Monday 13th April 2026
Blog Page 1264

Oxford East: no longer a Labour stronghold

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In a seat which has been Labour for a decade longer than the average Oxford fresher has been alive, you might think that a victory for incumbent Andrew Smith was all but assured. Nonetheless, things aren’t all that straightforward in Oxford East.

Smith’s majority had shrunk progressively since Labour won the seat in 1997 with a 34 per cent majority, and he only held on in 2005 by under a thousand votes. However, in the last election, Labour increased their share of the vote, winning by 8.9 per cent; this might sound unassailable compared to the extremely tight race that is taking place up past St Giles in Oxford West & Abingdon, but in fact, according to voterpower.org.uk, a vote in Oxford East is worth 1.4 times the UK average.

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Oxford East’s boundaries stretch through the centre of Oxford, splitting University Parks and dividing the city along Keble Road and Little Clarendon Street, before turning south along Walton Street. As a result, the catchment area includes most Oxford colleges, Brookes, Cowley, Marston, Headington, and Blackbird Leys. Students and residents of traditionally working class Cowley account for the strong Labour presence here; the Lib Dems used to contest this seat closely, as they are in Oxford West and Abingdon, but doubtless they will do poorly on polling day despite charismatic candidate (and, incidentally, Cherwell alumnus) Alasdair Murray. As might be expected, the Left will do strongly amongst students in Oxford East, with Labour and the Greens taking over 60 per cent of the vote between them in our poll.

As for the main issues, Oxford’s housing crisis will be at the forefront of all the candidates’ minds, with the city named recently as the least affordable place to live in the UK (London and Cambridge came second and third respectively). Alongside this, student fees will doubtless play a part in swaying the votes of students at both Oxford universities, whilst social issues remain a major issue for everyone, predominantly homelessness and the NHS.

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Oxford East’s varied social make-up is reflected in its numerous candidates, including eccentric local figure Artwell, an independent, and the Monster Raving Loony Party’s Mad Hatter, aka Alasdair de Voil.

The seat also boasts a smorgasbord of leftist candidates, with the Socialist Party and the Trade Union and Socialist Coalition (TUSC) standing alongside the more mainstream Green candidate. As for the Right, controversial UKIP candidate and outspoken critic of LGBTQ+ rights Julia Gasper has been replaced by the younger Ian MacDonald.

 

The incumbent: Andrew Smith, Labour 

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Andrew Smith has been the Member of Parliament for Oxford East since 1987. He still resides in Blackbird Leys in south-east Oxford, but in 2009 was found to have claimed over £34,000 in parliamentary expenses for renovations on his second residence in Kennington, south Longon, between 2004 and 2008. Smith has held two Cabinet positions, including Chief Secretary to the Treasury and Secretary of State for Work and Pensions from 2002-4.

In parliament, Smith generally votes along party lines, but has been known to rebel against Labour whips, such as in his rejection of renewing Trident (one of 19 to do so) and his vote in favour of an EU referendum. In accordance with Labour policy, he voted against the reduction of social housing allowance on those with spare bedrooms (the ‘bedroom tax’), against increasing VAT, in favour of banning fox hunting and in favour of the mansion tax, as well as in favour of the 2012 rise in student fees.

Unfortunately, due to family reasons Andrew Smith was unable to speak to Cherwell, but Oxford University Lavour Club Co-Chair Madalena Leao says of him, “Andrew Smith ahs represented the people of Oxford East since 1987 working hard for students, He supports the Labour cut in tuition fees to £6000. He has a strong track record in supporting young people, working in the past to bring in Labour’s New Deal to reduce youth unemployment. He will also work for a greener, more peaceful future, voting not to renew Trident.

Melanie Magee, Conservatives

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The former mayor of Bicester and current Vice Chairwoman of Cherwell District Council, Melanie Magee is no stranger to local politics. She names her main targets as reducing local youth unemployment by increasing the uptake of apprenticeships and trainee­ships and addressing crime rates in Oxford East.

