Oxford's oldest student newspaper

Independent since 1920

Blog Page 2095

Stryding to success

Four years ago, Archie Lamb and Jack Foster dropped out of their sixth form college in Norwich and built a record label around London grime MC Tinchy Stryder. Last week, Stryder’s latest single ‘Take Me Back’ entered the UK charts at number 3.

At a time when the music industry is struggling to cope with very modern pressures, the story of Takeover Entertainment is genuinely refreshing: opening with two teens who took a huge risk for their love of music, it looks likely to close with the pair and their label achieving more success than they could have thought possible back in 2006.

‘It’s definitely a big shock,’ Lamb tells me, but shocked is an emotion that hardly fits with the confident impression he makes. It is clear from talking with that young man that the remarkable success of Takeover Entertainment is rooted in the talent and determination of its founders. He asserts that Stryder’s next single ‘is a number-one,’ and states that ‘the aim with Tinchy is to have a platinum album by the end of the year.’ That’s confidence. There is no air of uncertainty in his voice. apparently he has no understanding of how things should work, but given that his confidence has not been misplaced so far, it would be foolish to question it here.

Such an audacious DIY bid to establish themselves in a notoriously unfriendly industry must have seemed naive. Certainly Lamb and Foster’s parents were dubious as to the boys’ prospects, but they nonetheless helped to fund the project, using money they had expected to use to finance university educations for their sons.

The boys started promoting ̉student parties while they were still at school, and were soon making ‘real money’ from promoting grime nights in Norwich with a host of London-based urban artists. They met Stryder at one of these nights and Lamb affirms that they struck up a good relationship straight away.
‘He’s a really nice person, a lot of people from his environment would have rubbished us straight away; we’re middle-class white boys after all.’ Lamb clearly recognises that his personal background is something of an oddity in the UK grime scene. His father, Norman Lamb, is a Liberal Democrat MP and shadow Secretary of State for Health. The Lib-Dem frontbencher’s unlikely involvement in grime was the subject of an article in the Guardian newspaper last week. He has been fully supportive of his son’s chosen career, remortgaging his house in order to invest £10,000 in the label. That investment looks likely to be repaid sooner than he might initially have reckoned given the enthusiasm with which Stryder’s debut album is awaited by many.

The younger Lamb is clear on what is unique about his 22-year old artist. ‘The UK scene needs a non-threatening grime artist,’ he says. ‘It’s not about being a thug with him and he can really write songs.’ Stryder succeeds in writing music that combines the trademark sound of the grime scene he started out in with a pop-R&B slant which is the key to his work’s accessibility. The success of Take Me Back came as no surprise to those that have followed Stryder’s rise over the last few years.

Current single, the excellent ‘Take Me Back’ is out now, with the album is expected later this year. Stryder has been well supported by BBC Radio 1, Kiss FM and many other TV and radio stations, and his fanbase is growing exponentially.

Clearly Lamb and Foster believed in Stryder; investing their futures in his potential was a move that must have required great faith. That faith is being rewarded. Stryder has been hailed as the ‘Prince of Grime’ and looks set for big things. Takeover recently acquired the support of Universal Records, whose influence will doubtless further Stryder’s career. His success is heartening, based as it is on the mutual belief and bold determination of the three then-teenage protagonists of this story.

Takeover has big plans for the future beyond Stryder. ‘There are big things in the pipeline for this year,’ Lamb claims in a predictably positive manner.

Given the cynical nature of the music industry, the unlikely success of two ‘middle-class white boys’ with parliamentary connections and a willingness to take a chance and do something they believed in is a relief. The leap of faith they took is laudable, and their rise to the status of industry moguls looks certain. One can hardly begrudge them their success; blind optimism is rarely so justly rewarded.

Zulu Dawn?

Michael Caine’s first starring role saw him riding through the veld on a cheetah in Zulu. As Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead, he is the very epitome of British imperial heroism: resplendent in his starched red tunic, a cloud of arid African dust trailing behind him, one hand raised in a rallying battle cry. He fearlessly cuts a swathe through the heat of the battle, leaving only the destruction of the enemy in his wake. Glorious. And it is this glorious figure in the 1964 film that has perforated and subsequently come to define the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879 in the British popular imagination. A conflict of epic proportions, the war saw valiant British soldiers fended off infinite hoards of barefoot Zulu warriors in a swashbuckling defence of Queen, country and empire.

It was certainly this patriotic spectacle that was prominent in my expectations as my family and I drove three hours from Durban to visit the battlefields of the conflict. I must admit, the thought of seeing the glory of the British Empire was somewhat submurged under the dread of wandering the Natal landscape in the sorching heat and leaving behind the azure sublimity of Cape Town. Such preconceptions could not have been more misguided.

Over the next few days, thanks to this visit to the battlefields and a series of accompanying lectures, my view of the Anglo-Zulu war, and indeed my view of the future of South Africa, was transformed. This transformation is wholly due to the formidable influence of David Rattray, the founder of the lodge in which we stayed – ‘Fugitive’s Drift’, which lies on the site of the British retreat from the battle of Isandlwana. Obsessed with what he considered to be the untold story of the battles of Isandlwana and Rorke’s Drift, Rattray dedicated his life to the retelling of the Anglo-Zulu conflict.

