Thursday 19th June 2025
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Greer Union debate provokes protest

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A protest took place last night in the Oxford Union debate chamber against the platforming of Germaine Greer and her views on trans issues, and of Peter Hitchens, labelled “deeply racist” by the small group of protesters.

A flyer was handed out for students to read from over the top of Greer during her speech, condemning the Union, saying it “thrives off controversy” and Greer and Hitchens’ views.

The Union closed the gallery for the debate for fear of objects and liquids being thrown down on the speakers.

The Oxford Union defended their invitation, offering Cherwell the following statement in advance of the debate and protest, “The Oxford Union exists to uphold freedom of speech, inviting people of all opinions to participate in our events. This commitment continues to this day; as such, the Oxford Union is happy that Germaine Greer was able to accept our invitation to speak on the subject of the state’s recognition of marriage. “We hope that many students will attend to support or challenge her in our historic debating chamber which itself was built to promote free speech.”

However, OUSU Trans Officer Elliot Parrott stated, “What many don’t understand about people like Germaine Greer is that her views aren’t just part of a purely intellectual debate that have little bearing on real life – her views cause genuine damage to trans people, and to trans women in particular.

“By inviting her to speak, the Union isn’t trying to promote actual discussion on marriage or gender politics, it’s just seeking out controversy for controversy’s sake and demonstrating yet again that it cares more about being edgy than about student welfare; it’s saying ‘publicity matters more to us that trans lives do’.”

The debate also featured Peter Hitchens, his second Union appearance in two academic years, a self-described Burkean conservative who is a vocal critic of same-sex marriage.

Kiran Benipal, ex-Co-Chair of the Campaign for Racial Awareness and Equality, had written publicly on Facebook a few hours ahead of the debate, saying “Germaine Greer and Peter Hitchens are at the Union tonight. If you want to help shut this transphobic, racist shit down [get in touch]”.

Greer had said publicly last month, “Just because you lop off your penis and then wear a dress doesn’t make you a f*****g woman. I’ve asked my doctor to give me long ears and liver spots and I’m going to wear a brown coat but that won’t turn me into a f*****g cocker spaniel.”

Lucy Delaney, OUSU Vice President for Women, told Cherwell, “We should condemn and speak out on the Oxford Union’s decision to invite Greer and Hitchens, and it is unacceptable that the anger of students, and in particular the anger and energy of transgender students and students of colour, is being exploited. These speakers’ ideas are not ‘contentious’ – they are violent. Greer’s life-long and well-documented tirade against transgender people and her refusal to acknowledge their identities as valid contributes to their oppression and marginalization.

“The GIRES (Gender Identity Research and Education Society) survey conducted in 2012 states that ‘84 per cent of trans respondents had considered ending their lives, with 35 per cent having made one or more suicide attempts’ and it is reported that worldwide, 226 people were reported as being murdered between October 2013 and November 2014 as a direct result of being transgender.

“Hitchens has made numerous racist and in particular Islamophobic statements, claiming that ‘[Racism] is an expression which appears to mean one thing (racial bigotry) but actually means another (cultural and moral conservatism)’. “Greer’s and Hitchens’ ideas do not exist in a vacuum. The Union needs to understand that its events and its platforming of such people further marginalises and harms already marginalised groups. It is not simply ‘debate’. The Union does not represent me and it does not represent the views of students here.”

Profile: Akala

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Akala has already been talking for three hours by the time I reach him and awkwardly ask about the possibility of an interview – for one hour in a presentation on black history and its distortion by white supremacists over the centuries, and two more in the bar afterwards to a crowd of students and scholars hanging on his every word. To his credit, the rapper and historian is as eloquent and patient with me as he was at the beginning of his talk.

Akala’s real name is Kingslee James Daley, though he chose the name Akala upon his entry to music in the mid-noughties: a Buddhist term meaning ‘Immovable’. In spite of the name, his career has taken many different twists and turns, beginning in music with typically harder-than-thou grime before morphing into an energetic scholarship on African history and post-colonialism via the Hip-Hop Shakespeare Company, which draws comparisons between populist Shakespearean wit and contemporary hip-hop through talks and events. Now best described as a conscientious hip-hop artist, he can talk in great detail about white people taking picnics to lynchings and still imbue the room with a sense of light-hearted matter-of-fact, and can postulate that explorers from Mansa Musa’s kingdom of Mali reached South America in the 1300s without being sensationalist. There is a sense of energy in the room when he opens his mouth to speak, and it’s contagious.

