is really the core, but we have not got a single instrument to make sure everybody upholds those values, and we see in some countries like Hungary and Poland, but also a country like France they’re getting side-tracked and they don’t uphold the values as we would like to see them. There may be pressure on the media, or LBGTQ rights, or deportation of Roma people: we need an instrument. For me, this is one of the key issues in my 12 years as an MEP.”

Behind this project, Sophie continues, stands a broader need for integration across the EU which becomes more pressing by the day. “The debate about more or less European integration is being held in all the member states, and it’s dominated very heavily by navel-gazing. We’re completely obsessed with ourselves and how different we all our and how we couldn’t possibly work together because we’re all so different, but we’re inward looking. If we take a step back, all the major challenges in the 21st century – security, refugees, climate change, global economy – they’re all global. At the start of European integration, Europe accounted for around 20 per cent of the world’s population; today, Europe is seven per cent and shrinking as a proportion. We’re becoming less and less relevant, so we have to be smart. In my view, smart is not to be divided; smart is to join forces and do it together, and you have to do it in a democratic, transparent way but with the ability to act. If you look at how we’ve dealt with the refugee issue, it’s a disaster, but not because we can’t cope: we’re 500 million people, of course we can handle 1.5 million refugees, we can handle 3 million! The problem is that the national governments flatly refuse, so we don’t have a common policy. Now we have a disaster.”

Asked whether this debate has contributed to the recent rise of populist politicians across Europe, Sophie gives a derisory sniff. “It’s not only in Europe. The funny thing is, we somehow excepted the fact that people don’t like Europe, or we have the European Union to blame, but that doesn’t explain why we see the same process in the USA. Trump, he’s like Putin or Johnson, Farage, Le Pen; they’re all one brand, but they don’t have the EU to blame in the US so it must be something else. There’s a lot that we should change in the EU, but all-in-all we are the richest continent in the world with the highest life expectancy, best level of education, best social security system. Come on, this is the best continent in the world. It didn’t just happen to us like the weather, we did it because we did it together.

Unheard Oxford: Megan Daffern, chaplain at Jesus

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I studied classics at Exeter College. After that I had a year in West Bromwich where I was working in a Church, because I’d started to discern a vocation towards ordination while I was an undergraduate, which surprised me and my family, me more than my family I suspect. I went back to Exeter as a part time D-Phil student and a year later I needed to find another job. The job at Jesus came up and I went for it and that’s that really.

I think obviously the name of the college is quite fun, from a chaplain’s point of view. The jokes never dry up. It’s great fun being at the boathouse and being able to shout about Jesus. There’s lots of scope for humour.

I think that it has become more pressured since I was an undergraduate. I was the first year of undergraduates who had to pay fees – it was gutting! Of course they were much lower then so I am really aware that there are more pressures on students these days, partly because they’re aware how much it’s costing.

I’m here to run the things in chapel and I’m here to be a hopefully good presence in the college. So I try to make myself available to talk to students, from all faiths or none, from all backgrounds, all cultures: everyone. I like chatting with students and I like having coffees with them, as you may have noticed. And equally it’s about trying to build community: welcoming new people, building relationships, letting them know there’s someone out there who cares. So I don’t go round proselytising or anything. I do what I do because of my faith but I think people generally can trust me and come and talk to me, and I’m not going to start talking about God things – unless they want me to.

A lot of people from other faiths use the chapel as well. We have Hanukkah in there as well, that’s always nice. I know that some of our Muslim students feel content to go and use it as a quiet space. It’s a space that’s prayed in. And there’s going to be more scope for interfaith work in the future. I think there’s a real thirst for that in the college. I’m going to be thinking about events which can promote interfaith dialogue, and understanding and valuing of different faiths. I think at the present time in the world, in society, actually, that’s really important. How wonderful that we have the opportunity to do that in a safe context here; where we can really learn to value other traditions, other faiths, and none. It’s an opportunity to learn in a really unthreatening way and to have decent conversations.

