Monday, May 19, 2025
Blog Page 169

The Myth of Representation 

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Representation has become a bit of a buzzword these days. Rightly so – the growing realisation that something must be done to remedy the huge lack of diversity in positions of ‘power’ is a move towards a fairer society. Visibility matters in today’s world and so when Humza Yousaf was announced as the First Minister of Scotland after Nicola Sturgeon, British Asians across the country, and indeed the globe, rejoiced to see the highest political office attained by a man who looks like them. Rishi Sunak’s appointment to the office of Prime Minister had a similar reaction. Indian social media was awash with memes celebrating Sunak’s cultural heritage and his social mobility in a post-colonial context. Though Sunak is as unlikely to return the Koh-i-Noor diamond as any of his predecessors, it is undeniable that an Indian at the head of a country that historically believed Indians to be incapable of self-governance seems to be the perfect instance of poetic justice – the colonisers have been colonised. However, race is only one aspect of diversity – disability, class, sexuality, gender, etc are all equally important. This intersectionality complicates things – representation, in reality, is hardly straightforward or one-dimensional. 

What do Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and First Minister Humza Yousaf have in common beyond their British Asian identity? The fact that they were both educated at prestigious private schools: Yousaf at Hutcheson’s Grammar School in Glasgow and Sunak at the elite Winchester College. Immediately, this makes their lived experience radically different from the average immigrant story. Both men have some of the same privileges afforded to their white male counterparts: wealth and the plethora of doors it opens. This is not to say that race is not an important factor here, and should not be celebrated. Instead, the point is that their success cannot be used as proof that the UK is a place of perfect equal opportunity. Though at first glance these national leaders are the poster boys of a new, diverse age of British politics, it would be a complete blunder to see them as the endgame of true inclusivity. We must be conscious that PoC (people of colour) in politics tend to be from a very narrow subsection of PoC in general. 

Both Sunak and Yousaf represent a socio-economic elite – an elite that has always been overrepresented in the political sphere. Research published by the Sutton Trust in 2019 found that 29% of MPs at the time had attended a private school. Statistics from the same year show that only 7% of the UK population have been privately educated. These shocking discrepancies advantage Sunak and Yousaf in a way that cannot be minimised by their British Asian identities – one aspect of diversity should not be used to brush over another key one. This is not a question of ‘hardship Olympics’ – when sociopolitical disadvantages are pitted against each other. Rather, it highlights a need for a more nuanced attitude towards representation or the lack thereof. We crave visible relatability but many British Indians have questioned how relatable Sunak really is. His wife, Akshata Murthy, is the daughter of the billionaire Narayana Murthy. She managed to avoid 20m in UK tax before last year and has a net worth greater than that of the late Queen Elizabeth II. To any normal person, these numbers are nearly beyond comprehension. As a child of Indian immigrants myself, I am sceptical that Sunak in any shape or form is looking after my interests any better than any of the white Eton boys who preceded him. Our apparently shared cultural heritage hardly matters in the grand scheme of things.

Perhaps this is a little harsh. There are undeniable positives of seeing change with your own eyes. It is hugely inspiring for minority communities to see people who look like them, though their financial backgrounds may not be the same. It is a start in the right direction – Yousaf is the first Scottish-Asian and Muslim to be elected as First Minister and Rishi Sunak is the first British Indian and Hindu. To see 10 Downing Street decorated with traditional Diwali regalia goes a long way in normalising other cultures and helping promote practises that historically have been looked down on and mocked. Many children from diasporas have a deep-seated insecurity about their heritage and are made to feel ‘other’ – oftentimes it is not as simplistic as the colour of your skin but extends to the accent you speak in or the way you dress or how your food smells. Similarly, Yousaf’s tweet – 157K views and counting – explaining why he fasts for Ramadan helps cultivate a more accepting attitude towards something that is alien to the majority of the Scottish population. Additionally, there is little doubt that Yousaf, Sunak and countless other PoC in politics, and the wider professional world, have had to work harder to achieve the same milestones as their white colleagues. They have had to overcome systemic racism and are testament to the fact that it can and will be done. As visible figures of diversity, their presence and success help engender a sense of self-confidence in young people, which in turn will help push against the deeply entrenched prejudices that must be destroyed before true equality can be achieved. 

Essentially, there is a need for logical balance – we need to be cognizant that these figures are good for a certain type of representation but they are not all-encompassing. Politics is notoriously closed-off to those from less financially privileged backgrounds and even more so to PoC from working-class families. This must be addressed at its root level – Rishi Sunak and Humza Yousaf cannot be used as proof that British politics has achieved its optimal diversity quota. The myth of representation is a complicated one but steps in the right direction mean that we are closer than ever to making true equality a reality.

Image credit: Scottish Government/ CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Where do the IMF’s new forecasts leave us?

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Wednesday the 12th signalled a bleak day for Britain’s economy, as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) released their updated economic growth forecast. The UK’s economy is again predicted to shrink. At -0.3%, we rank last in growth among the G20 countries. This includes Russia, despite numerous waves of sanctions due to the Ukraine war that were meant to cripple their economy. Yet the UK still is worse off. What does this say about our country’s leadership?

This decrease in growth is not universal. While Britain’s economy is struggling, the USA’s economy is projected to grow by 1.6% and the eurozone by 0.8% in 2023. Furthermore, the USA and several European countries including Germany have passed legislation to deal with rampant levels of inflation in their countries. The most prominent of such legislation is America’s inflation reduction act which invested $370 billion into reducing energy costs for Americans. Whilst other countries deal with the problems their citizens face, the UK government has not.

Inflation is at its highest in 40 years and interest rates have reached 4.25%. While all of this is happening our public service sector is on strike. Nurses, doctors, and railway workers among others have been striking all winter in demand of fair pay and this trend could continue throughout the summer with the nurses’ union RCN this week rejecting a pay offer by the government. 