What with his interest in racism and the hangover of colonialism in British culture, I wonder what Akala makes of last term’s Union race controversy and accepting an invitation to speak on their platform. He has a clear conscience.

“Someone wrote us an email complaining that I was speaking at the Union, and perceived speaking at the Union as an endorsement of institutionalised racism, of the presentation of the ‘Colonial Cocktail’ or whatever it was called, with the black person’s hands. It’s Oxford University, and what I found fascinating was that the person who wrote me that email was a student at Oxford.

“Are you saying that only the Union is institutionally racist, but the University as a whole is fine? I found it a little bit hypocritical – or politically naïve at best – for someone who is using Oxford University as a platform, presumably to further their career, presumably going to put Oxford University on their CV, to tell me as an outsider that I should only speak in one part of the uni and not another.

“I will take a platform and never compromise what I have to say, or my position. The Oxford Union’s YouTube channel is probably quite popular; there’s probably thousands, maybe tens of thousands of people all over the world who are going to see me talk explicitly, and very clearly, with references, about Pan-Africanist history, about white supremacist distortion of black history on the Oxford Union’s platform.

“To me, that is the bigger issue. In no way is that an endorsement of the ‘Colonial Cocktail’, of any of the historical institutionalised racism of the Union or the University as a whole. Malcolm X came and spoke here. Do you think that means he didn’t understand the history of British academia’s relationship to white supremacy? Of course he did, which is why he quoted Hamlet. I don’t know if people remember; he came here and he used Hamlet [to illustrate] African-Americans’ right to defend themselves.

“So for me, I will use pretty much any platform I am given to not compromise what I have to say. I’ve been on MTV; I don’t agree with Viacom. I’ve been on Sky; I don’t agree with Rupert Murdoch. I’ve been on the BBC; I don’t agree with the promotion of Saudi Arabia as a British ally. So for me, it is about using platforms without compromising yourself.”

And given his clear interest in race at Oxford more widely, what does he think of the Rhodes Must Fall movement? Can student activism achieve real results?

“The history of student activism, in South Africa, in America, it’s been very inspiring. We’ve seen it in some of the repression South African students are facing – obviously I stand with them and I acknowledge their campaign. Just the title alone tells me ideologically where it is coming from and obviously I agree with them: that mass murderers, just because they became wealthy, just because they became ‘legitimate businessmen’, just because they had scholarships named after them…it doesn’t mean they should be worshipped.

“See, the funny thing about British culture, and English culture in particular, is that the English do have revolutionary, progressive traditions, but propaganda and imperialist success mean most British people don’t identify with Thomas Spence [the eighteenth-century Radical advocate of common land ownership], or Thomas Paine, or the Levellers or the Diggers [the progressive and radical English Civil War-era movements] or Gerald Massey; no-one’s taught them who those people are. So people think English culture is just about being Cecil Rhodes. But Cecil Rhodes is a particular representative of a particular strain of thought.

“But I do believe students, particularly in an elitist university like this, who are potentially the future rulers of the country – or elite bankers or lawyers – have a role to play in shaping the future of culture, and if they’re engaged in student activism, and they carry that with them into their careers, they can make genuine differences to people’s lives.”

Perhaps cynically, I mention the lyrics to ‘Absolute Power’, a song in which Akala expresses doubt as to how long youthful idealism remains once a comfortable life in a highly-paid job beckons. Aren’t we, Oxford students, going to sell out the moment we graduate and simply maintain the system he rails against? Isn’t hip-hop just a fad to white teenagers?

“Well, I was probably just in a moody mood that day,” he laughs, “and in a pessimistic mood. I’m not generally a pessimist but I do think that I see that behaviour.