The story in itself is astonishing. The battle of Isandlwana on January 22nd 1879 was arguably the most humiliating defeat in British colonial history; mere hours later, at Rorke’s Drift, 139 British soldiers successfully defended their garrison against an intense assault by 3000 Zulu warriors. Eleven Victoria Crosses were awarded to the British defenders, the most ever received in a single action by one regiment. Faced with the juxtaposition of these two battles, I was immediately struck by how these events conveyed at once an indictment of man’s inadequacy and a tribute to his bravery. The lectures crafted by Rattray, however, take this story to another level.

First of all, they go some way towards redefining heroism – the heroes of Rattray’s story are not the swashbuckling Michael Cains of Zulu, nor even the battle-hardened warriors of history text-books. Rather, they are the cooks and bottle washers whose courage coursed from their comradeship. The story dwells on the actions of Hook the Cook, who ran back time and again to rescue the patients from the blazing infirmary at Rorke’s Drift, dragging them to safety by the light of Zulu fire. Another one of Rattray’s unconventional heroes that emerges is Charlie Herford, a peripheral participant whose writings Rattray used to recount the Rorke’s Drift battle. Herford was an eccentric young officer whose passions and talents lay with entomology (the study of insects) rather than military leadership. As a result, when he suddenly disappeared in the heat of battle, he was presumed dead. Moments later, he reemerged clutching a rare beetle he had spotted and captured in a matchbox.

These effervescent anecdotes, which infuse the story both with humour and depth, stem from Rattray’s ability to speak both English and Zulu fluently. He was able to use a hitherto untouched mass of oral history sources passed down to him from the grandchildren of Zulu survivors who work the land as farmhands and goatherds. This affinity with the Zulu community is crucial, however, in allowing Rattray’s lectures to view the conflict sympathetically from both sides. It provides a refreshing comparison to the gung-ho version of the struggle that had informed the empire’s children for more than a century. For whilst the lectures in no way mitigate the extraordinary display of courage at Rorke’s Drift, they present Isandlwana as a Zulu triumph, rather than a British failure.

Indeed, one of the concluding themes of these lectures is the spirit of reconciliation, which the battlefields themselves seem to represent. The battlefield of Isandlwana is filled with dozens of gleaming white cairns marking the mass graves of the British soldiers. Whilst it might seem natural that the Zulus who still live in this area might resent the constant traipsing of British tourists over their land, the battlefields remain almost exactly as they were 130 years ago. Indeed, in this time, there has not been one single act of desecration or vandalism of these graves. On the contrary, the relationship between Zulus and British appears to be one of mutual respect. On the 125th anniversary of the battle of Rorke’s Drift, the Zulu priest of the Church on the original site of the battle, upon hearing of the visit of British war veterans to Natal, insisted that a church service be held to celebrate the bravery displayed on both sides. Indeed, Rattray himself, being both Anglophile and Zulophile, seemed to embody the very essence of this reconciliation.

However, it is perhaps idealistic to believe in the reality of this appeasement. Indeed, Rattray himself, having done the most to bring about harmony between Zulus and British, was the victim of his own efforts. Two years ago he was killed by Zulu intruders who entered his house demanding money. Whilst the legacy of the story he created and the values that he espoused live on, it is impossible not to be disillusioned by this murder. It seems to highlight the lawlessness engulfing South Africa, where 20,000 people are murdered every year. Following his death, a spokesman for the Democratic Alliance, the opposition party in South Africa said ‘people like David Rattray used their lives contributing to the body of knowledge that is in this country, whereas the criminals contribute nothing but an evil vacuum that sucks in our best and brightest.’ In this culture of violence, it seems that Zuma’s anthem ‘Bring me my machine gun’ is still being trumpeted.

 

Zulu Dawn?

Michael Caine’s first starring role saw him riding through the veld on a cheetah in Zulu. As Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead, he is the very epitome of British imperial heroism: resplendent in his starched red tunic, a cloud of arid African dust trailing behind him, one hand raised in a rallying battle cry. He fearlessly cuts a swathe through the heat of the battle, leaving only the destruction of the enemy in his wake. Glorious. And it is this glorious figure in the 1964 film that has perforated and subsequently come to define the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879 in the British popular imagination. A conflict of epic proportions, the war saw valiant British soldiers fended off infinite hoards of barefoot Zulu warriors in a swashbuckling defence of Queen, country and empire.

It was certainly this patriotic spectacle that was prominent in my expectations as my family and I drove three hours from Durban to visit the battlefields of the conflict. I must admit, the thought of seeing the glory of the British Empire was somewhat submurged under the dread of wandering the Natal landscape in the sorching heat and leaving behind the azure sublimity of Cape Town. Such preconceptions could not have been more misguided.