When compared with Europe and America, the UK’s historic ‘greatness’ seems to be faltering. If we look at the bigger picture, over the last year the value of the pound has fallen substantially against the dollar, increasing the pressure inflation is having on UK households along with the energy crisis. While other countries are having issues with the soaring prices of wholesale natural gas it seems to be that the British economy and its people are suffering most. The question is why?

There are a few explanations that could be given to answer this question but, as always, they are remarkably hard to disentangle from each other. Brexit is one. When Brexit happened, economists predicted a tough trade-off between growth and inflation due to labour shortages and new trade barriers. Due to a lack of willing labour, the UK’s labour market is widely accepted to be less flexible than before we left the EU, creating problems in industry and with the economy.

Of course, all of these effects are compounded by the impact the pandemic had on all global economies. At the height of the pandemic, levels of trade dipped for all G7 countries, but at the start of this year these levels had recovered in all the G7 except the UK. It seems to be that ‘Global Britain’ is more closed off and not quite bouncing back as the rest of our contemporaries are.

The Chancellor Jeremy Hunt, however, strikes an optimistic tone and has begun to state that Britain’s economy is ‘back’, after meetings at the IMF where his plans for growth were accepted. 

Despite what Hunt says about Britain’s economy it has only just reached what it was pre-pandemic and is still recovering from his predecessor Kwasi Kwarteng’s mini budget which triggered a crisis in the Bank of England, and contributed to food inflation reaching 10.6%, the FTSE 100 dropping by 232 points, and the pound falling to a record low against the dollar.

However, there are solutions that have been proposed for the issues facing this country. Last year, when Boris Johnson was still Prime Minister, groups that represented unions, women, ethnic minorities, developing world nations and young people wrote a letter urging him to avoid the mistakes that came after the financial crash. Even though there is a different prime minister the message still rings true; to improve the living standards the current PM Rishi Sunak needs to reject austerity and not scale back funding for the public sector workers of this country. 

Sunak also needs to face the climate crisis with an appropriate and proportionate plan to the problem we face. Not only would this reduce damage to our planet, it would reduce our economy’s dependence on oil prices, stabilising Britain’s economy against the actions of foreign powers like Russia and Saudi Arabia. Investing in renewables and moving from fossil fuels to renewable energy could stop the economy depending on the volatile prices of natural gas with the added consequences of reassuring business and investment which has declined since Brexit.

Finally, to regain its place on the world stage Britain needs to be more open. With an ageing population and declining population growth, the UK just like many other countries around the world needs the services and work provided by immigration. We need to embrace our globalised world instead of rejecting it and suffering because of it.

However, this does not seem to be the path Prime Minister Sunak wants to or is willing to take. His government refuses to offer what unions consider appropriate pay to their workers, disrupting the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. The government also plans to decrease tax and therefore decrease spending in areas such as social care. The restrictions on immigration applied by Brexit also seem to be an issue the Conservatives are unwilling to compromise on as the message from the Home Secretary Suella Braverman is no less cruel. It seems that the great standard of living and political management people would expect from Britain as a global power only years ago is failing.

A Very French Protest

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The protests in France have taken us by surprise, but they shouldn’t have. The French have long been accustomed to a style of protest characterised by what the English consider excessive violence. Writing almost a century ago, the Balliol historian Richard Cobb recalls attending a demonstration in the Latin Quarter as a visiting undergraduate:

“There was a single whistle blast, then the sound of galloping horses, as the darkblue, black-helmeted gardes mobiles rode into the crowd, hitting out with their long batons; the first three waves were followed by fifty or more paniers à salade, long dark charabancs of 1920 vintage, into which bleeding demonstrators of all ages and both sexes were literally hurled. After fifteen minutes, the square was quiet and littered with slogans and banners”.

Curiously, this appetite for violence was shared by both sides of the class and political divide. Staying with a well-heeled family in Paris, Cobb was told by his hosts “that the passage à tabac was an old French institution; they did not like the police, but they thought it quite natural that anyone who fell into their hands should have a preliminary beating-up”.

Democracy & Chaos

There is another way in which the protests should not have been a shock. The widespread disruption and breakdown of civil order may have been objectively shocking. But they have become something of a staple in Western democracies, much to the delight of our detractors, notably China and Russia. Gloating over our supposed comeuppance, Maria Zakharova, spokeswoman for the Russian Foreign Ministry, helpfully suggested that Macron begins arming the demonstrators to “secure democracy” in France: a lame reference to our support for Ukraine. As we have come to expect, democracy is now a byword in authoritarian regimes for the chaos and instability they see in the West.

The truth is exactly the opposite. It is not democracy that spawns chaos and instability. It is the deflection of democracy that prompts fury and unrest. The pension reform in France is a good example. In itself, the substance of the proposal — an increase of the retirement age by two years — is almost trivial. It is however the means by which the president has pursued his policy that has provoked a backlash.

Sidestepping the Demos

This is borne out by what the protestors say. Asked why they are driven to the streets, the answer that comes up repeatedly is the government’s use of article 49.3. This is an article in the French constitution whose function it is to allow the government of the day to bypass the lower chamber, typically when they realise they lack majority support. Though perfectly legal, it is invariably described as undemocratic, as it is now, with the distinct feeling that the “executive chose to draw on special powers to force through an unpopular measure”.

France is not unique in this experience. Amid the litany of blunders and horrors during the Johnson administration, nothing has scandalised the country more than the use of prorogation to effect a no-deal Brexit without Parliament’s approval. This unusual deployment of the Crown’s prerogative power led in turn to the Supreme Court’s intervention to nullify the government’s decision, which has in turn been condemned as a “misuse of judicial power” by one of our foremost constitutional experts. According to Prof. Finnis, the judgment was a “historic mistake” antithetical to our “system of constitutional democracy”.