“And I think even for me, being honest with you, as a human being, when you’re not broke any more, when you’re travelling around the world – and I’m not saying I’m rich, by the way; I went to school many times of the week not eating food, so I have been poor – I’ve, as an adult, never had to worry about being able to afford to eat. So I mean in that sense, it’s hard to maintain your revolutionary fervour when life’s not shit.

“So even for me, who came from that background, it’s difficult on a day-to-day basis to constantly remind yourself how the world is and to try and engage with justice. If you’re from a background where you’ve never even experienced that, to even understand that it exists is very challenging.

“To me, you can’t love hip-hop and not black people. That doesn’t mean you’ve got to idealise black people, and think they’re paragons of excellence and wonderful and there’s nothing wrong with them; the point is, I love Muay Thai. I practice Muay Thai on a daily basis, that means I love Thai people. Does it mean I think Thai people are perfect? No. But it means I have enough respect for their culture to learn the commands in Thai: nueng, sorng, sarm, see, ha [1,2,3,4,5] and that an ajahn is a Thai master, [and] you know I have a little bit of respect and engagement with the people.

“What I see often in hip-hop is a divorce in what created hip-hop – racialized, ghettoised experience in America – and wanting to love the music, and that was what I was putting out in that song.”

Though perhaps he is being generous here, it would not be a misrepresentation to associate Akala with disillusionment with mainstream politics. I ask what he thinks of Jeremy Corbyn, and what he thinks the Labour Party’s divisive new leader might achieve.

“Mr Corbyn seems like a genuine guy, he seems like a nice guy. But politics ain’t about nice people and being a person with good intentions. Obviously I would prefer a Britain led by Jeremy Corbyn to one led by David Cameron; that’s a given. But I also think those of us who consider ourselves progressive should not be naïve about what the cult of personality can do. The cult of personality, even in music, is dangerous. The cult of personality, even in Pan-Africanism, has been dangerous.

“To me, he is one individual, probably with a good heart, probably with good intentions, but the British political system is what it is, and he better than anyone knows there’s going to be limits to what he can achieve. So those who consider ourselves progressive have to continue to engage and not think that just by voting for who we consider the progressive leader, that’s our obligation done and Britain’s going to fundamentally change its nature as a society. But, like I said, he does seem like a very decent individual.”

A cult of personality seems like a good point from which to mention fame, and Akala’s relative reluctance to embrace it. His raps reference cultural icons and historical figures that would decribed at the very least as high-brow. Sun Tzu, Plato, and obviously Shakespeare are all name-dropped in bars. Is this intellectualism a conscious decision? I suggest that it would never be found in hugely mainstream hip-hop.

He disagrees. “I don’t know, I mean Wu-Tang were fairly mainstream in the 90s and they were a mix of Shaolin, Nation of Islam, Five Percenter, Pan-Africanist, aliens-came-to-Earth kind of philosophy in a really unique way. [They used] all of those kind of old Shaolin movie samples. So I think if there’s a lowest common denominator then there must be a highest common denominator.

“I genuinely don’t want to be Kanye West famous. I’m not saying that to downplay myself, I just can’t imagine… it’s already like – not being arrogant – that the level I’m at now, I go to the shops in my pyjamas ‘cause it’s early in the morning and I want some bread, and I’ll walk to the shop and someone will say “Can I have a photo, bruv?” And it’s fine, I’ll take the photo, but the point is, I’m in my pyjamas, bruv! I ain’t brushed my teeth yet! I don’t really have a choice in that.

“I’m still gonna make music and wherever it goes is wherever it goes, but I’m comfortable with where things are at now.”

Tackling Brecht’s masterpiece ‘The Decision’

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Known for his major contributions to theatre in the twentieth century, Bertolt Brecht wrote with his distinct political aims and convictions in mind. His commitment to Marxism is evident in a large handful of his works, and Die Maßnahme (‘The Decision’) provides us with a solid example of Brecht’s political theatre.

Four communist Agitators appear in front of their party in Moscow, reporting the death of a comrade that they themselves have shot. Over the course of eight scenes, the four Agitators attempt to justify their decision to shoot their Young Comrade on the basis that his behaviour both endangered them, and jeopardized their attempts to spread communist propaganda amongst workers in China.