Over the next few days, thanks to this visit to the battlefields and a series of accompanying lectures, my view of the Anglo-Zulu war, and indeed my view of the future of South Africa, was transformed. This transformation is wholly due to the formidable influence of David Rattray, the founder of the lodge in which we stayed – ‘Fugitive’s Drift’, which lies on the site of the British retreat from the battle of Isandlwana. Obsessed with what he considered to be the untold story of the battles of Isandlwana and Rorke’s Drift, Rattray dedicated his life to the retelling of the Anglo-Zulu conflict.

The story in itself is astonishing. The battle of Isandlwana on January 22nd 1879 was arguably the most humiliating defeat in British colonial history; mere hours later, at Rorke’s Drift, 139 British soldiers successfully defended their garrison against an intense assault by 3000 Zulu warriors. Eleven Victoria Crosses were awarded to the British defenders, the most ever received in a single action by one regiment. Faced with the juxtaposition of these two battles, I was immediately struck by how these events conveyed at once an indictment of man’s inadequacy and a tribute to his bravery. The lectures crafted by Rattray, however, take this story to another level.

First of all, they go some way towards redefining heroism – the heroes of Rattray’s story are not the swashbuckling Michael Cains of Zulu, nor even the battle-hardened warriors of history text-books. Rather, they are the cooks and bottle washers whose courage coursed from their comradeship. The story dwells on the actions of Hook the Cook, who ran back time and again to rescue the patients from the blazing infirmary at Rorke’s Drift, dragging them to safety by the light of Zulu fire. Another one of Rattray’s unconventional heroes that emerges is Charlie Herford, a peripheral participant whose writings Rattray used to recount the Rorke’s Drift battle. Herford was an eccentric young officer whose passions and talents lay with entomology (the study of insects) rather than military leadership. As a result, when he suddenly disappeared in the heat of battle, he was presumed dead. Moments later, he reemerged clutching a rare beetle he had spotted and captured in a matchbox.

These effervescent anecdotes, which infuse the story both with humour and depth, stem from Rattray’s ability to speak both English and Zulu fluently. He was able to use a hitherto untouched mass of oral history sources passed down to him from the grandchildren of Zulu survivors who work the land as farmhands and goatherds. This affinity with the Zulu community is crucial, however, in allowing Rattray’s lectures to view the conflict sympathetically from both sides. It provides a refreshing comparison to the gung-ho version of the struggle that had informed the empire’s children for more than a century. For whilst the lectures in no way mitigate the extraordinary display of courage at Rorke’s Drift, they present Isandlwana as a Zulu triumph, rather than a British failure.

Indeed, one of the concluding themes of these lectures is the spirit of reconciliation, which the battlefields themselves seem to represent. The battlefield of Isandlwana is filled with dozens of gleaming white cairns marking the mass graves of the British soldiers. Whilst it might seem natural that the Zulus who still live in this area might resent the constant traipsing of British tourists over their land, the battlefields remain almost exactly as they were 130 years ago. Indeed, in this time, there has not been one single act of desecration or vandalism of these graves. On the contrary, the relationship between Zulus and British appears to be one of mutual respect. On the 125th anniversary of the battle of Rorke’s Drift, the Zulu priest of the Church on the original site of the battle, upon hearing of the visit of British war veterans to Natal, insisted that a church service be held to celebrate the bravery displayed on both sides. Indeed, Rattray himself, being both Anglophile and Zulophile, seemed to embody the very essence of this reconciliation.

However, it is perhaps idealistic to believe in the reality of this appeasement. Indeed, Rattray himself, having done the most to bring about harmony between Zulus and British, was the victim of his own efforts. Two years ago he was killed by Zulu intruders who entered his house demanding money. Whilst the legacy of the story he created and the values that he espoused live on, it is impossible not to be disillusioned by this murder. It seems to highlight the lawlessness engulfing South Africa, where 20,000 people are murdered every year. Following his death, a spokesman for the Democratic Alliance, the opposition party in South Africa said ‘people like David Rattray used their lives contributing to the body of knowledge that is in this country, whereas the criminals contribute nothing but an evil vacuum that sucks in our best and brightest.’ In this culture of violence, it seems that Zuma’s anthem ‘Bring me my machine gun’ is still being trumpeted.

 

Interview: Meryl Streep

It’s just turned 2pm, and I’m perched nervously on my chair in a private room at the back of Claridge’s hotel, waiting for the first lady of Hollywood, Meryl Streep, to show up. Just as I’m reaching for my eighth mini-sandwich, in she strides, as imposing a figure in the flesh as on screen. Instantly she fixes her eyes on me with a look that says ‘I was winning Oscars when you were still a shitting/eating/sleeping machine’ – then smiles, and all the fear flows away.