Across the Atlantic, the explosive protests over the reversal of Roe v Wade tell of a similar story. Arguably, the original enshrinement of a right to abortion via the courts rather than the legislature merits the charge of judicial activism, but the current Court’s remedy of doubling down on that very same error in the opposite direction has made it a deserved target of all the scorn that has come its way. The opprobrium is especially apt when we remember that some members of that very court have themselves warned against the dangers of judicial overreach before their appointment. Reacting to judge-led progressive reforms, Neil Gorsuch sagely advised some 20 years ago that “respect for the role of judges and the legitimacy of the judiciary branch as a whole diminishes” unless the left resolves to “kick their addiction to constitutional litigation, and return to their New Deal roots of trying to win elections rather than lawsuits”. So much for practicing what you preach.

What these episodes have in common is that standard procedures in the normal running of democracy are suspended in pursuit of political objectives that do not command majority support. These objectives are inevitably classified as uniquely urgent — as they are now in France — so as to justify the use of special procedures to procure their attainment. The casualty in all these cases is the legislative branch, the body with the strongest representative credentials and, in this country, the only branch of government that is in fact elected.

Democracy Restored

The beginning of a cure must be the restoration of those democratic habits and practices that had served us well. In concrete terms, this means that the legislature must reclaim its place against an encroaching executive as well as an increasingly trigger-happy judiciary. After all, we have some evidence to believe that a return to properly democratic routines can go some way towards healing the bitter divisions on display in France and elsewhere.

Return for a moment to the example of abortion. It is worth asking why the same debate in the UK has never taken on the shrill pitch of its American equivalent.In our case, the matter was decided by a parliamentary process (i.e. Abortion Act 1967) where both sides made material contributions to the final arrangement, and different voices were formally heard and listened to. By comparison, critics of the American debate have rightly pointed out that abortion in the US was resolved as “a matter of judicial decision”, and the polarisation we have seen is due in part to the fact that “the decision there was made in a way which marginalised the contribution of the electorate at large”. In this respect, President Macron’s use of Article 49.3 is the executive equivalent of the judicial sidelining of the citizenry we so often witness in America.

This is not to say that problems will disappear as soon as article 49.3 is dropped. Doubtless, the search for a compromise in the Assembly will be painstaking and uncertain in all its familiar ways. In order to make progress, however, temperatures have to come down sufficiently for a meaningful discussion about pension reform to take place, and a negotiated settlement to take shape. The key is to extend the scope of deliberations to include not only the government of the day, much less judges who are appointed rather than elected. In a democracy, the forum in which to do this is parliament, whose members represent us, and we might well hope that France can live up once more to the large claims it makes of its democratic heritage. Just as disorderly protests may be deemed a French specialty, giving voice to the populace belongs just as much to a proud tradition where the French have always led by example.

Image Credit: 李 季霖//CC BY-SA 2.0 via Flickr

Exclusive: Oxford Union termcard TT23 highlights

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Ambassador John Bolton, European politician Michel Barnier and adult star turned media personality Mia Khalifa are amongst the big names who will come speak at the Union this term.

Barnier and Ambassador Bolton will both address current political issues. The former EU Chief Negotiator will hold a talk on “Brexit and the Future of Europe”. Bolton, former US Ambassador to the UN and National Security advisor during the Trump administration, will participate in the debate “This House Would Fight For Democracy, Individual Liberty and The Rule of Law Abroad”. 

The Rt. Hon. Emily Thornberry MP, notable Labour politician, is also amongst the list of distinguished speakers to come to the Union in the second term of its bicentenary year. She will speak in a debate on the motion “This House Believes That Class Defines British Politics”. 

Stella Assange, human rights activist, lawyer and the wife of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, will host a screening of the film Ithaka. This film depicts the tumultuous and ongoing campaign to free Julian Assange.

Other debates happening this term include a special Pride Month motion: “This House Believes That The Commercialisation of Pride Has Done More Harm Than Good”. This debate will take place on Thursday, June 1st.

The Union Committee have also unveiled the theme for their termly ball. For Trinity 2023, members are invited to the “Summer of Love”, based on the 60s and hippie culture.

Image Credit: NATO Multimedia Library/CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 via Flickr

Why food?

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I’m Oli and I am going to be running the food page at Cherwell this term.  Appropriately I suppose, I am obsessed with food and a lot of people ask me what it is that I love so much about it.  In reality, meals themselves and flavours are of course a big part of it but, more than anything, it’s what goes with it.  For me, food is about experiences:  I love bringing people together with food, getting to know different cultures through food, the art of constructing dishes, and am fascinated by the industry.  Food writing can too often be pompous, prescriptive, and presumptuous.  I love a Michelin-starred restaurant as much as the next person but you know what I prefer?  Finding an amazing street food stall on holiday or a tiny little Italian café down a side street that’s quietly been trading for decades.  This term I’ll bring you reviews, recipes, stories, and hopefully a whole world of food discovery.

Cooking 

Cooking is so many things for me.  First off, it’s an unbelievable stress reliever.  After a long day churning out essays or reading there are few more pleasant things than putting on a podcast, opening the fridge, and creating a dinner out of what I can find.  A different kind of non-academic challenge, as long as there are some onions, tomatoes, garlic, and eggs then I know something good is possible!

Even better than that though?  Cooking for a crowd.  Every week I love bringing together ten friends or so and putting on a dinner party.  Think sharing plates, roasts, cheese, wine, good music, and great chat.  Please try this!  Put your money together with a few friends, buy a whole chicken, and whack in some potatoes, chorizo and onion for a super low-budget, ridiculously low-effort, delicious feast.