Preview: The House of Bernarda Alba

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When I arrived in a sunny conference room at St Catz to watch a rehearsal of The House of Bernada Alba, I couldn’t help but feel that the cast looked a little incongruous in their head-to-toe black costumes, complete with sweeping lace shawls. As they took their positions, I wondered if a student cast could conjure the atmosphere which Lorca’s play demands without the safety net of a dark theatre. If you’re a fan of short answers, here it is: they could. The cast were on fire from the word go, fully committing to their lines with the intensity which the script demands.

The House of Bernada Alba tells the story of the widow and matriarch, Bernada Alba, who imposes eight years of mourning upon her five adult daughters (hence all the black lace, I soon discovered). Ruling the household with an iron fist, Bernada Alba is traditional to the extreme, valuing the family’s reputation above all else. The tension comes from the unseen presence of Pepe el Romano, a local man expected to marry Bernada’s eldest daughter and heiress to a fortune, Angustias. The absence of any onstage male characters allows the play to explore the jealousy, tension, and sexual longing of these oppressed sisters with heightened intensity. It soon emerges that Angustias is not the only sister with an interest in Pepe, and the remainder of the play sees gossip, scheming and lies culminate in an explosive climax.

One of the most exciting things about this production is the unusual decision to stage it in The Cellar. Curious about why he was attempting to transform the edgiest (read: dingiest) venue in Oxford into a respectable house in rural Spain, I asked director Jake Donald to explain: ‘Cellar is dark, oppressive, and unsettling. The audience needs to feel imprisoned – by the finale they should be yearning to get out’. I think we have all felt oppressed by the air in Cellar at some point during our degree, so I’m curious to see how the cast will channel that atmosphere into their performance.

I feel that student productions of very sombre plays can be risky – any overacting can immediately plunge them into the realm of absurdity. Luckily, the director has made gaining an insight into Bernada – by far the most severe character – his priority. The part is handled masterfully by Ella Jackson, whose controlled yet terrifying presence demands attention. It is worth going to see this play just to watch the audience jump as she slams her cane down ‘Darth Vader style’ (as the director jokes).

Judging from the parts that I watched, this is not the play to watch if you’re looking for light entertainment. But, if you are in the throes of exams season panic, and would relish watching someone suffer a fate worse than your own, this may be just the production for you.

Oxford must say Yes to the NUS for the sake of access

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The NUS referendum is an access issue. As the current co-chair of the Target Schools campaign and through tours, talks, Q&As, and conferences, I have come to realise which problems we face when we work on our outreach. To put it simply, access is intricately linked with class, race, gender, and higher education policy – intersecting areas on which the NUS is uniquely situated to campaign on.

The NUS, like OUSU, works tirelessly behind the scenes, with students sometimes only catching the soundbites. But no organisation can represent us quite like the NUS. This government is uprooting finance in higher education; the NUS has successfully led the charge against cuts to Disabled Students’ Allowance, held the Liberal Democrats to scrutiny over their false promises on tuition fees, and was the loudest voice against the end to maintenance grants. Perhaps most urgently for us, there is fresh news that we’ll see fees at ‘elite’ institutions like ours raised to £16,000. To load low and middle income students with yet more debt and interest if they choose to apply to places like Oxford is to build another wall around this university for the very students I want to see here. We must say no, and we need a seat at the table to do so.  We must also consider the NUS’s work elsewhere to deal with the everyday expense of university. It provides advice on landlords and rent, pioneered a discount card still unmatched in scope, and extensively researches the financial wellbeing of students. We in Oxford, if we are serious about the barriers this city presents to lower-income students, cannot turn our backs on this.

Many have pointed out the vital work the NUS does for liberation campaigns. Not for a moment do I think my own aspirations as an access volunteer can be separated from the aims of these campaigns. Take just one example: when the Campaign for Racial Awareness and Equality began to push for a more diverse curriculum, the university listened. Now we have lectures on the Curriculum and Race, departmental workshops on curriculum diversity, and are fundamentally rethinking the ways in which our course is shaped. To make our university more receptive to the concerns and perspectives of marginalised voices is one and the same with making it more accessible.

Something that comes up constantly for those working in access is the way we speak about this institution to people who aren’t used to it, whether that’s at home, in our old schools, in the hairdressers. I am proud that so many of us work hard to redress the mythology of Oxford through Q&A sessions, nation-wide conferences, and shadowing days. But we cannot deny that, everything considered, Oxford is a harder place to be for marginalised groups. What we can do point out is that things are getting much better. It is imperative that we listen to the students leading that change, and from what I’m hearing, the message could not be clearer. In Oxford, many from the Women’s Campaign, the LGBTQ+ Campaign, the Disabilities Community, are backing a Yes vote. I am too.