We plunge into the action straight away, with the death of the Young Comrade being reported at the outset. This develops into a rapidly-progressing plot which jumps from episode to episode; from here we observe an account of the events that lead to the death of the Young Comrade, acted out and explained by the four Agitators. This pace however causes no issues – Die Maßnahme is written in a lucid, explicit style that ensures our understanding of the events portrayed.

The episodic structure of Die Maßnahme could be seen, however, as resulting in a somewhat disjointed plot. Instead of flowing into one another, scenes are snapshots of the Agitators’ experiences. This eradicates any sense of continuity; the plot is contained in chunks rather than in scenes that flow into one another. On the other hand, this technique of Brecht’s ensures that we focus intensely on each scene as we read it, further contributing to the clarity of the events in Die Maßnahme.

Perhaps the most appealing feature of this work is its wealth of rich themes and ideas, all of which provoke the reader to consider these central elements of the play. Can the Agitators’ actions be justified? Should the Young Comrade have obeyed party orders, or was he correct to conduct himself according to his raw emotions? It is such questions that Brecht brings to the surface through the politically-charged plot of Die Maßnahme, one of his Lehrstücke (‘teaching plays’), which aims to push readers to seriously assess their attitudes to what they have read.

On the whole, Brecht’s Die Maßnahme is a gripping, thought-provoking work. Its clear writing style, albeit not entirely fluid, ensures that the reader is explicitly presented with the key ideas found in the text. The experience of reading Die Maßnahme does not simply stop after the last line – the controversy portrayed in the plot stays with each reader after the shut of the book. The portrayal of difficult yet engaging ideas in Die Maßnahme makes it a must-read for any fan of political theatre.

Trying to write the feminist form

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What’s wrong with a good confession? Confessing might imply a kind of weakness of character in yielding to pressure. It also intrinsically involves the divulging of really personal details or remembrances. Its traditional, religious connotations meant the confession was framed in terms of immoral and regretted experience. However, in our age of reality TV, tabloids and social media, the meaning of confession today veers more towards a self-indulgent, salacious and enjoyable ‘Confessions of a Shopaholic/Teenage Drama Queen’ type of tone.

This culture of superficial, gossip-worthy confessions is not, as you might expect, contradicted by modern female popular literary and cultural icons of the moment such as Lena Dunham, Mindy Kaling, Meghan Daum, Rebecca Solnit, Marina Keegan, Katherine Angel, Leslie Jamison and Zadie Smith in their literary essays. Rather, what might be considered private trivialities or particularly gruesome, humiliating or personal physical and mental functions often become the sole focus from which the intellectual waves of the essay ripple outwards.

So part of the reason why I disagree with Cheryl Strayed’s opinion, voiced in the New York Times recently, that “as long as we still have reason to wedge ‘women’ as a qualifier before ‘essayist’, the age is not exactly golden” is because she didn’t take the time to properly investigate her more interesting follow-up statement that “and yet it’s hard to deny there’s something afoot. Essayists who happen to be women are having a banner year.” I think there is something about the essay that is particularly suited to expressing the female experience, and for fulfilling the feminist desire to break down patriarchal structures inherent in our language and culture. The ability of the essay to incorporate the female confession into a framework of logical analysis forces the audience into realising what is universal about the seemingly ‘petty’ truths of everyday female experience. And everyone, especially in a time where menstruation is still shunned and perceived to be a ‘luxury’, needs to acknowledge the importance of the individual female experience to society as a whole.

Leslie Jamison’s ‘Grand Unified Theory of Female Pain’ works towards such an accessible, persuasive and coherently considered feminist thought process. By juxtaposing several experiences alongside each other in numbered case studies, including several very personal confessions of “faint lines further up, at the base of my leg, where I used to cut myself with a razor”, Jamison is able to expose the clear similarities in different women’s experiences of pain, while not diminishing the individual and personal importance of each. Similarly, in ‘Empathy Exams’ she is able to fluidly negotiate between two bodily experiences – a heart operation and an abortion – to draw out threads of subjective truths that are objectively considered: “one was my choice and the other wasn’t; both made me feel – at once – the incredible frailty and capacity of my own body; both came in a bleak winter; both left me prostrate under the hands of men, and dependent on the care of a man I was just beginning to love.”