Macgee told Cherwell, “I will continue to engage with all residents, using my working knowl­edge of the area gained through work in the our local NHS, the private sector and education sector. I will use the experience of my own background and achievement having been born on a council estate in a multicultural inner city bullied as a child, and later as a single mum in my early 20s. Despite life’s early challenge, I aspired to achieve and became a Councillor supporting the community in Bicester, I was elected as Mayor in 2013, and Vice Chairman of Cherwell District Council in 2014. I am committed to the community.”

Magee has lived in Bicester for 14 years with husband David and daughter Dannie.

Alasdair Murry, Lib Dems

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The albatross of student fees hangs heavily around the neck of any Lib Dem candidate in a seat where there is a large student body, and Alasdair Murray’s chances will doubtless have taken a hit as a result. Speaking about what he called “the elephant in the room”, Murray told Cherwell, “I’m not going to defend the decision to run the 2010 campaign on tuition fees. I felt at the time it was unsustainable; that was proved right. The party leadership felt otherwise and it made a mistake, and is still paying for that mistake now.”

In a move that may win back many an Oxford student, Murray has made the improvement of local mental health care a central part of his manifesto, as well as solving the housing crisis in Oxford. Murray said, “In the last two elections, the Liberal Democrats have run Labour very close. There is a huge demographic change going on which means that Labour certainly can’t take it for granted any more.”

Mr Murray lives in east Oxford with his wife and two children. Before turning to politics, he worked on a national newspaper and for two British think tanks. He replaced the original Lib Dem candidate, Mark Mann, who stepped down for family reasons.

And the rest…

The three ‘main’ par­ties – if they can be called that following the transition into the mainstream of both UKIP and the Green Party – are by no means the only options in a seat which is contested by a total of nine candidates.

A nemesis of the local council after he and other tour guides took issue with regulations on advertising, the Mad Hatter was born Alasdair de Voil in Scotland, before moving to Oxford to teach. Despite jokey policies like an endorsement of Louis Trup’s monorail plans, he raises a number of valid points, nam­ing the housing crisis as the most important issue in Oxford, and offering a mission statement of engaging young people in politics as well as offering voters a safe protest vote.

The Mad Hatter told Cherwell, “The Monster Raving Loony Party means different things to different people. Some people who vote for them tend to be cynics. If you’re like me, then you’re just so fed up with having been promised the same old thing by mainstream parties, and I want to stand up and use humour to shine a light on the issue.

“It takes being angry with something to stand as a candidate, not just a joke.”

Nor should Green candidate Ann Duncan be taken too lightly; she is after all someone who can boast of working for both the World Bank and the Department for International Development. On top of national Green Party policies, Duncan is a prominent champion of the campaign to protect Port Meadow from the University’s Roger Dudham Way development, as well as to regulate new building projects such as Diamond Place in Summertown. The Greens have also pledged to improve cycle paths throughout Oxford, in an assurance that will appeal to students all too familiar with the treacherous pot holes and meagre cycle paths of the city centre.

UKIP, meanwhile, have replaced 2010 candidate Julia Gasper with the far less controversial Ian MacDonald. MacDonald raised £250 of his £500 election deposit through small crowdfunding donations, and may do better than one might expect in a seat as multicultural and student-heavy as Oxford East. MacDonald has taken up the cause of a number of local issues, including opposition to the development of green space near the site of Barton Park, an upcoming construction project aimed at providing Oxford with 885 new homes.

Both the Socialist Party and Trade Unionist and Socialist Alliance (TUSC) have put for­ward candidates in Oxford East for the first time, so options for the Far Left are unusu­ally varied for those so inclined. However, the most anti-establishment might come in the form of a local campaigner, the mononymous Artwell. Having campaigned against the closure of Temple Cowley Pools, he caused controversy by refusing to remove a golliwog rom his outfit when talking to the BBC in January. Artwell’s aim is to “Save England from austerity…from industry using the environment as a place to dump its dirty waste; to stop English involvement in many Arabic wars and war spending.” Artwell is also decidedly against austerity, stating, “Vote for me, Artwell, to free the Treasury from the control of the banks, for the benefit of this nation.”

Ex-Green candidate endorses Lib Dem

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As polling day approaches, the fight for Oxford West and Abingdon has thrown up another surprise. Chris Goodall, who ran as the Green candidate for the area in the 2010 General Election, has written to residents urging them to vote for Layla Moran of the Liberal Democrats, rather than the Greens’ Larry Sanders.