For somebody on the cusp of their sixtieth birthday, she’s looking gorgeous, certainly placing high in my list of top ten sexagenarians (barring any facial deformities or amputations that might occur between now and June). Not that I tell her any of this. Instead I ask about how she came to make a film like Doubt, ‘Well I’d seen the play, years before, and I…I thought it was a great, great, great play. I thought it was extraordinary, and I never thought it would be made into a movie until John [Patrick Shanley] called and said ‘let’s have lunch and talk about it’. And talk about it they did. At first Streep felt that her close friend, Cherry Jones, would be a better choice, having played Sister Aloysius in the stage version, but for many reasons (marketing undoubtedly foremost among them) Shanley didn’t want anyone other than Streep, ‘John explained that among every other financial consideration there was also the fact that he had not directed that production [in which Jones played the lead] – he wanted his own hands on this, and I thought that’s really valid, and I sure would like a crack at that Sister Aloysius’ – but why? – ‘all really good pieces of literature I think hold a lot of different interpretations- you can see this play over and over again, you’ll see a lot of different kinds of Sister James, and a lot of different interpretations of Mrs Miller- but this one is the one- I’m really proud of this…so what was the question?’

She laughs. I laugh. The room bubbles with it. It feels like we’ve known each other for years. Like we’re the kind of old friends that have never lost that early sexual tension that comes before permanent migration to the ‘friend zone’, knowing that something could always happen, but never will. I ask about the Oscars and more specifically Kate Winslet, ‘as you can imagine, all day, this has come up. And I just have to say…it is so much more fun to publicise a film in July, because you talk about the film. You aren’t talking about the horserace, it’s a completely different thing altogether. It has to do with marketing, and jockeying between studios, and campaigns- it’s a political thing. Having said that, I think Kate Winslet is great…and I’m glad she wasn’t in three movies this year.’ Diplomatic as well? I think I’ve found my soul mate, not that I say so to her face.

And funnily enough, her ‘face’ is the very next topic of conversation. Taking on the role of a nun in Doubt, Streep had to ostensibly forego any make-up, and so I ask how far that prohibition went, and how she coped seeing herself on the big screen without the regulation cosmetics, ‘Well I had a great deal of old-age makeup on’, she chuckles, ‘I mean prosthetics- that nose…you know’, she pauses to collect her thoughts, and then, ‘it’s really freeing, the really free thing about playing these characters, speaking for the nuns, is that you throw away everything that women normally waste a great number of hours of the day on – you throw out what you’re going to wear, how your hair looks, how your face is, and everything is gone. All you are is what you do. And it’s probably the way we should be, you know, instead of wasting a lot of time on the things that get you ahead in the world- because as we know, they do. But it was very, very liberating, and sort of spiritual, if I dare use the word.’ There is a long silence. This is Streep at her most honest, and probably me at my most uncomfortable. But it’s ok, because behind her words sits nearly half a century of experience in the film world – Streep is a woman who knows what she’s talking about, her tone of voice echoing with the sound of comfortable assurance.

After this moment of pensive reflection, we return to the subject at hand, the film, and I ask how she eased herself into the role of Sister Aloysius, what research she may have done, ‘John [Patrick Shanley] did some wonderful interviews with some of the Sisters of Charity [the sisterhood the film is based on], one of whom was his first grade teacher, who was a model for Sister James in a way- she’s 71 now- and so she was just a font of information, she was just an inspiration, because she’s so liberated, and visiting the retirement home, it was really great – they were mostly in their 70s, 80s and 90s, and I don’t know how many retirement or old age homes you’ve been in, but they are not usually places that are happy, you wouldn’t describe them as happy. But these two retirement houses were filled with people who were happy. They were with their family, they were with their sisters, they were all productively engaged in some kind of work- no one was retired, they were all still tutoring kids, they were visiting the bereaved, they were in the communities. Anyway it was a great inspiration…and they taught us how to wear the habits because up until the 60s they were all wearing them.’

After this serious note, the interview turns a little ridiculous. I ask if there is any role she would like to revisit, and if she had to be one of them in real life, which it would be – ‘well I don’t…I have never even imagined revisiting all of those – although there is word of a sequel to Mamma Mia’, we laugh together, ‘I haven’t thought about which one I would be – I think I’m all of them, I think I’m right there if anybody cares to look. Right there in the Rabbi in Angels in America, that’s me. That’s really my father, but I’m a great deal my father’s girl.’

I ask if she thinks there’s a connection between all the roles she’s portrayed in the past, ‘well…yes, people have drawn parallels among my characters – Miranda Priestly in The Devil Wears Prada and this, I mean they don’t seem like similar characters to me, although they are similarly women in power, and they are dragons of a sort, and we are still adjusting ourselves to the idea of women leaders, we still aren’t very comfortable with it. And that’s all I’ll say on that subject.’ And then, just like that, she was gone.

OUSU Gaza motion fails

After a four and half hours of debate, OUSU council has voted to abandon its controversial motion on the conflict in Gaza.

The motion, in its original form, would have required the Student Union to condemn the Israeli attack and write letters in support of the ceasefire to Foreign Secretary David Milliband and his Israeli counterpart Tzipi Livni.

The debate involved discussing eight amendments and having 41 different votes on moves to vote and changes to standing orders.