People

I do a lot of food reviews and I visit a lot of restaurants for my podcast.  On it, I talk to the chefs, managers, and owners of places from Oxford, to London and further afield.  The meals become twice as meaningful when you know the way in which they are created and the life story of the people behind them.  One of the first podcasts I ever did was with the owner and founder of Bbuona (Gloucester Green), Andi.  When you hear the love and passion that goes into creating every dish there, the challenges he is facing with Brexit and price rises, and the fact that he is the only restaurant in the country to import some of his in ingredients, that pizza tastes ten times better.

The industry

There has never been a more fascinating time to learn about the food industry.  Starting with Brexit, UK restaurant owners and chefs have faced a more challenging few years than ever before.  The import restrictions and work permit chaos caused by that combined with the supply chain issues created by war in Ukraine and crippling price rises across the board have forced adaptation and inventiveness.  The places that have survived have begun to use new ingredients in different ways, change their organisational structures, and manage price rises.  Next time you are in Love Coffee just ask them about this stuff:  they might be full all day every day but razor-thin margins and astronomical rents mean that profitability is far from guaranteed.

More than this, there are new and exciting concepts trying to disrupt the market all the time.  Next time you are reading a menu just pause and think about how many more vegan and vegetarian dishes there are compared to five years ago.  The world of food and drink is changing in front of our eyes and it’s incredibly easy to miss.  Just in the last 12 months, I’ve had a ground-breaking 13-course vegan tasting menu at a supper club (Table 13), a shot glass of wine that would usually cost hundreds a bottle from an Enomatic machine (Wilding Wine Bar on Little Clarendon St.), and chosen the bean for my coffee only to see it roasted, ground, and served into my espresso inside 60 seconds (Roasting Plant Coffee Co.).

So, the world of food is endless and the possibilities for enjoyment and fascination are limitless.  Hopefully, this term I can help you discover the joys of cooking, eating, and learning about food.

Looking Ahead to the Women’s World Cup

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At the 2022 Euros, the Lionesses won the first major football trophy England has seen since 1966. With less than 100 days to go, they have set their sights on a new prize, the 2023 World Cup which will take place in Australia and New Zealand in July. This promises to be a record-breaking event, in both attendance and viewership, having already become the first World Cup to take place in two nations, with eight nations making their World Cup debut.

But who will take home the prized silverware? Which players should we look out for?

Defending their title is the USA, a fierce competitor who has won four of the nine women’s World Cup tournaments to date. Historically the USA has been a league apart with female players in the USA receiving high levels of funding, as well as excellent training facilities following the 1972 mandate for US colleges to provide equal sports funding regardless of gender, allowing women’s soccer to get equal college funding to men’s sports teams like American football. In comparison, the FA did not lift the ban on women’s football in the UK until 1971 allowing the USA to be a generation ahead in cultivating young talent. The USA is a more physical team than the European nations, requiring technicality to overcome. Although the squad has not been announced,  they will likely be captained by Becky Sauerbrunn, with a focus on older and more experienced players such as legendary NWSL’s Golden Boot winner Alex Morgan who will be 34 at the time. Waiting to solidify her name outside of the USA will be 22-year-old, NWSL MVP of the year, Sophia Smith, with only one less goal than Morgan in the NWSL she will put the Europeans to the test.

A significant threat to the USA comes from current European champions. After their Euros victory, England’s record goalscorer Ellen White MBE and seasoned Midfielder Jill Scott MBE retired making space for younger, but less experienced, players. Despite this, and captain Leah Williamson being injured, the Lionesses beat the USA 2-1 in October and went on to win every game in the Arnold Clark Cup. After losing three of their most experienced players: Chelsea Midfielder Fran Kirby, England vice-captain Millie Bright and BBC player of the year Beth Mead MBE to injuries, the Lionesses returned to Wembley on April 6th to face Brazil in the Finalissma. In contrast to previous matches, the squad seemed complacent, allowing Brazil to equalise in extra time resulting in penalties. However, thanks to Fifa’s best women’s goalkeeper, Mary Earps, who only conceded two goals during the Euros, England, beat the best country in South America, marking 30 games unbeaten!

This pattern was broken on April 11th when England played Australia, marking their first loss under manager Sarina Weigman and since 2021. Unrecognisable from their performances in the summer, England allowed Australia to control the centre, neutralising the world’s most expensive female player, Barcelona Midfielder Keira Walsh, and preventing the Lionesses from finding their usual rhythm. Despite losing 2-0 both Williamson and Weigman expressed no concern over the ability of the team to take home the World Cup. 

While the loss is not a major concern, it has shown other countries how to beat what was once an unbeatable team. This game was the last international before the World Cup to select and trial a squad. With Mead and Kirby out of the World Cup with injuries, and without using Manchester United’s Alessia Russo, Ella Toone and Man City’s Chloe Kelly, as super-subs like in the Euros, the bench trialled in the squad against Australia lacked players who could change a game in the second half. Luckily, Bright is set to be back by Williamson’s side in time to make England’s defence cohesive for the World Cup and all eyes will be on the young James, Hemp, Russo and Kelly to take up the offence. The World Cup squad is yet to be finalised, but England is not short of talent and the ability for players like Rachel Daly to play in defence or attack provides good options for new super subs. 

Alongside the USA and England, Spain and Germany also have the potential to make it to the semi-finals. Although Spain has never won the women’s World Cup, Germany has twice, and both teams triumphed over the USA recently, alongside giving England a run for their money in the Euro semi-final and final respectively. Two-time Ballon d’Or winner, Barcelona and Spanish national Captain Alexia Putella is also rumoured to recover from her ACL injury in time for the World Cup, after missing the Euros, providing a new challenge for England to overcome. Although Australia’s Matilda’s are less likely to make it to the semi-finals, they will undoubtedly see, and feel, the benefits a home crowd brought to England last summer as the love for women’s football spreads down under.

Image credits: IQRemix // CC BY-SA 2.0 via Flickr

Klopp the problem?