In the letter, he explained, “If the UK had proportional representation, I’d have no hesitation giving Green candidate Larry Sanders my vote this time. But we don’t.”

He went on to call the seat “ultra-marginal”, saying that no one except that Conservatives and the Lib Dems “stands the remotest chance of winning”.

He continued, “Those of us who want to see a fairer, more tolerant and more equal society have to vote for Layla even if it is against our party loyalties.”

Despite the tactical nature of his endorsement, however, he also had high praise for Moran herself, calling her “a thoughtful and energetic individual”, and opining, “Parliament needs far more people like her with a background in science. And her experience of living in different countries would help reduce the extraordinary insularity we often see in the House of Commons.”

The letter was published and promoted by Neil Fawcett, Layla Moran’s campaign manager, and is consistent with Moran’s stated aim to form “a coalition of the Left” in Oxford West and Abingdon. She told Cherwell in a video interview that she wanted Labour voters to “lend” her their votes in order to defeat Nicola Blackwood.

The Green candidate for Thursday’s General Election, Larry Sanders, was highly critical of Goodall’s decision, telling Cherwell, “Chris’ conclusions are mistaken. For one thing, it is altogether possible that the Lib Dems will again install a very right wing Conservative government.

“There is absolutely nothing left-wing about the Lib Dems. They have swallowed completely the austerity argument which means they feel obliged to drastically cut spending. This will slow the general economy and cause enormous grief to very vulnerable people. 

“The Lib Dems supported the disastrous NHS Act. They favour continuing with the privatisation measures. The amount, £8bn extra, that they promise the NHS, is dwarfed by NHS England’s estimate of a £30bn shortfall. The idea that £22bn can be found from unnamed ‘efficiency savings’ is nonsense.

“The Lib Dems are entirely wedded to the building of market price homes, which few in our constituency can afford.

“I could go on. The fact that they will go into coalition with Labour or the Conservatives means that whatever remained of distinctive Lib Dem values is gone.

“We face real problems, real crises. The Lib Dems have made themselves irrelevant.”

When asked whose idea the letter was, Goodall told Cherwell, “Layla Moran approached me. I am very happy to help her in any way. She’d be a first rate MP.”

Moran had told Cherwell previously that she blamed the Greens for taking votes off former Lib Dem MP Dr Evan Harris in the last election, and Goodall seemed to regret this, telling Cherwell, “When I stood last time I thought Evan Harris would win comfortably. There was no cost to the Greens standing, I erroneously thought. I would not have stood if I had realised that even the small number of votes I got might have kept Evan in Parliament.”

He continued, “In our undemocratic electoral system, a vote for anyone else but Layla or the Conservative candidate in this is a total waste of time. In effect, a vote for the excellent Larry Sanders is a vote for the Conservatives and therefore fast privatisation of the NHS, greater cruelty to benefit claimants, slower progress on decarbonisation and ever greater inequality. Therefore I decided I had to vote for Layla.

“After my decision, I heard that the Conservative candidate has taken money from those that support fox-hunting. [In fact, Cherwell understands that the pro-hunting group Vote-OK did not contribute any money to the Blackwood campaign, but did help by contributing volunteers.]

“University voters may like to reflect a moment on what sort of Conservative she is. She claims a moderate and progressive line but this is a person who voted against gay marriage and who has voted against the party line just three times in the last five years. Oxford West and Abingdon deserves much, much better.”

Layla Moran declared herself “delighted” with the endorsement, and told Cherwell, “Hundreds of Green and Labour supporters have already switched to support me in the election. Like Chris they know that I am the only candidate who can beat the right-wing Conservative candidate in this constituency.”

Moran has also been endorsed by a former Labour councillor and Oxfordshire Unison Branch Secretary Mark Fysh, who said, “Layla and the Lib Dems are the only ones who can beat the right-wing Conservatives here. Layla is an excellent candidate too, and spot on on the key local issues. I’m urging everyone to vote Lib Dem in this constituency this time.”

However, the Labour candidate for Oxford West and Abingdon, Sally Copley, refused to accept Goodall’s logic. She told Cherwell, “The Lib Dems are always saying that people should vote tactically for them, but they say different things in different places – they’re telling Conservatives in Sheffield that they should vote for Nick Clegg to stop Labour!