Oxford’s Prison for the Innocent

Campsfield House Immigration Removal Centre is an imposing concrete building. Situated in Kidlington, just outside Oxford City, it is surrounded by electrified gates and rabbit-proof, 20-foot-high fences surmounted by barbed wire. The 216 men inside are victims of relentless UK legislation that is systematically stripping them of human rights, while hiding behind the facade of immigration control.

Campsfield House opened in 1993 and serves as a waiting room for persons who have been refused asylum in this country. UK Border Control alleges that detention provides care for people while they wait to be deported or removed. Since its creation, however, the treatment of those inside Campsfield has led to numerous hunger strikes and suicide attempts – some successful.

Within 15 minutes of being inside Campsfield, after being photographed, fingerprinted and searched I am approached by an African man who lifts his shirt and takes off his shoes to show me a body which has been punctured enough times to render 50 cent a cry baby. It is men like this who bear the scars and sometimes even the documents to prove that they are not safe in their homeland, and are still being dismissed as liars and criminals that pose a danger to British society. The Government plays a very manipulative game with these men; imprisoning them not only physically, but with inflammatory jargon which states that because a person made the mistake of coming to this country without the correct documents, or worked once they got here, they do not have the right to be listened to, or to be treated as human beings. I intend to explain what I have discovered since speaking to these men and those who have dedicated their lives to helping them.

The majority of the men in Campsfield and other detention centres have fled from persecution. Many are forced to travel to England without a passport, and come by the misguided belief that the UK is a safe place for those in desperate need. The standard sentence for someone arriving in England without a passport or someone who is found to be working despite not being granted asylum or refugee status is 15 months. This is often not the case, however, and many men who have acknowledged their crimes and served their sentences find themselves incarcerated indefinitely.

‘Stateless’ is a term used to describe a person who has not been granted status in the UK and is also not recognised as a citizen of the country they have left, either through lack of documentation or for political reasons. Statelessness is a major reason for detention lasting increasingly long and it has devastating effects on the physical and mental well being of the afflicted. Essentially it means that people are subjected to a never-ending limbo, not knowing when they will be able to leave, where they will go, when they will see their families again or even if their families are managing to survive.

It costs the taxpayer on average, £1000 per person per week to detain these ‘foreign criminals’. Detention is a waste of money as well as being a waste of innocent life. Considering that the ‘crime’ most of these men have committed is that they have worked illegally, there is surely a cheaper more effective and less dehumanising way to deal with the problem at hand. Some detainees are allowed to work inside Campsfield. They are paid £5 for a 6 hour shift and the waiting list is huge, giving you an insight into how mind-numbing life at Campsfield is. Money which should be being spent on the men’s physical and mental needs isn’t, with it being commonplace for psychiatric reviews to be postponed countless times, until the detainee is moved to a different detention centre in a new city, where they must start from scratch again, building trust and relationships with people on the outside who are willing to help. This sets their chances back for weeks, sometimes months and hardly helps with the depression. This detention centre ethos of ‘if they get too needy, move them on’ demonstrates clearly the disregard for these peoples’ quality of life. Sickeningly it seems they have adopted the NHS scheme of shuffling equipment in order to combat the superbug so bacteria does not have the time to settle and flourish. Except these people are not bacteria and they are not hurting anybody.

Bail for Immigration Detainees (BID) provides a light at the end of the tunnel for thousands of detainees. BID is an independent charity that exists to challenge immigration detention in the UK. They work with asylum seekers and migrants, in removal centers and prisons to secure their release from detention. This happens in the form of ‘bail applications’. If bail is granted to an individual, they are allowed to live outside of detention, having to report back to the Home Office and have their bail renewed regularly. However, they are not granted the right to work and live on food vouchers. BID aids people in detention through the bail application process, helping them to understand the legal system and find legal representatives, though most represent themselves. They provide detainees with a life-line via their help in filling out bail related forms such as ‘Reasons for Leaving’, a paragraph sized box allocated to detainees as their only opportunity to appeal directly to the judge at the Asylum and Immigration Tribunal (and we thought our personal statements were hard). Where most will feel inclined to appeal on a humanitarian level in this space, it is BID’s job to help detainees recognise where their rights have been abused and use the space to clarify where the law finds itself in contravention of its own rules.

It is not uncommon for detainees to be refused bail 10 times in a row despite fresh evidence from charities such as Medical Justice who work to expose and challenge medical abuse in immigration detention and will support immigrant claims of torture in their homeland. I spoke with Gill Baden, who has worked for BID since the opening of the Oxford office in 2001. She is 73 and has spent much of her retirement helping immigrants abused by our system. It quickly became clear to me that not only does she provide information and advice for detainees, she provides them with support, care and hope that they will find nowhere else. When I ask her how much longer she will work for BID she says, ‘I don’t know how much longer I can do it. It’s difficult seeing things being made so much harder for these people. It’s getting worse.’ To see a woman with Gill’s strength and determination to make life better for others still disappointed after so much work was overwhelming and terrifying. Who will carry on fighting for these forgotten people? And where will they find such strength to do so?