As I said, so much of my work is based in bringing students and teachers to realise that Oxford is not quite what it can look like. So, an important question: how would it look if we left the NUS? My fear is that we would be perpetuating an age-old myth of Oxford exceptionalism. Our university might be exceptional in some ways, but it should never be exceptionalist. We should not shy away from the fact that we are institutionally linked to other universities and further education institutions, and that we can make common cause. Many concerns students currently hold about the NUS are valid, and if we vote Yes, I’m hopeful this referendum will re-engage many students with an NUS they were distant from. But in my day-to-day life, I’m constantly reminding others that Oxford, if a bit quirky, is just one among many universities and colleges. Disaffiliation, I fear, would send the opposite message.

Think about this the other way: how might the NUS need us? In short, I think that we need to stand in solidarity with other students. We need to bulk up the argument against rising fees and rent. This referendum is bigger than us. To say #YestoNUS is to remind ourselves, even in its turbulence, of the importance of a student movement focussed on access, affordability and justice.

It is my belief that we should stay within the NUS. We need to support our liberation campaigns, put forward a united front on student fees and costs, and work against stereotypes of arrogance and elitism that haunt the application process. This is why in sixth week I’ll say #YestoNUS, and why I hope you do the same.

Preview: Doctor Faustus

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“Our Faustus is the show Marlowe wanted.” Director Cai Jauncey’s claim is a bold one, and I arrived at Somerville College eager to see whether the much-discussed production, which will open at the O’Reilly in 5th week, could possibly live up to the hype. Jauncey has been consistently committed to an interpretation in which Marlowe’s words “remain central to what we stage” (unlike the recent Jamie Lloyd adaptation, which changed the middle entirely and was almost universally panned by critics), but this hasn’t stifled their creative vision in the least. Though the pronouns remain the same, this production explicitly places Faustus (Georgie Murphy) as a brilliant female scientist struggling to realise her ambitions whilst contending with a notoriously sexist STEM industry, eventually turning to some tellingly corporate devils for assistance.

Chief among these is Mephistopheles (Thea Keller), who becomes Faustus’s personal demon in exchange for the scholar’s soul when their twenty-four year contract has ended. After starring in Cashiered last term – his first ever experience with university drama – Keller has once again been propelled into a starring role, and proven himself to be more than up to the task, bringing out the nuances of Mephistopheles’s character with great success. He is proud and self-satisfied, but beneath the unruffled, smooth-talking exterior (Jauncey describes him as “Lucifer’s personal assistant”) lies a clear capacity for frustration, brutality, and perhaps something more human. Georgie Murphy’s Faustus, for her part, wants to trust him – their relationship is rife with sexual and romantic tension, though the extent to which any of it is real on her devil’s side remains uncertain. The two play off of each other perfectly, and their dynamic will no doubt prove one of the show’s greatest assets.

Other members of the cast are equally compelling. In particular, the Good and Evil Angels, played by Anusia Battersby and Laura O’Driscoll respectively, are a welcome departure from the usual over-the-top take on the characters, who spend the duration of the play appealing to Faustus to save or damn him; by their final scene together, Battersby’s Good Angel is unimpressed rather than imploring. Interestingly, Jauncey has decided to downplay their divine nature, to the point where it is only then that they tell their Faustus, “This is the first time you realise who the people buzzing in your ears are.”

It is here – when everything comes crashing down – that Georgie Murphy truly excels. She is sympathetic in her fear and distress (not always an easy feat when depicting the arrogant, self-destructive Faustus), and her final monologue is genuinely moving. This may not be the show Marlowe had in mind, with its focus on science at the expense of religion, but that is by no means a shortcoming. If the rest of the play lives up to this skilful handling of its denouement, it will be an exciting and innovative update not to be missed.

Nick Clegg: Stronger in Europe

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Nick Clegg arrived at the Blue Boar Lecture theatre slightly late. But he didn’t pause on arrival; wasting no time in delving into what was clearly a well-rehearsed, short pitch to remain; centring on three key points.