“In Oxford West and Abingdon the Lib Dem vote is falling and the Labour vote is going up; if you want a Labour Government you should vote Labour, wherever you live.”

Nicola Blackwood, the Conservative candidate for Oxford West and Abingdon, has not yet replied to Cherwell‘s request for comment. 

General Election: What does the expert say?

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As with any election, the one on 7th May is about lots of different issues and
different things for different people. The factors that will affect the outcome are more numerous and varied still. Nonetheless, many commentators are afflicted by a chronic temptation to try to define what particular elections are really all about.

Two main themes stand out this time: the economy and nationalism. The economic contest is between ideological positions on the size and role of the state as well as over competence in macro-economic management. For nationalism, the relationships between Scotland and the UK and between the UK and EU are the main issues.

Economic and national identity issues are often thought of rather separately, but they are linked when it comes to understanding both changes in party support and the choice of government.

The UK, some argue, faces a choice between a left-wing government dependent on nationalist support from Scotland (and perhaps also Wales and Northern Ireland), and a right-wing unionist government with elements of Euroscepticism. But while Scottish independence and EU membership will almost certainly depend on further referendums which may or may not be called, the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) estimates that UK government debt will be a massive £90bn higher by 2019/20 under Labour plans than Conservative ones. So the economic issues, including funding of public services, are arguably paramount.

The misfortune of the Liberal Democrats, for a start, has little to do with nationalism but a lot do with economic issues. The 2010 election led to the Liberal Democrats joining the Conservatives to form the first post-war coalition government, ostensibly to ensure that Britain had strong and stable government to deal with the economic crisis. No good deed goes unpunished, as they say. Liberal Democrat support collapsed from 24 per cent at the election in May to around 10 per cent in the polls in December 2010, as their relatively left-wing former supporters moved to Labour.

The Liberal Democrats have basically flat-lined since then. Neither the Tories nor Lib Dems have been rewarded for the recent upturn in headline economic growth and employment.

This may be partly because, as Simon Wren-Lewis points out, “The prosperity of the average citizen in this country has hardly increased over the period of this coalition government – a result that is totally unprecedented since at least World War II.”

The rise of UKIP, from just 3 per cent in 2010 to 14 per cent in recent polls, has been much more steady. The party and their voters are first and foremost Eurosceptic and anti-immigration. But their supporters are also negative about the government’s handling of the economy and extremely pessimistic about their own economic circumstances. According to recent YouGov polls, 50 per cent of UKIP voters feel that the cuts have had a negative impact on them personally. This is important for understanding why recent good jobs and growth figures have not led to a big flow of votes back to the Tories. Most of UKIP’s support still comes from those who voted Conservative in 2010, even though they are the kinds of people who might have been expected to vote Labour based on socio-economic characteristics.

David Cameron’s 2013 promise of an in/out referendum on EU membership was ineffective in stemming the UKIP tide. Their current strategy of scaremongering about SNP influence on a Labour-led government might have more traction. A YouGov poll for last week’s Sunday Times found that 58 per cent of those intending to vote UKIP thought that “Labour intend to do a deal with the SNP, and it puts me off them.”

The rise of the SNP is ostensibly only about nationalism. Since 2010 a large section of disillusioned Labour supporters have moved over to the SNP, first for the 2011 Holyrood elections and then also to the nationalist cause in last year’s independence referendum. These people are relatively left-wing, anti-austerity and they no longer feel that the Scottish Labour party speaks for them. So this development too is about economic competition and not just pure national sentiment.

Since the spending and borrowing plans of Labour and the SNP are relatively similar according the IFS, the implications for a Labour government depending on SNP support are not so much on the economic side. Instead national defence, particularly the Trident nuclear deterrent, looks like it might be one of the most contentious issues.

The Conservatives used to frame the election as a choice between Cameron and Miliband. With the Labour leader doing rather better in the polls, they now frame it as one between a Conservative led government and a Labour one dependent on the SNP.

If the Tories are really worried about SNP influence, they could offer to join Labour in a grand coalition if necessary. This would diffuse both nationalist and economic divisions and lead to policy closer to the average voter. That may not benefit the Tory election campaign, but it would arguably be the best outcome for Britain.