Student Action for Refugees (STAR) have geared their campaign towards raising awareness about Campsfield and visit regularly conducting drama and poetry workshops. Eleanor Mortimer, president of STAR said, ‘the idea of detention without a trial is a threat to our human rights, too. It’s too close to home. That’s why I’m so passionate about star, we need to fight for these people who are from our generation, clever people who understand politics, who understand justice and have fought for those things. That’s why they’re going mad. They’re so far from being allowed to reach their potential.’ STAR is planning poster and street-theatre campaigns as well as a rally planned outside the Sheldonian on 26th February to raise awareness about Campsfield among students and the local community. Unfortunately, raising awareness about Campsfield is not the only objective as they are also campaigning against the proposed building of a new detention centre in Bicester which will be the largest one in Europe.

The Campaign to Close Campsfield holds a protest outside Campsfield on the last Saturday of every month. The mood at the last one was focused towards targeting the Government and reversing the proposed building of Oxford’s second Immigration Removal Centre. Bill MacKeith, a loyal supporter of Close Campsfield said, ‘you never win a battle unless you fight it – and this one can be won. We are fighting against the barbaric anti-asylum policies manifested by the UK Government’. The protesters sang ‘If I had a Hammer’ with faith and passion as they have done for many months. They peered through the fences surrounding the imprisoned immigrants, shouting ‘freedom’ and ‘migration is not a crime, close Campsfield’. A call of ‘SOS’ echoed across the tarmac in reply.

As a privileged person, I feel a duty to be aware of those who haven’t had my luck. I have spent so many hours trying to understand and empathise with the lonely desperation felt by those who aren’t allowed the most basic human rights. Still, during my visit to Campsfield I was unprepared when sitting opposite someone who had endured so much and was displaying all of the symptoms of being abused at the hands of the UK Government. ‘No talking can cure my problem’ he said with depressed agitation, ‘my problem is freedom. What have I done that’s so wrong? These people are wasting my life. I’d rather take it myself then let it be wasted any more’. All this, and only a 30 minute bus ride away from my room.

I wish Campsfield was as bad as it gets but it’s just the tip of the only ice-berg that doesn’t seem to be melting. In other places, children are detained under exactly the same conditions, causing unimaginable trauma. But Guantanamo is closing and there we have hope. There is no time to breathe a sigh of relief for we have our own dirty secrets lurking literally in our back garden. It is only our continued pressure and refusal to forget these people that will instigate change. It’s nothing radical, just the prospect of treating all humans with dignity regardless of where they were born. As one detainee puts it ‘we are not asking you to love us like your children but we are simply asking you to give us at least half the care you give your dogs.’

 

 

 

So Arsenal have Arshavin, now what?

It’s probably a blessing in disguise for Arsene Wenger, that the recently acquired Andrey Arshavin is unlikely to be in a position to start this afternoon’s North London derby, because despite his obvious talent, it’s unclear where exactly he will be deployed.

The club website’s profile of the Russian just shows us where the potential confusion lies. For many of us, Arshavin is that superb creative second striker we saw spring into action midway through Euro 2008, but his Arsenal.com profile describes him as a midfielder. Not only that but it charts the different positions he has been used in throughout his career. He started as a right-midfielder, then to attacking central midfield, then to the second striker role most Brits know him best in.

Though if we’re trying to ascertain his best position, I would disregard the role as a right sided midfielder. A player like Arshavin should, like a Gianfranco Zola, be able to breathe his creative genius through the middle. So considering the inevitable arguments about his insufficient stature to play central midfield in this country, it seems likely he would be best deployed in the role which brought him international fame this summer.

Yet excellent as he may well prove to be in that position (just imagine letting him and van Persie off the leash), I’m not sure that such a deployment in the solution in either the short or the long term.

Currently, Arsenal’s severe attacking gaps (relevant to personnel – we all know Arsenal lack a defensive midfielder of note) are in Cesc Fabregas’ vacated midfield spot, and Theo Walcott’s right wing. Up front however, they are relatively sorted. For all Adebayor’s deficiencies, and there are many of them, he does score goals, and is especially likely to alongside the fabulously creative van Persie. The big Togolese striker is clearly not playing at his best at the moment, but that is because, with the lack of creativity behind him, people are focussing on the flaws in his all-round game. Realistically this isn’t a problem and it shouldn’t be considered one. If the rest of the Arsenal team are playing at their creative best it is simply Adebayor’s job to put the ball into the back of the net. We should not be expecting him to be applying the creative spark.

So in the short term then Arsenal’s creative problem lies behind the front two. Arsenal are not looking like a goal threat because of the lack of quick passing and invention from the midfield, when faced with an eleven man wall of defenders. In my opinion, the best way to combat this is to put your best, most experienced creative player right in the middle. While Samir Nasri will one day be that man, there is, in the absence of Fabregas, only one man that can take that role, and that’s Arshavin. Right now Arsenal don’t need two bulldozing central midfielders to score goals; they need some creativity. What is more likely to bring success, a partnership of Diaby and Song, or one or Arshavin and A.N. Other?