Clegg started by arguing that the key question at stake was one of identity. He claimed that on one side was a vision of “an Open Britain”, while the other envisaged “untrammelled national sovereignty”, a desire he thought sprang from nostalgia for some non-existent point in Britain’s past. He said it was up to us to decide which definition we preferred, but that with the threat of another Scottish referendum following a Brexit, “There are two unions currently at stake.”

More pragmatically, Clegg exhorted those campaigning to focus their attentions not on full-fledged Brexiters, or to waste time in discussion with those who already agreed with them, but to approach the undecided and the uninterested. He pushed ardently for those present to try and convince the many whose concern lay with other more immediate problems, saying that he thought the media tended to overestimate popular interest in the EU altogether.

Clegg said that, amongst the disinterested, it was youth turnout that would make the biggest difference. His described a generational divide in voting intention that transcended other aspects of identity, as older generations will vote to leave, whilst the young will vote to stay. He mentioned concerns for the future of his young children, and quipped that “the most logical franchise for this election might be 18-24 year-olds only, because their future is at stake.” He went on to argue that “my generation and those older have no right to put the ladder up behind us and deny you opportunities.”

During the questions, he vehemently pulled apart the idea that we can quit the EU, not pay its membership fee, nor abide by any of its rules, but still be subject to all the benefits it confers. “You can’t have your cake and eat it, everyone knows that” he says. “It’s intellectually petulant; it’s like a child stamping its feet.”

His short visit was an enjoyable afternoon break for a room full of people who had largely made up their minds on the matter, something he was very aware of. Those present might have been inspired to campaign that little bit harder, but it was obvious as he power-walked off to catch a train to Leicester that his real work lay elsewhere.

Oxford’s college drinking dilemma

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Across Britain, students are drinking less and things are looking healthier. But something is going wrong in our colleges.

Recent reports suggest the 2012 rise in tuition fees has had a knock-on impact on draught beer sales in student unions. Stressed by debt-levels, we apparently became less willing to drink the nights away. Last month the Office for National Statistics removed nightclub entry fares from the basket of goods used to assess inflation. Data from the same institution shows even binge drinking is down 40 per cent on a national level since 2005.

Long the butt of the French slur, ‘the British drink too much’, it seems we are righting our course. The trend is downwards, and alcohol companies are acutely aware of this. The Heineken advert whose strapline reads ‘Moderate Drinkers Wanted’ is valid testimony. There has been no ostensible stimulus, no nation-wide crackdown, no spike in alcohol-related arrest-rates. There is a shift towards healthier living and drinking less is probably part of it.

In Oxford, however, the matter is unclear. Certainly as far as colleges can tell, students drink less now than before. One Turl Street college vendor noted the college bar had seen profits halve in ten years, though the services it offers have doubled. Many colleges have promoted non-alcoholic events during Freshers week, clearly not eager to give the impression being a student at Oxford is all fun and games. In October one former public school boy was overheard reminiscing about the relative freedoms of boarding school.
It’s easy to see how this trend might seem like good news to the college. First of, when alcohol is expensive, students will drink less of it. Secondly, a student who is not drinking will be working. Thirdly, a working student is a happy student. Conclusion: Norrington Table ascension.

If students drink less in the bars, though, why has the number of alcohol-related incidents involving emergency services risen? In the third episode of Ross Kemp’s Britain, the presenter offers a keen insight. On the question of Britain and alcohol, three conclusions emerge. One: when alcohol is very cheap, people drink more of it. Two: when the gap between pub prices and shop prices is significant, people always buy cheaper. Three: the bulk of dangerous drinking is done behind closed doors.

Perhaps, therefore, students are not drinking less than before. Perhaps they go to supermarkets and buy cheap alcohol and consume large quantities of it in their rooms where they do not have to pay college prices, and cannot be turned away when they’ve had one too many. Perhaps they leave their rooms, to have a swift one in the college bar before going out, feel a bit sick on the way past the pool table and vomit all over the floor, before the college has served them, before they pay the nightclub fare.
It seems likely this is precisely what is happening; if so, it comes with dangers.