Death Is A Terrible Curse And There Is No Getting Around It

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I remember the first time I realised I was going to die. I was only a child, and wept at the injustice of it, the incomprehensible nothingness that was, and is, at all times approaching me. But my tears and yours are meaningless, and they fade even as they fall, millions and millions, like a blizzard over the ocean.

Here are some songs that sometimes help me forget about that.

1. No Hands – Wacka Flocka Flame ft. Wale & Roscoe Dash

TUNE ALERT. What’s got no thumbs and is a massive tune? This song, that’s what. A towering sixty-story colossus of a tune, that’s what it bloody well is. And when I listen to it, I never stop to think about the four and a half minutes of slender, oh so precious life, that will never return to me. 

2. Live Forever – Oasis

‘Maybe I don’t wanna die / wanna live and don’t wanna die / maybe death terrifies me / (You and I will probably die in great paaaaiiiiiinnnn)’ [Guitar Solo].

3. Bros – Panda Bear

This jubilant anthem of kinship over time treads a wonderful line between on the one hand, the near-ambient, underwater charm of Noah Lennox’ other group, Animal Collective, and on the other, the unknowable truth hidden in the first germ of all life, which is its own demise.

4. Skeng – The Bug ft. Killa P & Flowdan

This is truly intimidating music. The ominous, slow count that gives the track its momentum perfectly counterpointed by the repeated warning ‘you don’t want to see me get evil then’. Strangely enough, fear actually makes us cling to life harder. It’s a simple tactic – present yourself with an immediate threat, and your focus will be on survival, and not on the futility of your actions. #mortalityprotips

5. Family Tree – TV On The Radio

Think of your descendants, your ancestors. Have you considered that you are part of something bigger, and that the magnitude of this sequence of life does not diminish, but constellates you? No, you have not. The void smiles wider and wider, a deafening absence that calls you on.

Also, how much like the beginning of ‘Bound 2’ does that intro sound? Like, crazy similar, right?

Peace.

Preview: Creditors

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The gloomy and ever so slightly sinister Gustav looks up from his paper. He tosses it aside and makes his move on the unsuspecting Adolph. Gustav is not really a very nice character; in his first scene he has this to say “you see, a girl cannot have freedom except by providing herself with a chaperon—or what we call a husband.” With such misogyny, you can understand my shock dear reader when I looked down to see Gustav’s paper… The Daily Mail, The Sun, the Oxstu you say. No dear reader; lying on the well-trod boards of the BT, Oxford’s Independent Student Newspaper, lay discarded. Surely man like Gustav couldn’t have read Cherwell

Gustav’s journalistic tastes are probably the only redeeming feature in his character, a character whose villainy is otherwise attested from the minute he casts aside this beacon of journalistic excellence. Indeed, in this scene he is about to convince the poor Adolph of his wife’s infidelity and consequently impose upon him a Nietzsche inspired male suprematism (one begins to wonder which section he was reading…) 

Gustav and the worst of late nineteenth century sexism that his character seems to embody, resembles precisely the sort of figure that his author, Strindberg, has often been accused of having been. Indeed it is said that at one point he called women “instinctively evil animals”. That Strindberg should thus paint a figure like Gustav so unsympathetically complicates how we should approach the play. This ambiguity director Christopher White tells me, is a central concern for his production. 

This perhaps explains his and his cast’s preparation for the play. As self professed Stanislavkians they have spent copious amounts of time researching their characters and immersing themselves in the historical period of the play. They have even decided on what sort of paintings Adolph (who is an artist) would paint. This historicism is perhaps an attempt to get to the bottom of what was really going on when Strindberg wrote this, both personally and historically.

Whatever the truth was, the search for it has certainly translated into a great set of performances. In particular Isobel Jesper Jones is utterly convincing as the elusive Tecla, Adolph’s wife and the subject of a big revelation at the end of the play. Having been excellent in King Lear as Regan, Jones brings something of the enlarged presence needed for the O’reilly to great effect in the intimacy of the BT. Her playful, and at times jarringly perverse characterization (calling Adolph “little brother” with his head in hear hands), is central to unraveling how Strindberg really saw women and consequently represented them. Jones herself explains the challenge and the advantage of playing a character who is unceasingly talked about, but always by men.