But that is just my solution, and one unlikely to be supported by many Arsenal fans, because as we have seen there are multiple options. Yet the problem gets even more complicated in the long term. If, and with Arsenal it’s a big if, they can actually boast a completely fit squad the placement of the Russian becomes much more difficult. Fabregas is the best choice in central midfield and partnering him with Arshavin is simply not an option.

So what then is the Russian there for? To be a versatile bit-part player, capable of covering for Nasri/Rosicky, Fabregas, Walcott or van Persie? I somewhat doubt it, but it raises the question of exactly which of those men he would be most preferable to, and where his deployment would bring the most balance.

Perhaps I’m just not used to an Arsenal side with genuine options on the bench, a side which can rotate according to the needs of the game at hand in the way Man United’s excellent squad can. But the problem is not a simple one to solve and as I said at the outset, Wenger will probably be glad he doesn’t have to make that choice right away. The more time he has to try and work out the answer, either in training or in various matches, the better. If he does appear against Tottenham it will be absolutely fascinating to see where he plays.

 

Unpaid Taxes and the President on TV

It’s been a busy week.

Former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle will not be the new Health and Human Services Secretary. It was another tax issue (relating to a chauffeur), following Timothy Geithner’s ‘little mishap’. If articles like this one are to be believed, the latter got off rather lightly in his confirmation.

Two points. First, it is a considerable loss for the Obama team. They trusted Daschle. So did Congress. He has kudos in Washington, knows the issues (he recently wrote an acclaimed book on healthcare policy), and it was thought he was – from a practical point of view – one of the best possible people to lead the fight on health reform. Uniquely among Obama’s Cabinet, he was to be ‘Health Czar’ too. In each key policy area, Obama has appointed a ‘Czar’ to coordinate policy, in practice increasing the extent to which policy is directed by the White House. Daschle was unique in that he was to be both the HHS Secretary and the Health Czar. This all sounds very abstract, but, to illustrate, he would have been the only Cabinet member to have an office in the West Wing. Obama trusted him and has lost a valuable leader.

Second, Daschle messed up, but he would have been confirmed. The leader of the Senatorial committee responsible for his confirmation said he had full confidence in Daschle the night before he withdrew. Despite the mishap, it looked as if he were destined for the same outcome as Geithner – a little bad press, a slightly bumpy ride, and then confirmation. The story goes, Daschle woke up and read this New York Times editorial, then called Obama and said he felt he shouldn’t go on with the nomination process.

Ordinarily in these situations one looks for evidence that the resignation was in fact forced. I actually don’t think it was here. I think Daschle simply thought, especially after Nancy Killefer (WH Performance Director-designate) had withdrawn for tax reasons, that his presence would cause problematic distraction. He might have been wrong – the public forgets about this sort of thing after a short while.

(A little frivolity for the weekend: this brilliantly ironic campaign ad for Tom Daschle’s 1986 campaign)

—-

Meanwhile, Obama is out and about selling the stimulus package. There’s been some interesting chatter from a few sources – Peggy Noonan and Lawrence Linsey (former Director of President Bush’s National Economic Council) to name but two. Their argument: the President is on TV too much. They make slightly nuanced arguments. Noonan’s view is the office of the President is denigrated if you’re always on TV – it reduces the intrigue. What she seems to say is something like the Presidency is special and important enough for it not to benefit from constant exposure. Linsey (speaking to the quite brilliant Jon Stewart on The Daily Show) says something different: if you’re on TV all the time, you can’t be making good decisions.

Linsey’s argument is less good than Noonan’s, but both are a little off the mark. I think the real argument is this: the ‘bully pulpit’ becomes less consequential if you’re always yelling from it.

But Obama is right to be yelling now. This issue is singular in that this stimulus package will probably be the biggest piece of legislation of his first term. It needs to be gotten right, and the Senate bill that the President is now touting seems much preferable to that passed in the House. Obama believes that this situation demands bold leadership, and his strength in the campaign and since was and has been his ability to connect, to persuade the people that he’s right. And so he goes on television, and argues. His team blitzes the airwaves. He’ll be hitting the campaign trail again this week, with a couple of town hall meetings in Florida and Indiana.

I think part of the reason he’s doing it is because he’s got the tougher argument. It’s very easy, in this age of the soundbite press, for a conservative Republican to go on talk radio or cable news and say ‘this thing won’t work’, or ‘it wastes your tax dollars’, or ‘it’s a spending bill, not a stimulus’ (the response: that’s precisely what a stimulus is, you numpties). Obama’s case is harder to make, more complicated, and so he must go on the attack and make it. The whole issue is certainly more nuanced than much of the Republican commentary has made out, and so he must say so.

His charm offensive started on Thursday, with a host of interviews during the day and, most notably, this speech at the House Democrats annual retreat. I urge you to watch the video — it starts slow, but it gets there. This is why they elected Obama. This sort of performance is something we really didn’t see with Bush, at least not in the last four years (which is why his final press conference seemed so out of place). This speech was Obama at his best: impassioned, persuasive, willing to hit back hard against his detractors. It was largely positive: we need to do this to save our economy. But he was occasionally cutting, mocking the Republican talking points in an attempt to bring the public round.