The college bar is the safest place to drink, particularly if you’re 18 and new to alcohol. Conceivably, there is a problem here which must be corrected before it is too late.

One thing I’d change about Oxford: coffee-free libraries

Whilst the awe-inspiring architecture of Oxford’s libraries is something nobody would wish to distance themselves from, their distracting influence on everyone’s work is beautifully annoying. The cure in the form of a black liquid energiser and stimulant, namely coffee, seems to be the only obvious solution.
And yet, Oxford libraries fail not only to provide this benign substance, but wholly ban its consumption on the understandable grounds of book preservation. But how is one supposed to spend hours sat on old and uncomfortable chairs brushing up on the influence of 16th century Atlantic voyages on Donne’s poetry without a rewarding and comforting sip at the end of every other page or paragraph?

Humans are remarkably adaptable beings, but no one is that adaptable. Oxford’s business school has no such ban on the substance, but it’s easy to see why book preservation wouldn’t be much of an issue there, and why coffee wouldn’t really be of any need.

But for the rest of us, the struggle is a great one indeed. Students are instead forced to work in overcrowded and overpriced cafes, or to briskly consume a take-away coffee which merely satisfies the chemical need, not the pleasure of the uptake in itself.

An answer to this problem is unlikely and even undesirable (for the books’ sake), but sometimes a short rant makes things more bearable.

To fight anti-Semitism, vote #YestoNUS

If I, as a Jewish student at Oxford, were tasked with finding the worst possible way to combat anti-Semitism on campus, I might suggest the following: pull out of the one national body representing students at precisely the moment when it is conducting an internal review into anti-Semitism, thereby completely ignoring the advice of the outgoing President of the Union of Jewish Students (UJS) who has urged against disaffiliation.

Yet, depressingly, the ‘No Thanks NUS’ campaign is encouraging us to pursue exactly this counter-productive strategy, as are many members of Oxford’s JSoc. As such, they are ignoring not only many within UJS, nor even the advice of John Mann MP – the prominent campaigner against anti-Semitism who told Oxford students last week that they should stay in NUS. To leave now would also mean riding roughshod over the views of every other liberation group in Oxford, almost all of whom have said publicly that they rely on NUS support and are hoping Oxford students say #YestoNUS.

So why would leaving be so damaging to the fight against anti-Semitism? At its recent conference, NUS passed policy strongly opposing anti-Semitism on campus. That motion was proposed by Oxford students, who were only at the conference in the first place because Oxford is in NUS. An amendment incorporating Holocaust education was debated, but it, too, passed overwhelmingly – because Jewish students were there to speak for it. The NUS will be including anti-Semitism in its forthcoming internal review on racism. Needing an institutional review does not make the NUS any more racist or anti-Semitic than the rest of society, but conducting one puts it miles ahead in tackling these problems. The battle against bigotry is ongoing, and it’s not one worth abandoning. Other liberation campaigns have shown that the democracy of the NUS can produce incredible turnarounds in its structure, for example in the recent establishment of a full-time officer for trans students.

Malia Bouattia, NUS President-elect, has made clear not only her commitment to fighting anti-Semitism, but also that it is inseparable from her opposition to racism and fascism in all forms. As NUS Black Students Officer, she visited the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin and spoke about her work organising against fascism in the UK. She has been at the forefront of developing strategies to combat hate crime and defending NUS’s interfaith Faith and Belief programme – both issues of desperate importance to Jewish students. Single-handedly she forced NUS to conduct its forthcoming review into internal racism, and then she voted to support including anti-Semitism in that review. On Holocaust Memorial Day this year, before the recent furore, Bouattia released a powerful public statement which speaks for itself:

“On this day, we look back to the genocide of 6 million Jewish people along with millions of Roma, Poles, gay and disabled people, as well as political opponents and remember just what can manifest when discrimination, bigotry and hatred goes unchallenged… Let’s work together to stop the tragic history of oppression from repeating itself.”