Gustav played by Tom Lambert, has a very fun part to play, but one which he is avoiding turning into an easy pantomime esque villain by being generically sinister. I don’t how he will manage after the enormity of his opening stunt, but I shall be curious to see how he pulls its of. Finally Jake Boswell inhabits Adolph perfectly, there is a quiet and pathetic resignation about the look he gives Tecla and the submission of his voice as he talks to Gustav. It’s a very quietly brilliant performance and I’m sure it will suit the BT perfectly. I think perhaps ‘quietly brilliant’ will be true for the show as a whole.

Creditors will be running from Tuesday 5th to Saturday 9th of May

 

Comedy Tonight

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In Oriel College, Harry Househam and Alex Yarrow, the organisers behind College Comedy Nights, are faced with doubt as to whether they will be able to bring a stage into the bar. They’re used to adapting to different performance spaces and circumstances, as would be expected from an organisation that relies on their ability to find somewhere to perform in any college, but this seems to be a unique difficulty never faced before. Oxford colleges are weird places with weird rules, and bringing performances into their bars or JCRs or… anywhere really, is in part a challenge of fitting the hilarity on offer around some occasionally frankly bizarre dictates.

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Househam and Yarrow established College Comedy Nights in a bid to bring together comedy performers and potential audiences. They explain to me that in their time performing on the comedy circuit in Oxford – which is how the pair met – they’ve noticed that although there’s a lot of comedy being performed, a lot of the time potential audience members just don’t realise that it’s happening. For this reason they’ve set up a “Comedy in Oxford” Facebook group to detail the various events going on around the city, but College Comedy Nights takes an even bigger step towards uniting performers with willing attendees by bringing the comedy into the places at the heart of Oxford students’ lives.

But the venture isn’t just about supply meeting demand – the comedy nights are run not for profit, but to raise money for mental health charity Mind. When asked how Mind came to be selected as the charity of choice, Househam observes that ‘Mental health seems to be an issue that comedians and students alike care very deeply about.’ Certainly most students in Oxford seem either to have had mental health struggles themselves, or have been touched by those of people around them. As a comedy fan as well as someone struggling with mental illness, I personally have to say it seems an ideal combo, and doubtless one that will appeal to many other students as well.

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Obviously raising money for charity is always a wonderful thing to do, but, for a group claiming to bring the best in comedy to Oxford students, a more cynical question looms – are they any good? I go along to the Oriel Comedy Night (fear not, they got the stage in after all!) to find out.

One of the greatest strengths of the comedy night is the variety in the performances and styles – it’d be fair to say there was something for almost anyone at the night I attended, and for those with varied comedic tastes it’s an absolute delight. There’s character comedy, observational comedy,  and cool feminist comedy courtesy of cool feminist Anna Dominey. The comedians are extraordinarily talented – you can tell by how skilfully they deal with the presence of drunk hacklers on the front row (seriously, get your shit together Oriel) of which there are several. There’s also a decent amount of comedy with zero regard for the fourth wall; I’m unused to being singled out as a reviewer in front of an audience, but to be honest at this point I’ll take it as a long overdue puncturing of my easily inflated ego.

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The performers vary from comedy night to comedy night, so there’s little fear of getting the same show twice if you fancied gate-crashing a show at a friend’s college. After seeing how capably the organisers dealt with some of the challenges of staging a performance in a college unaccustomed to hosting such events, I am convinced that they could adapt to putting on a show almost anywhere. The only question that remains is when I can get them to come to my college; I’m sure we’ll be more than happy to have a stage in the bar.

Picks of the Week TT15 Week 2

 

Industry Speakeasy – Tuesday, 9pm-1am, Freud

Rewind to an age of flapper dresses, jazz and the brutal lines of Art Deco and you have Industry magazine’s night of live entertainment and cocktails. Period dress optional. A ticket costs £6. 

 

St Catz Arts Week 2015 – Monday-Sunday, St Catherine’s College

With a barbershop group, artist lectures on things like the medical use of art and a spoken word evening, the sheer variety of our favourite concrete college’s arts week is bound to have something for everyone. 