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Liverpool’s demise this season has been quite the show to watch. Less than 12 months ago, the team was two wins away from a quite remarkable quadruple; now, they are languishing in 8th, 29 points off the top of the league and leaving manager Jürgen Klopp to remark that he is only still in a job ‘because of the past’, rather than his team’s current form. 

So, is Klopp really at the heart of Liverpool’s rapid decline? The majority of pundits and fans alike have been reluctant throughout the season to point the finger at the manager first and foremost, proposing a variety of other factors as larger contributors. Areas such as the team’s ageing midfield, a loss of form of some of the team’s key men such as Trent Alexander-Arnold and Virgil Van Dijk and long-term injuries to others such as Thiago and Luis Diaz have all been posited as contributors to Liverpool’s well below-par campaign. 

As the season has progressed, however, the poor form has only worsened and it has become increasingly clear that Klopp should not be rendered exempt to such accusations. Liverpool’s high defensive line has been a key feature of their tactical success over the past 5 years or so, but it is undeniable that this season it has been repeatedly exploited, to the extent that their expected goals against averages out to 1.63 a game this season, compared to an xGA of just over 0.99 per game last season. The defence is far too vulnerable and the team seems to lack the energy to press from the front in the way they have in years gone by that allowed this tactical system to flourish. Part of this may be due to the physical toll that last season’s accomplishments will have inevitably taken on the team, with the team playing 63 games, compared to just the 45 that current league leaders Arsenal played in the last campaign. Irrespective of this, though, Klopp needs to be able to adapt to such circumstances and find and develop a Plan B that leaves the team less defensively susceptible. Instead, fans are left frustrated by seeing the same game plan for each game and repeatedly seeing the opposition exploit the conspicuous issues of the high line and in particular  target the particular defensive weaknesses of Trent Alexander-Arnold on the right side of the Liverpool defence. 

We have in the recent 2-2 draw against Arsenal perhaps seen Klopp’s response to the issues of Alexander-Arnold’s defensive vulnerabilities. In the match, he took up more of a midfield position, a role much of the fanbase have been calling for him to adopt for many years. Arsenal themselves have employed a similar system this season, with the left-back Zinchenko stepping into midfield at times to provide more offensive options and create overloads in central areas, as have Man City in years gone by, namely with Cancelo. Alexander-Arnold’s midfield role certainly had positives, with him getting on the ball frequently and affecting the game, even providing a sublime assist for Firmino to level the game in the 87th minute, but it did continue to expose Liverpool defensively, with Arsenal’s second goal coming from a Martinelli cross down Liverpool’s right hand side. The results, therefore, are so far inconclusive and it will be interesting to see in the coming weeks if Klopp employs a similar system or introduces new tactical nuances but this example acts as a potential indicator that Klopp maintains the tactical foresight to make adjustments that can yield positive outcomes. 

Klopp’s reputation should not render him immune to criticism. Football is a ruthless industry and owners have short memories so is his time running out? Well, Liverpool as a club operates slightly differently to other footballing titans. Chelsea, for example, have already sacked 2 managers this season, the first of which, Thomas Tuchel, less than 18 months after winning the club the Champions League. Liverpool, instead, are willing to give Klopp the chance to rectify the rut, and I believe they are right in doing so. Klopp, as he says himself, is still here on account of his prior merit and he has earnt the right to get to the end of the season, get the necessary squad reinforcements in the summer transfer window, and see what he can do with the team next season. If the 2023/24 campaign takes off much like the current one, however, then it may be time after 8 years of his tenure for Liverpool to bid farewell to one of the most iconic and successful figures in the club’s history. 

Image credit: Pete//CC0 1.0 via Wikimedia Commons

A Laughing Matter?

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I have had my fair share of debates on feminism with men. It’s sort of become (however unwittingly) a hobby. So, when a certain British-American podcasting kickboxer turned-male-chauvinist-who-desperately-needs-a-therapist began making the rounds, I inevitably found myself back in the arena asking the same questions and hearing the same answer: ‘It’s just a joke.’ 

Humour has always been a balm. It masks uncomfortable realities. Were we not relieved to see  ‘live laugh love’ plastered over the Covid guidelines gracing Boris’ PMQ stand? Did we not laugh at his uncut hair as his questionable pronunciation of ‘blue’ replayed in our heads? Comedy – as we know it – is our communication. Captions upon pictures layering meanings upon references, all wrapped up in a screen. And we deserve to laugh. It wouldn’t be fair to say those who manipulate our humour get to exploit it purely as a political tool. But they also don’t deserve to profit while we distract ourselves with jokes. 

The debate on the interaction of hate and humour has often been confined to stand-up. We rightly decry the use of hateful language on the stage, so why are we wearing blinkers when comedy is used as a smokescreen for hate right in front of us? The problem goes beyond Ricky Gervais’ stage. 

Cue the bitter chorus of rolling eyes, seething over such serious Zoomers and craving the good old days when jokes were jokes. You know – the ones in that distant, mystical past which no one ever seems to be able to define. 

It is an unavoidable truth that comedy permeates everyday life and political discourse in the West. It has always been a literary device ripe for exploitation, with real-world consequences. In 2016 (the olden days), Donald Trump employed comedy to stir up division by making fun of ‘politically correct’ culture and the ‘liberal elite’ to excavate the store of resentment in his supporters. Media Historian Jeffrey P. Jones has argued that Trump’s humour had the potential to incite violence and hatred and criticised American media for not taking his comedy seriously. Did January 6th not provide a harsh reminder that there is a palpable threat in underestimating the virulence of a group we once dismissed as entertaining?

The unfortunate brainchild of this media malady stretching to both sides of the pond is the aforementioned podcaster, Andrew Tate. Tate reflects not only a crisis in masculinity but the reality that hateful ‘humour’ is providing answers to a ‘disenfranchised’ and impressionable generation of young men. 