The confessional essay is also well-suited to young feminist writers because of its ironic self-reflexivity. The personal essay collection often claims itself to be unassuming, incomplete, and dismissible, as in Mindy Kaling’s Q&A with an imagined potential buyer in her introduction, one of whom questions, “I don’t know. I have a lot of books already. I wanted to finish those Girl with the Dragon Tattoo books before the movies come out.” To which her answer is, “This book will take you two days to read. Did you even see the cover? It’s mostly pink. If you’re reading this book every night for months, something is not right.” Yet her novel ends on another Q&A whereby the imagined reader asks “Why didn’t you talk about whether women are funny or not?” which she answers by saying that “I just felt that by commenting on that in any real way, it would be tactic approval of it as a legitimate debate, which it isn’t.”

This statement of a stern feminist philosophy which has seemingly run throughout what is occasionally presented as a haphazard collection of spontaneous musings presses on the reader the framework in which all of Kaling’s confessions exist: that of a hugely successful and intelligent writer whose parodic list of movies that “someone is pitching somewhere in Hollywood” ends with a half-serious reminder of her actual fame and position as a notable comic: “as much as it may seem like I am mocking these movies, if any movie studio exec is reading this and is interested in any of the above, I will gladly take a meeting about them.”

Lena Dunham also reflects on her own fame and position within the canon, and is similarly half-deprecating and half staunchly unapologetic about her success, even in her introduction: “I’m already predicting my future shame at thinking I had anything to offer you, but also my future glory in having stopped you from trying an expensive juice cleanse or thinking that it was your fault when the person you are dating suddenly backs away, intimidated by the clarity of your personal mission here on earth.” Therefore the embarrassed tone of the confession in these modern feminist autobiographical essays are used as counterpoints to the relative position of huge success and progress from which they are voiced.

So each essay relates to its predecessor on a continuum, however the author is allowed, and encouraged, to reflect and change in the blank space between the two. Keegan’s collection always makes us awake of what could have been, Kaling’s is signed off “See you guys soon”, and Dunham’s is subtitled ‘A young woman tells you what she’s ‘learned’’ – each pointing towards themselves as writers in the midst of a promising career.

The uncertainty, and therefore the constant hopefulness, of the confessional essay is undeniably suited to the changeable and undefinable nature of the young, female experience. Go read them all.

Will You Look At Her?

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Esoteric, repressive and steeped in cultural significance, the Islamic burka is said to symbolise not only feminine inferiority within the confines of Islam but indeed to fuel the undeserving perpetual discrimination against the Muslim faith as a result of its seemingly threatening appearance. Islamic women across Europe find themselves subject to discrimination as a result of their religious attire, and whether this be physical or verbal abuse, it is unacceptable in a world that strives for universal equality, and is in no way to be qualified by the enigma of a loose – fitting robe.

However, in spite of the burka’s supposed ability to kill all feminine identity and originality, one must never lose sight of the human beneath the shapeless layers of black silk. Disfigured and hidden, the Islamic woman is too often miscast in the same mould as violent extremists who breed anger amongst those touched by their attacks. The burka is no fashion accessory, though much like the unmistakable red soles propertied by Christian Louboutin, it draws attention away from the woman wearing the garment and rather to what the garment signifies. The burka is no paradigm of fashion progression, but has been seen to unwittingly personify and indeed aggravate cultural barriers that hamper social cohesion.

The burka’s suggested ability to breed discriminative behaviour was brought to legislative attention in France during the controversy over religious dress of 2004. The wearing of burkas was prohibited in an attempt to salvage French nationalism which was believed to be under threat by any outward signs of faith that did not conform to the country’s Catholic focus – our ground, our rules. However, after the recent attacks on Charlie Hebdo, the burka was incorrectly branded as a symbol of terror and extremism for the misinformed Parisian. Is it the lack of visible flesh that makes the burka such a threatening symbol of extremist behaviour? Or is it rather the fear of the foreign veil that breeds such anxiety amongst those making such ill-founded accusations?