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Screening: Still the Enemy Within – Monday, 7.30 pm, The Tim Heatherington Society, Simpkins Lee Theatre, LMH

A unique insight into the 1984-85 British Miners’ Strike. No experts. No politicians. With an introduction and Q&A by producer Mark Lacey. 

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Living Together – Wednesday-Saturday, 7.30pm, Oxford Playhouse

The Oxford Playhouse is putting on award-winning playwright Alan Ayckbourn’s family comedy of obstructed flirtations and a mother’s medication. This play is sure to have you laughing (if not living) together. 

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Milestones: Thomas Hardy’s ‘The Voice’ (1912)

“You will be grieved and shocked to hear that Emma died this morning shortly after nine o’clock. Her illness has been quite a slight one, and she was downstairs at tea on Monday evening. I was with her, fortunately, when she breathed her last. I am too distressed to write more.”

As 1912’s days grew ever colder, the days ever darker, Thomas Hardy lost yet another hour of light which would not return as the seasons made for warmer climbs. Although the author was the first to admit “it would be affectation to dent… the differences between us,” the sudden loss of his estranged wife in November 1912 had a profound affect upon both Hardy’s personage and in turn his work. “One forgets all the recent years and differences, and the mind goes back to the early times when each was much to the other — in her case and mine intensely much.” And thus began the drafting of some of the most beautiful verse to emerge from that eminent pen. And all due to the silence of a voice he had once ignored.

In the midst of the stream of letters sent out upon mourning stationary, Hardy set to work. His 18 poem sequence Poems of 1912-13, a progression of guilt-ridden elegies, finally entered print in the volume Satires of Circumstance (1914). Partway through these calls to loves of the past, there lies a milestone of modern elegiac poetry: ‘The Voice’.

Whereas his earlier ‘Neutral Tones’ (1867) abhors the dead lips of a living lover, one feels Hardy would give anything to give the phantom voice tormenting him an earthly body. But, like Aeneas’s attempts to embrace the vision of Creusa thrice, no matter where Hardy places the “thin ghost” of the voice echoing down the years, it remains but an echo that potentially will sound out and be heard no more.

The domesticity and intimacy of the collection evokes loss on the most personal of levels. But what differs with ‘The Voice’ is its unrelenting sound that beats from past idealised memories to the bald bleakness of Hardy’s present. Despite the oozing disintegration of the personas’ surroundings and motor faculties, the voice continues to bounce off what little remains. At points, the persona resolves that its existence on the temporal plains cannot be – “Can it be you that I hear?”

But in becoming a Poe-like disinterested gust of wind, as used in his ‘The Raven’, the voice of the dead succeeds in bounding around endlessly in mental space. As the stanzas decrease in size, Hardy proves that even the smallest space can provide a suitable memorial and epitaph. Hardy achieves in miniature what Tennyson does in over a hundred poems of ‘In Memoriam’. He forms an elegy that beautifully echoes like ringing crystal. It is both simultaneously connected to one moment whilst transcending all temporal boundaries. Although the reader cannot hear Emma’s voice, her “voice” serves as an elegiac milestone to her memory and the determination of her husband to allow her, and his guilt, to speak on.

Still singing the Blues: Billie Holiday 100 years on

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In 1959, the year of her death, Eleanora Fagan, better known as Billie Holiday and later “Lady Day”, performed in New York for the final time. Years of alcoholism and drug use had whittled her powerful voice down to a fragile rasp. Even her spoken voice sounded close to breaking point as she introduced ‘Please Don’t Talk About Me When I’m Gone’. Holiday was dead a few short months later. However, her distinctive voice and the much mythologised tragedy of her life continue to haunt the music world. What is it about Billie Holiday that has extended her popularity far beyond the realm of jazz and blues fans, and kept her a household name a full century after her birth?

The facts of Holiday’s early life, roughly outlined in her autobiography Lady Sings the Blues, have been thrown into doubt by a new biography published this year, John Szwed’s Billie Holiday: The Musician and the Myth. Holiday’s ghost-written memoir famously begins, “Mom and Pop were just a couple of kids when they got married. He was eighteen, she was sixteen and I was three.” Szwed’s meticulously researched and fascinating account begins with some abrupt fact-checking, “When Billie was born her mother was nineteen, her father seventeen. They never married and had never lived together in a little house with a picket fence on Durham Street in Baltimore.” In fact, questions of veracity haunted Lady Sings the Blues from its publication in 1956. When asked by journalists to verify some of the book’s claims, Holiday retorted that she had never read it.