As he remained in prison charged with human trafficking, he goaded ‘the matrix’ into submission and shared poetry designed to inspire the flood of ‘Free Top G’ posts. When he is not chastising people for not attempting to fly (out of cowardice, not impossibility), he is comparing himself to former South African president and Apartheid activist Nelson Mandela. Whilst the reliability of such tweets is suspect considering his incarceration, Tate’s underlying rhetoric has been inspiring young men for years. His anti-establishment yet simultaneously self-serving, capitalistic ideology centres on a toxic masculinity which is incompatible with modern society. For instance, he has said rape victims must “bear responsibility” for their attacks and claims to date women aged 18–19 because he can “make an imprint” on them. His current fame comes directly from the purposeful spread of his most controversial videos: manipulating the young men he claims to help. I personally find that attempting to have a reasonable conversation about Andrew Tate is futile  because, contrary to popular belief, influencers like him trade in outrage and emotion, not ‘straight talking reason.’

Comedy has the potential to facilitate hate as well as acting as a smokescreen for it. In 2022, a paper in the International Journal for the Semiotics of Law on Humour and Free Speech in the European Court of Human Rights noted how exposure to sexist humour can act as a “releaser” of prejudice by “facilitating the expression and acceptance of discrimination or violence towards the target group”. 

That Tate’s defence lawyer argues he is merely ‘playing’ a character serves to intensify a threatening precedent for these target groups: when hate is masked as humour there are no consequences. The problem is, we are clearly at an impasse when it comes to how to prevent this hateful rhetoric from radicalising young minds. This is not just angry people with microphones shouting into a void. 

In March 2023, The Casey Report found the Met Police to be institutionally racist, misogynistic and homophobic. It is the language of comedy which lets the first warnings of crime slip through the cracks. In 2022, the American Secret Service examined a 2018 shooting at a yoga class in Florida, where a man killed two women and wounded six. The shooter had previously been arrested three times for groping women and was called ‘Ted Bundy’ by his roommates. In 2021, Sarah Everard was repeatedly failed by the British police when she was murdered by a serving police officer, reportedly nicknamed ‘the rapist’ by his colleagues: a man who maintained his authority and position in the force, even after having been reported for indecent exposure. 

The rise of ‘incel’ culture (characterised by a toxic and misogynistic worldview) has further fuelled the spread of harmful humour and contributed to a culture of harassment and abuse. Incel-inspired violence, such as the 2018 Toronto van attack, highlights the dangerous and radicalising nature of some of these online communities. Ultimately, these ideologies act in tandem even as they fight for top billing, and it’s a frightening reality. To note the most sinister thing Andrew Tate has said: ‘you can’t kill an idea’. 

I volunteer as tribute to say that maybe, sometimes, it is that deep. Maybe we are culpable if we roll over and play dead whilst parroting incel language ‘ironically’ and basking in our self-awareness. Comedy is a tool of wit, irony and absurdity. Hate speech, on the other hand, attacks a person or group on the basis of their identity. But each feeds off the other. It’s not uptight to know the difference. 

Comedy uplifts, galvanises and entertains, but it can also isolate, terrorise and distort. It would be a dark proposition to condemn some facets of comedy without resorting to absolutism, but even darker to allow it to fester and become a free-pass for hate. I don’t think Andrew Tate is a joke; I think he is a threatening reminder that crime can go unanswered when using the defence of comedy.

Now, I’m not saying laughing at Boris Johnson or reacting with incredulity at Tate fighting ghosts in his cell makes us responsible for the consequences of their actions. How many of us have found something so genuinely outrageous or ridiculous that in our disbelief we have found it funny? What’s that saying? We laugh so we don’t cry. 

I’m saying that every little helps when it comes to forging a culture which normalises online hate and disinformation. We just have to notice. We shouldn’t allow ourselves to be lulled into a false security which not everyone can afford. Jokes always require a butt: when will we realise sometimes we’re laughing at ourselves?

Image Credit: Staticsens//CC BY-SA 4.0

Sunak, Braverman, Progress, Regress, Coconuts, and Gaslighting

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CW: references to grooming, usage of expletives and racial slurs

I remember when I first saw someone like me sitting in Cabinet. It was Sajid Javid, a British-Pakistani man who, like me, was born in Rochdale. Despite the fact that I vehemently disagreed with his political views, I felt proud to know that there was someone like me in a position of power – feeling like I was represented mattered to me. I remember even more distinctly the not too recent memory of seeing Rishi Sunak come to power. Another momentous occasion for British-Asians. It felt even more special to me knowing that Sunak, like me, had heritage in East Africa, with his parents, like my mother, being born there. Both occasions felt like progress.

Yet whatever feelings of pride I have about Sunak and the diversity of his Cabinet have become easily drowned out by feelings of anger and frustration. Setting aside the horrific policies towards migrants and refugees that the past Home secretaries, both of whom looked like me, have instituted, the current government’s rhetoric in rolling out its new clampdown on grooming gangs has made me nothing short of furious. I want to be clear; policies that stop children being predated upon ought to be lauded. That being said, presentation matters. The way we represent things is never merely descriptive. They inevitably have an effect on the world. 

Sunak and Braverman continue to claim that their policies are aimed at targeting groups of British-Pakistani men who groomed white women. Yet the data clearly shows that British-Pakistani men are not overrepresented in the statistics. It’s not my intention to break down the statistics in this rebuttal of their claim here. People interested in that can research the statistics for themselves. Nor is it my intention to question the narrative that grooming gangs were not stopped due to police officers afraid of being called racist. It’s unclear whether police failed to live up to their responsibilities due to fears of being called racist, or due to a perception of working class women as a problem rather than victims. Or indeed some other reason they failed to live up to their duties. However, what is clear is that the police failed these women at an institutional level. My aim here is to shine a light on what effects the rhetoric Braverman and Sunak deployed over their policy will have. 