As a progressive society it is our responsibility to protect and defend the innocence of these women who are susceptible to an abusive reception through the promotion of both their chastity and individuality – each of these women is a unique and individual human being whose inherent religious beliefs might dictate their manner of dress though should most definitely not dictate their public perception. The burka must not be perceived as an alarming encouragement of segregation or of extremism, but rather as an outward demonstration of an alternative faith and tradition; equally cohesive and credible as any other religion that happens to colour the canvas that is modern society.

It would be exceptionally unfair to discriminate between the various methods by which citizens choose to exhibit their faith, and as such one cannot criticise Islamic attire whilst at the same time endorse the wearing of a religious pendant. The exhibition of religious wear should rather be celebrated as a demonstration of multiculturalism irrespective of the item’s noticeability, and must not be branded as daunting as a result of blind ignorance.

That series is really more-ish

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As Peep Show enters its final series, fans of the show are happy and heavy-hearted in equal measure. Happy because, after a three-year hiatus, perennial losers Mark and Jez, an anal loan manager and juvenile waster who live together out of purgatorial necessity, are back on television in all of their tragic glory. Heavy-hearted because this series marks the end of twelve years of stagnant careers, disastrous relationships, untold social faux-pas, and eating the occasional dead dog. Yet, viewers can take solace in the ever-insightful words of Jeremy, referring to a bouquet of flowers he’s bought for Big Suze – “They’ll die eventually, but everything does, doesn’t it? Apart from love, a true love. A good love can sustain you all the way through.” Though it may be coming to an end, a good love of the remarkably re-watchable and quotable Peep Show can continue to sustain you.

And it is a real love that fans hold for the show, which has gained a cult following. Written by Sam Bain and Jesse Armstrong, Peep Show is perhaps most notably distinctive for its point-of-view filming style, which constantly alternates between the characters’ faces. While this technique may have originally jarred, seeming occasionally dizzying and disorientating, it allowed for the trademark of a sitcom that has come to define a generation: the excruciatingly honest internal monologues that articulate often unspeakable but unfalteringly comical thoughts – “How do I feel? Empty, check. Scared, check. Alone, check. Just another ordinary day.”

In their voyeuristic frankness, it is these thoughts that make the show so worryingly, yet somehow comfortingly, relatable, revealing the inward selfishness, warped morality, and loneliness of the characters. In season three, Mark tells Jeremy he’s proposing to his girlfriend, Sophie, and Jeremy immediately thinks: “How does this affect me?” The way in which the sitcom embraces these grimly realistic qualities – the awkwardness of sex, the simultaneous excitement and stupidity of drugs, the unspoken nervousness and cynicism with which we greet so many people and social situations – gives it unrivalled and darkly accessible hilarity, perhaps best encapsulated by Mark’s adage, “I suppose doing things you hate is just the price you pay to avoid loneliness.”

The writers utilise the perpetual hopelessness of our generation for maximum comic effect, cultivating sharp comedy from the inescapable greyness of the everyday – the anxiety of being confronted by local youths and called a ‘clean shirt’, the sad satisfaction derived from the frugality of having the boiler on a mild twenty-one degrees, and the outrage at the decision to order ‘four naans’ at an Indian. Bain and Armstrong also skillully engineer scenes of somehow believable ridiculousness: Mark’s turkey rant at Christmas, the grotesque ‘bad thing’ at Jeremy’s shroom party, Mark hiding on his wedding day as Jez uncontrollably wets himself, and the pair vandalising a music executive’s caravan at a Christian rock festival. The show’s colourful secondary characters supplement this: Alan Johnson, a recklessly confident corporate manager with motivational maxims including “Fuck a chicken if that’s what it takes. Watch a chicken fucking a horse”, and Super Hans, Jez’s band-mate with a crack addiction, a part-time job on an oil rig, and unseen twin children who were “fünf, zwei years ago”.

In the first episode of the new series, aired last week, the comedy was true to form, with a blend of the drearily ordinary, as Mark grinds through a new bank job, and the entertainingly outrageous, as the self-styled ‘Croydon Bullingdon’ waterboard Mark’s erstwhile flatmate, Jerry, with a sleeping bag and a Budweiser tinny. Somehow, it couldn’t finish any other way.