Certainly, Holiday was a keen creator of her own mythology. She was only too aware that part of her appeal lay in the audience’s belief that the raw emotion of her voice betrayed harsh personal experience. Factual discrepancies aside, it remains true that Billie Holiday’s brief life was a difficult one, marked by the triple obstacles of poverty, racism and sexism. Her childhood and early teens were darkened with the trauma of neglect, attempted rape, prostitution and periods of incarceration. Yet to reduce Holiday’s talent to the sadness of her life is to do her an injustice. As Miles Davis – an avowed fan of Holiday along with virtually all jazz musicians of his generation – once observed, “I didn’t wake up this morning sad and start playing the blues, there’s more to it than that.” Holiday was and remains more than a tragic victim; her mastery of the blues was the result of experience and raw talent.

Holiday began performing in small clubs and bars in downtown New York in her late teens. Lacking any kind of musical training, she worked off an intuitive grasp of cadence and narrative. What she lacked in range, she made up for in tone; few other voices could imbue the notes of ‘No More’ with such a bittersweet concoction of relief and regret, or convey the mingled weariness and tentative hope of ‘Pennies from Heaven’. The originality of her phrasing and her tendency to linger slightly behind the beat often revealed an edge of sadness to apparently simple melodies. A song like ‘All of Me’ has a cheerful melodic swing when sung by Ella Fitzgerald or Sarah Vaughan; only Billie Holiday’s slower, tougher rendition can draw out the profound sense of loss in its lyrics. Along with Frank Sinatra, the popularisation of the microphone allowed Holiday to cultivate an understated, intimate quality to her live performances; unlike her hero, Bessie Smith, she did not have to belt just to be heard. Her sinewy strength and melodic vulnerability became a beacon for depressionera audiences, and later the burgeoning civil rights movement.

Among the songs for which Holiday is best known is the protest song, ‘Strange Fruit’, a powerful account of racist violence inspired by the lynching of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith. Abel Meeropol, a Jewish schoolteacher living in New York came across Laurence Beitler’s iconic photograph of the lynching and was moved to compose a poem which he named, ‘Bitter Fruit’. Holiday was introduced to the song in 1939 and began incorporating it into her set at the Café Society in Greenwich Village, at that time one of the few racially integrated venues in New York. Even among a comparatively friendly crowd, presenting such a raw and honest account of racist brutality was a courageous act. After her first performance of ‘Strange Fruit’, Holiday recalled in her autobiography, “There wasn’t even a patter of applause when I finished. Then a lone person began to clap nervously. Then suddenly everybody was clapping.” For the musicians, activists and would-be activists who encountered Holiday’s sparse and potent rendition, ‘Strange Fruit’ was more than a song; it was a battle cry. Jazz critic Leonard Feather called it “the first unmated cry against racism”, while Angela Davis, in Blues Legacies and Black Feminism, observed that ‘Strange Fruit’ put the elements of protest and resistance back at the centre of contemporary black musical culture.”

56 years after Holiday’s death, fans and critics are still grappling with her legacy. Szwed’s book, less a biography of Holiday than, as he puts it, “a meditation on her art”, moves the centre of discussion away from the details of her life and places a welcome emphasis on her craft as a musician and her legacy. He makes the case for Holiday to be considered “as a literary figure, along with Zora Neale Hurston”, a rare public voice of the private lives of AfricanAmerican women in pre-Civil Rights Era America. Echoes of Holiday’s unique sound can be heard in everyone from Nina Simone and Sarah Vaughan, to Erykah Badu, Norah Jones and Amy Winehouse. But Szwed wisely locates her legacy not within the limits of the music world. Her influence stretches into the work of writers such as James Baldwin, Toni Morrison, Ntozake Shange and Audre Lorde. Listening to her music today, Billie Holiday’s idiosyncratic and inimitable voice bears the mark of a true storyteller, one whose bittersweet narratives continue to connect her to new generations of music fans.