It’s easy to see why they are using this sort of rhetoric. Braverman and Sunak, for all their faults, aren’t stupid. Their rhetoric is a move in the ever escalating culture war that pervades Western politics. It is a way to get brownie-points from voters with whom their rhetoric resonates. That’s the effect they want.

I suspect that  many British-Asians (both Indian and Pakistanis) as well as other minorities in the UK will be able to see clearly past the sophist bullshittery of their remarks – using rhetoric as a way to rile up their base. However, I’m not particularly worried about what ethnic minorities will think of their rhetoric, at least not directly anyway. It’s British white people and the implicit or explicit conceptions they will form about British-Pakistanis that worry me – people who will associate British-Pakistanis with paedophilia, rapists, and groomers. This, in turn, will have an indirect effect on brown people. This is the effect their rhetoric will have – feeding into racist stereotypes of men of colour, men who look like me, as rapists, as dirty, as ‘other’.

I come from Rochdale. Growing up, I was continuously associated by white people at school with the only representation of British-Pakistanis they saw in the media. Brown people who were either part of the horrific grooming gangs like the ones in Rochdale and Rotherham or some terrorist organisation. Being called “Paedo” and “terrorist” by white peers at school, some of whom go to this university, was almost a daily occurrence. These were racist remarks I didn’t have the conceptual tools to reckon with. What could I say in response? After all, weren’t they right? I looked like those people on the news, and the news told me they were groomers and terrorists. I had brown skin, black hair, and a beard. So did they. I remember I started to internalise these racist remarks. I started to look at Pakistani men around my hometown in the same way. I viewed them the same way I viewed myself. They, like me, were dirty and ‘other’. 

It’s these thoughts, these feelings of being othered whilst at school and growing up that fed into my own feelings of low self-worth – feelings of undesirability. Feelings I still struggle with. Feelings I’m sure I will continue to struggle with for sometime. This is why the recent comments by politicians who look like me sting so much. If Boris Johnson had said it, it would have still been unacceptable, but it would have also been somewhat expected. How much can I expect Boris, like my white peers at school, to know about the psychological effects their representations of me, as an other, would have on me? There is some degree of denial from white people – what philosopher Charles Mills coined as ‘white ignorance’. 

The same cannot be said for Braverman and Sunak. Both of them are British-Asians. I’m fairly confident either they, or certainly people they know, have been racially discriminated against – called the slur ‘Pakis’ or some other distinctively British pejorative slur about brown people (e.g. ‘curry-muncher’). They know words are not merely descriptive, they matter. They can hurt, directly, via slurs, or indirectly, via racialised stereotypes. They know their words can have an internalising effect. I doubt this is the effect that they, as British-Asians, would like, but it is the effect their words will have.

Another racialised slur I heard thrown about by other brown, not white, people was that of being a ‘coconut’. For those out of the loop, this refers to those who are not white, but ‘act’ white. Its something people from my hometown call me when they know I go to Oxford and sound nothing like them. My relationship with this term is far more complex than racial slurs like ‘Paki’ . On the one hand, it does seem deplorable to call someone a ‘coconut’ simply because they want to be educated and identify with some aspects of British culture. Indeed, this is something which brown Conservative politicians like Sajid Javid have acknowledged. 

On the other hand, however, there is something distinctively awful about throwing people of colour who look like you under the bus. In other words, doing the very thing Sunak and Braverman are doing to curry favour with their white voter base. Is it permissible to call them ‘coconuts’ in this circumstance? Perhaps it is. They are doing something morally abhorrent and ‘coconut’ seems like a fitting description. They are using the tools of the ‘master’ to oppress others like them. However, perhaps it is impermissible. Perhaps it is wrong to claim that there is something wrong about acting white. Again, I am not sure how morally correct the use of the term ‘coconut’ is.

From a sheer practical point, I think it is probably a term we ought to avoid using. Calling Sunak and Braverman ‘coconuts’ seems like a sure-fire way to equip them with leverage to claim they are being discriminated against. By claiming to be victims they would in effect be gaslighting the people against whom their racist rhetoric is discriminating. These claims of victimhood are also very likely to resonate with their white voter base, who will see the pejorative use of ‘coconut’ as implying that there is something wrong with being white. Whilst I have no doubt that some people of colour do use the term in that way – to denote something wrong with being white – I suspect few people actually mean that when they use the term. For one thing, there is no language police on the way we use words. Think about ‘race’ and its usage. It’s used in a whole variety of different ways and there does not seem to be one usage that is always right. The term ‘coconut’, like I already mentioned, has been used against me because I don’t exactly reflect the homogeneity of other British-Pakistanis in my community. Some people use ‘coconut’ to refer to the fact they perceive others as not being authentic to their heritage. However, I also think we could (although again I am keen to stress the point that I am unsure, pragmatically speaking, whether we should) use ‘coconut’ to refer to someone discriminating against other people of colour, employing racist rhetoric and tactics that white people typically use, to serve their own interests. Regardless, we should avoid using that term to prevent politicians of colour from feigning victimhood when they throw other communities of colour under the bus.

How else should we respond when politicians act in the way that Sunak and Braverman have acted? Apart from, responding to them publicly, I’m not sure what else can be done by people like me. White allies, can, however, stand up and not be afraid of being called racist themselves. They can call out the rhetoric Sunak and Braverman put out there for what it is. Racist dribble and dog-whistles. Of course, before they can do this, they, white people, like my peers from school, need to dig deep within themselves and root out any preconceived notions of British-Pakistanis as ‘other’, as dirty, as rapists, as paedophiles. I am sure this will not be easy, given how much the media has portrayed the British Pakistani community as such. However, my hope, in writing this piece is that it will lead some white people to root out the implicit and explicit bias they have towards British-Pakistani men.

[Sunak and Braverman] Image Credit: UK Government / CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

25 years after the Good Friday Agreement, is it still working?