Then they said: Refugee

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Then they said: Refugee is a timely documentary expertly produced by two Oxford students, Persis Love and Jake Boswall, about how Palestinian artists are responding to the conflict with Isarel. The film centres on an interview with Fadi Ramadan, a refugee living in the Deheishe camp near Bethlehem who runs an amateur dramatics society for the local children. Through his interview and interviews with other local artists and dramatists, this documentary asks a question which in the West we have all had to consider in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo attacks: can art be a form of resistance to violence?

Our media is much more interested in, and much more horrified by, violent actions intended to disturb the status quo, such as the Charlie Hebdo attacks and last week’s horrifying sequel to them, than it is in violence enacted to maintain the status quo. This is part of the reason why Then they said: Refugee is such an important film. Its viewers cannot help but be shocked by the amount of violence Israeli soldiers have subjected Fadi and his community to, just to maintain the original injustice of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land. “My brother was a prisoner”, he tells us, “and my mother was shot […] there is a checkpoint in the road where, at any time, I can be arrested.”

The most recent blow to Fadi’s community was the killing of his friend Jihad al-Jafari, who was shot only three weeks ago by Israeli soldiers. “They wanted someone”, Fadi says, “they started shooting bombs, tear gas, and rubber bullets. Then suddenly they began shooting real bullets […] later they wouldn’t allow the ambulance to come.”

The documentary covers two efforts to commemorate Jihad al-Jafari, one by Fadi and one by an artist, called Ahmed Hmeedat. Ahmed paints murals in the streets of the refugee camp which, Fadi says, “show our daily suffering”, and has painted one of al-Jafari. Ahmed describes his paintings as “a means of struggle, like art, painting, theatre or music.”

It is a very intelligent decision by the film makers not to add their own commentary, because it means that no final judgement is given on the question the documentary implicitly asks, which is whether Ahmed and Fadi’s hope that art can be politically useful is grounded in reality. Thus we, the viewers, are made to share their uncertainty about this very point.

At the same time, the film makers make very clear that in Fadi and Ahmed’s community many people have a more bellicose idea of how to enact change. At a commemorative event for al-Jafari, young men chant “Mother of the martyr, lucky you / I wish it was my mother instead of you.” This puts the viewer in a rather uneasy position, making them aware that it is not only the Israeli soldiers who are eager and willing to inflict pain on the opposite side. But this sense of unease is a mark of the documentary’s success; it is a reminder of just how fraught and how complicated Israeli-Palestinian relations are.

Televisionaries: Walter Cronkite

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‘Where were you the day President Kennedy was shot?’ As recently as 2011 this was a question that 95% of Americans born in 1955, or before, had an answer to. At that time, the USA was a nation divided, not only along state lines, but also in the hearts and minds of its people. Lives were lived in parallel, and little portended to broach the difference.

That is, until the events of that fateful November day in Dallas, Texas. Aghast, speechless – millions of people, of all walks of life, tuned in to transistor radios and switched on their televisions, in their workplaces, homes and schools. Yet, in remembering the message we oftentimes forget the messenger; one audience, one camera, one man to bring calm to the chaos: step up, Walter Cronkite.

Kennedy was the publicity president. Before him elections had been fought, won and lost in black-and-white, on covers of broadsheets. Yesterday’s happenings were tomorrow’s bulletins. You could have the biggest scoop in the world but without the necessary channels of communication, it became the biggest secret in the world. And CBS faced this problem. Taking thirty minutes to set up, Cronkite first took to the radio before continuing on camera. Measured and poised, little over a year after the Cuban Missile Crisis, Cronkite was the conscience of a nation – one of only three news coverage outlets to address 175 million shocked Americans. Amid speculation Cronkite held off, awaiting an official announcement of Kennedy’s condition. It came. He began to speak, fidgeted with his glasses, then a brief silence, a quiver of the lip and a cough: the President was dead. He gathered himself and carried on.

Cronkite’s report was the defining moment of broadcast journalism, a coming of age and, with it, a new era. No longer the polished product of an editorial meeting in Downtown Manhattan, news became a process.  Information needed to be disseminated thick and fast. This is when current affairs became current: something that was, and is indeed happening at this very moment.