It might yet work. The vote in the Senate will be at the start of this week, and then it’s back to the House for a little more wrangling. With three GOP Senators willing to support the new bill in the Senate, it could well pass as it stands.

Week 3: The Papers

So these Cherwell ‘spotlight’ interviews look like they might become a regular feature. The Josh one was brilliant, but Iwu says nothing of real interest. Who next? Perhaps Lawsoc pres: “we aren’t all corporate whores,” or the Union treasurer: “I’m great at getting money” oh wait…

That aside, Cherwell’s news section was solid and felt substantial. The only duff piece was on welfare provisions. That story gets run every term, never with any new information or hard stats. Oxstu’s news, while not bad, was neither ground-breaking or plentiful. Dull piece about John Denham. The “credit crunch” survey was a good idea, but failed to yield any actually interesting results. Nice pie charts though – how about transferring the design to the rest of the paper?

Oxstu had an odd debate over whether the Union need more scandal. Read: we could do with some more news please. Cherwell didn’t fare much better, giving unwarranted space to Jamie Fox.

Meryl Streep: kudos. Much better written than last week’s as well. The standard Campsfield House feature made another appearance – this time in the red top. Features writers get far too over-exicited when they realise there’s a detention centre within bus-riding distance. Oxstu’s living on a pound feature was nicely done, but the piece on interviews was a wasted opportunity. If the paper really did survey 100 interviewees, where were the stats and interesting feedback?

Oxstu’s fashion has generally been quite good this term, but this week seemed to get all confused with the re-sizing button. Cherwell’s clothes continued to disappoint – blonde girls in flowery dresses aren’t exactly a new edgy trend. 

Apart from Oxstu failing to compete on design, the two papers are neck-and-neck. 

Cash for Legislation

What is the latest scandal in the House of Lords?

Four Labour peers have been accused of entering into negotiations over amendments to legislation, contrary to the House of Lords code of conduct. In a sting operation these peers are said to have been offered fees of up to £120,000 by Sunday Times reporters posing as lobbyists for a fictitious Hong Kong businessman seeking to set up 30 retail outlets across Britain and worried that the business rates and supplements bill would impose extra costs on his business. All four have denied any wrongdoing. In addition, a Conservative peer has been accused by Spinwatch, a campaigning pressure group, of misusing parliamentary facilities to promote her own business. Other peers are also said to have tabled amendments to legislation that would benefit organizations they worked for, and lobbyists are said to have targeted the House of Lords as an arena in which to exert influence since tighter anti-sleaze rules were introduced for the House of Commons.

What are the current rules on peers working for outside organizations?

1) Peers are required to declare ‘relevant interests’ when speaking in the House, communicating with ministers, government departments or executive agencies, so that their audience may form a balanced judgment about their argument
2) Anyone given a parliamentary pass is required to declare “any employment, or any other financial interest, in business or organisations involved in parliamentary lobbying”.
3) The House of Lords code of conduct advises peers to “take decisions solely in terms of the public interest. They should not do so in order to gain financial or other material benefits for themselves, their family, or their friends.” But these rules appear to allow peers who work for an outside organisation to table amendments that would benefit that organisation, provided they declare their interest, and in any case sanctions for breach of the code are relatively weak.

What action is the government taking?

Baroness Royall, the government’s leader of the Lords, is conducting an investigation. She has stated that the current rules need to be changed to allow “more forceful sanctions” to be brought against peers found to be in breach of the rules. She has proposed new powers for peers to be suspended immediately while an investigation is being carried out and for peers to be suspended for longer and “perhaps permanent exclusions in extreme cases.” In addition, the Justice Secretary Jack Straw has said he was planning to amend the forthcoming constitutional renewal bill to provide for peers being removed for breaking the law, serious misconduct, and not being resident in the UK for tax purposes.

What have the other parties proposed?

All three main parties have called for stronger sanctions to be able to be used against peers who break the rules. The Liberal Democrats’ home affairs spokesman, Chris Huhne, has filed complaints with the police and called for a police inquiry, as noted earlier.
A formal inquiry into the specific allegations raised by the Sunday Times is being conducted by the cross-party five-person Standards subcommittee of the House of Lords and the chairman of the House’s Privileges Committee is examining the misconduct rules more generally.

Are there any other necessary reforms that should be implemented?

Opinions differ.
1) Some follow Lady Royall in calling for a clarification and tightening of the current conflict of interest rules, while others say a ‘tick-box’ approach to the conduct of legislators merely leads to token compliance rather than a public service ethos.
2) Some say the rules should go much further, in forbidding members of either house of Parliament from undertaking any paid work at all for outside interests, while others say such a prohibition merely turns parliamentarians into bureaucrats with little experience of the world outside the parliamentary ‘bubble’.
3) Some say a democratically elected House of Lords would be more exposed to pressure from the electorate for higher standards of conduct, while others argue that the experience of the House of Commons hardly bears out such an assumption.
Of these three options, I would personally have more sympathy with the first and the third than the second.