Despite this, Bouattia has been labelled an anti-Semite on the basis of her political opposition to Zionism and two decontextualised comments. Context is important. She described Birmingham University as a ‘Zionist outpost’ because of the vehement opposition to the establishment of a student Palestine Society there. Appallingly, students had to battle for six months against anti-Palestinian campaigners just to win their right to set up the Society. When she said some of the media was ‘Zionist-led’, Bouattia was explicitly referring to the uncritical support for Israel shown by some sections of the British press; she wasn’t expressing support for shady conspiracy theories about Jewish cabals. It is dangerous and stifling to conflate political opposition to Israel with anti-Semitism. In response to concerns raised by Jewish societies, Bouattia immediately emphasised that her opposition to Zionist politics – an ideology ‘held by people from a variety of different backgrounds and faiths’ – goes hand in hand with her absolute opposition to anti-Semitism.

Some of the claims made about Bouattia are plainly and offensively wrong – newspapers have repeated the lie that NUS’s first Muslim President refuses to condemn ISIS, when the truth is that she wrote and passed a motion doing exactly that. Herself a refugee from terrorism, it is profoundly unpleasant to suggest that Bouattia is a terrorist sympathiser. Likewise, some have claimed that NUS deliberately sought to remove Jewish representation from its anti-racist committee. The truth is that NUS passed a motion proposed and seconded by Jewish students that objected to the previous President undemocratically picking her preferred Jewish candidate for the role. Bouattia is currently writing a motion to guarantee Jewish representation on that committee for the first time ever. These kinds of misrepresentations do no favours to the struggle against racism.

Nonetheless, some have charged that through careless use of language Bouattia might inadvertently have fuelled anti-Semitic tropes. That is a serious charge, and an important one. So how did she react? Crucially, she has listened to Jewish students. Her very first act on being elected was to meet with the leadership of the Union of Jewish Students, and she has pledged to build on this dialogue once her term in office begins. Rather than simply celebrating her victory and rubbishing her critics, she demonstrated a rare but appropriate humility, saying:

“There is no place for antisemitism in the student movement, or in society. If any of my previous discourse has been interpreted otherwise, such as comments I once made about Zionism within the media, I will revise it to ensure there is no room for confusion.”

So now we face crunch-time. The government has just released plans to raise tuition fees again. Following the junior doctors’ example, NUS will now launch a national campaign to force a government U-turn. Weakening NUS by leaving it at this critical moment will make it much harder to win, thus increasing the likelihood of the government pushing through further damaging changes to universities. Leaving would also remove the vital NUS support our liberation campaigns rely on. To make matters even worse, leaving NUS now would mean abandoning the battle against anti-Semitism in a crucial arena. I’ll be proud, as a Jewish student, to vote #YestoNUS in sixth week.

Christ Church JCR declares war on Brasenose

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Christ Church JCR has voted to declare war on Brasenose College, in its fourth week General Meeting on Sunday evening. The motion came after Brasenose JCR’s declaration of war against Christ Church one week previous.

The debate centres on the controversial result of mixed lacrosse cuppers held on Saturday of third week. Members of the Christ Church team raised an objection to the collaboration of Brasenose with players from LMH, in the composite ‘Blazenose Hall’ team. This triggered a playoff, which ‘Blazenose Hall’ lost, giving Christ Church a place in the semi-finals.

The motion, which was passed by a simple majority and noted that Brasenose was an “immature and stroppy college”, mandated Christ Church JCR to appoint war ministers to collaborate with Lincoln JCR and Lincoln war ministers, which is already at war with Brasenose. Lincoln and Brasenose are famous for a long standing feud amongst undergraduates.

Juliette Aliker, a first year History and Politics undergraduate at Christ Church who voted against the motion, said “despite our reputation, Christ Church is a really friendly col-
lege and I believe this attitude should be reflected in the general interactions of its members with other colleges in the University. College wars, although amusing, spur an inter-college rivalry that can easily be taken too far.”

The declaration of war follows a Brasenose motion which kickstarted the idea of a paintball fight against Lincoln. It is unclear whether Christ Church will get involved with the paintball fight. The Brasenose motion noted “current war efforts against Lincoln continue to run smoothly, with recent developments including tapping communication lines of key opposition leaders.”

The motion creates mutual antagonism between two of Oxford’s most famous colleges, who last went to war with each other in Trinity Term 2014. Although previous college wars have involved pranks played by war ministers and tampering with opponent colleges’ property, the tactics of Christ Church, Brasenose and Lincoln in the most recent spark of conflict are as of yet unclear.