That is not, however, to say that news was more reliable in the early 1960s, but at least it was sincere. Without competition, without instant messaging and social media, news was news – it had no need to be anything else. Now, in the post-9/11 age, we have the apocalyptic ‘BREAKING NEWS’ slogan and the slick special effects to accompany it. News now has entertainment value that is all at once perverse, graphic and voyeuristic. What Cronkite knew and practiced was moderation; the need for a cool, calm and collected delivery.

The voice of a regular, levelheaded guy detailing the facts as they are, Cronkite didn’t have an Italian suit, a nicely chauffeured fringe or a teleprompter to fall back on. Instead, he relied on a journalistic integrity not too often seen nowadays. An anchor hungry for the story but not for the glory, he wanted people to be informed, not frightened out of their wits (a quick shout-out to Fox News). In a time of peril his sober yet compassionate diction was like a clasp of the hand, as if to say, “I’m with you and we’re walking this road together.” And really, there’s no trick to it, that’s all it takes – a little humanity. Let tragedies be tragedies and not an ideological hook upon which to hang an argument, nor an opportunity to one-up someone by crunching them in ratings. 

Legends of the Screen: River Phoenix

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“The vegan James Dean”. That’s how popular culture chooses to remember River Phoenix, if at all. One time teen heartthrob, musician and Academy Award nominee (Best Supporting Actor in Running on Empty, 1988), nowadays his memory is but an interesting afterthought – a footnote to the biography of his younger brother, Joaquin.

But River was more than that, so much more. In twenty-three short years he’d lived a lifetime, filling each ‘unforgiving minute with sixty seconds’ worth of distance run.’ Just another washed up, burnt out 1980s child star? Hardly, and that is the real tragedy: that someone so full of life, so attuned to the pulse and rhythm of the world around him could be reduced to a couple of lines in an obituary and ‘do-you-remember-when’ filler-articles on the back of magazine clippings.

Born and raised in a family of hippies, River’s was an unusual childhood, to say the least. Movies like The Mosquito Coast (1986) found an unlikely parallel in his own upbringing alongside the controversial cult, ‘The Children of God,’ and busking on the streets of Caracas, in Venezuela. However, it was the coming-of-age classic, Stand by Me (1986), and River’s disarming performance as Chris Chambers that ushered in his rise to fame. From then on, the PETA activist moved from strength-to-strength, not content to cash-in his pay cheques, but to make movies – movies that meant something.

Speaking with Charlie Rose, Ethan Hawke tells how “My Own Private Idaho [1992] was the bar for young men” carving out a career for themselves. This raunchy independent film, the story of a narcoleptic gay hustler venturing out in search of his estranged mother, was a bold choice by River. It sang of promise, although promise cut short. It’s true, River’s brilliance was never fully realised – neither in music nor on the big screen. Yet, it’s the hint – that inkling of what could have been – that toys with our indispensible capacity for wonder, and leads us to beg the question: ‘What if?’

A view from the Cheap Seat

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Unable to come up with an adequate piece for this week’s column, we sent this letter of explanation to our editors. We apologise to you and our editors for our inability to do our job at Stage and take culture to the next stage (and for that pun). Here’s our letter:

Alright. That’s it. We’ve killed it.

The last few weeks were so meta, we have actually run all around the world of theatre and have caught up with ourselves on the other side. We’re back at the start now, the naked, brutal truth of this column is revealed – covers down, all the masquerade is blown. We’re just going to stop hiding. 

At this point, we could give you a breakdown of this Stage section’s master plan to singlehandedly end the post-modern malaise. We could do a tug of war between nihilism and the old-school of ‘theatre as the last bastion of common decency and morale’. We could embark anew upon what is the eternal struggle for meaning amidst plays that are written, directed and acted out by people as tired and overworked as those watching and reviewing them. We could spark a new flame of theatrical visions in you, the editors. We could go to fucking Bosnia again or we could admit that we just don’t know where fucking Bosnia is. 

But the truth is, we’re tired of it. Meta is over. Over and out.

[Note from the editorial team:] 

Submissions for next week are most welcome. Readers are further invited to supply their own solution to the postmodern malaise in the space provided : good luck.

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