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On Easter Monday, the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) turned 25 years old. A set of two deals that together ended most of the stagnation and violence of the Troubles, when it was signed it both fostered hope for a new Northern Ireland and established a framework by which this future could be constructed. At its core, it enshrined a new practice of co-operation. Citizens were entitled to Irish or British nationality or both. Efforts were made to dissolve divisions and merge Catholic and Protestant communities peacefully. A devolved government was established with a cross-community power-sharing clause: the executive would be multi-party, and the offices of First Minister and Deputy First Minister had to be filled by one nationalist and one unionist. A cause for celebration, which no end of editorials and news broadcasts asserted over the days surrounding the anniversary.

There is bitter irony in the celebrations. Joe Biden visited Belfast a few days after the anniversary, both as a symbol of the global importance of the Northern Irish peace process and in honour of the role the United States played in mediating it. Bill Clinton, the president who oversaw it, will have also visited by the time this goes to print. There was great excitement about Biden’s visit, and when he arrived he praised the ‘tremendous progress’ that had been made. Only there wasn’t much else for him to do, because our devolved government has not been in session since early 2022. Rather than having the opportunity to discuss this ‘tremendous progress’ with politicians, he had brief individual meetings with party leaders, including Sinn Féin’s Michelle O’Neill and the Democratic Unionist Party’s (DUP) Jeffrey Donaldson. So much for progress and a bright future of co-operation. Biden’s visit lasted just 18 hours, half of which he was in bed for.

This isn’t an exceptional situation. The executive has been suspended for more than a third of the time since the GFA was signed in 1998 – and more than 60% of the past five years. The current boycott was initiated by then-First Minister, the DUP’s Paul Givan, in protest over Boris Johnson’s acceptance, as part of his Brexit deal, of a customs border in the Irish Sea.  It continues with their refusal of Rishi Sunak’s modified Windsor Framework, which maintains the Irish Sea border but requires fewer checks and paperwork at it. The boycott isn’t about trade but ideology. By placing the customs border between Britain and the island of Ireland rather than along the political border between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, Westminster demonstrates that it is not as willing to fight for Ulster as Ulster is to fight for it. In the opinion of the DUP, this is unacceptable. Unionism relies on the idea that Northern Ireland is an integral and equal part of the UK, and if the UK doesn’t see them the same way, what are unionists fighting for?

The boycott is not only due to Brexit. No doubt the DUP does feel betrayed, but the Windsor Framework has now been ratified by the UK and the EU, and continuing to abstain from the executive is not going to achieve anything. One reason they refuse to return to government is that, for the first time ever, neither they nor their more moderate brothers the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) will be in charge. When Givan resigned, Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill, of Sinn Féin, had to lose her position too. In response, Sinn Féin called for an early assembly election and won. The DUP does not want to return to a power-sharing executive in which it is not at the top. They see a government headed by Catholics as a dangerous government infiltrated by the Pope and the IRA, a slippery slope to a United Ireland and the undoing of the identity they have bet everything on. As per the GFA, the reunification of Ireland must be honoured if the majority of people vote in favour of it in a referendum – and a Sinn Féin majority means that they just might.

When Biden visited Belfast, Donaldson criticised his attitude to the Stormont crisis, saying: ‘Like all of us, he wants to see the political institutions up and running again, but we are very clear that can only happen when we have got the solid foundations that we need.’ This is an interesting statement, seeing as it is Donaldson and his party who are keeping the political system at a standstill. The DUP was the only party to vote against the GFA, and Donaldson’s statement here implies that he is still opposed to it: the foundations are not solid enough – they should be torn up and replaced with new, ‘solid’ ones. Far be it from me to ever agree with the DUP, but perhaps he has a point.

The Good Friday Agreement was a wonderful, monumental achievement. It is staggering that it was even possible. Its optimistic clauses of power-sharing and mutual respect have had real material outcomes that are reflected in my own life, as somebody who has an Irish surname and an Irish passport and Irish political inclinations and lives in a bonfires-and-flegs (not a typo) town. Most of my friends in school were from unionist backgrounds because of where I grew up and, yes, some of them said and did awful things, and it was exhausting to be just about the only person in my A-level Irish history class who didn’t think everyone in the textbook was a terrorist, but I’ll take these micro-aggressions over seeing people I know die. My dad grew up just off the Falls Road in the seventies and eighties, spending bomb-scare nights sleeping in bus shelters and living within eyesight of the British army base; I was born under twenty miles away and didn’t even know what a Catholic or Protestant was until I was about twelve. It was the GFA, signed just over five years before I was born, that allowed me to have such a sheltered childhood. 

And yet – we are twenty-five years past it. Northern Ireland has changed since 1998. The now third-largest party, Alliance, professes neither nationalism nor unionism and holds almost 20% of assembly seats – what happens if it becomes second or first? Will its leader still need to share power? With whom? Even within the traditional unionist-nationalist dichotomy that the power-sharing agreement was intended to referee, the ability of the executive to take so many and such long breaks from existence demonstrates that there are structural flaws at its heart. Surely it cannot allow a true sectarian like Donaldson to stop democratic processes because he can’t bear the potential ramifications of a nationalist majority. Democratic standstill in Northern Ireland is not only destructive to public services like the NHS and education – which under devolution are local, not London, responsibilities – but potentially dangerous, with the ever-present possibility that people will grow tired of nothing happening and resort back to violence to make something happen. It has already been seen leading up to and around Easter: loyalists in Ards, republicans in Derry. 

We must be wary of deifying the Good Friday Agreement as has been done, with the best intentions, over this anniversary. The peace it secured is so fragile and necessary – it is good and urgent to examine it and identify its flaws, not to cling to the legislature of 1998 as a sacred text but to update it and ensure it continues to work as circumstances change and we make this ‘tremendous progress’ of nationalists and neutrals gaining voices.

Image Credit: Robert Paul Young/ CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons