Saturday 6th December 2025
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Is the future of student protest set in stone? 

Lilly Law
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Is the future of student protest set in stone? 

Niamh Lynch did not expect to attract international attention during Trinity term of her second year. That changed after her arrest at Stonehenge for spraying orange cornflour onto the ancient monument. From there, it was a barrage of articles, press requests, and more praise than she’d expected. Not that she registered much of this. Almost immediately after the protest, Lynch went to the Isles of Scilly to carry out her dissertation fieldwork. In her brief contact with her parents and friends, they would carry reports that “there’s been something in the paper, another thing in the paper, and someone’s saying this, someone’s saying that”. Lynch was unperturbed: “Jeez Louise, okay…I’m fine, just monitoring my birds, living in my tent.” 

Perhaps that was for the best. The protest was not well-received in the political arena. Then prime minister Rishi Sunak called it a “disgraceful act of vandalism”. Sir Keir Starmer, then Opposition leader, was barely a few steps behind – he called for the protesters to face the “full force of the law”. Online abuse mounted. None of this was expressed to Lynch in person: “People were saying it was cool. I had loads of messages from my uni friends” expressing admiration. Even those who didn’t agree with her actions appeared to understand that she was acting from “a place of love and a want for things to be better”.

That understanding didn’t just extend to her peers. Last month, Lynch and her co-defendants Rajan Naidu and Luke Watson, were acquitted unanimously of causing a public nuisance and damaging an ancient monument, making waves in activist circles: “My phone has just been pinging with messages from… activists who have seen it all, who have been doing this for 60 years.” It comes at a time when the climate protest movement could do with some hope. More arrests are being made under nuisance laws than ever before. Sixteen sentences handed down against climate protesters in the last year have been found to be manifestly excessive. And even once activists are released from prison, they may face licence conditions which are generally reserved for extremists. Despite this, Lynch is “tentatively optimistic”. Her experience at trial is a glimpse into the future of protest in the UK, and how student activism forms the foundation of national efforts. 

Niamh Lynch, BA Geography (Regent’s Park), with permission

Ancient Monuments Act 1979

This was the first time the Ancient Monuments Act had been used for a prosecution. The Act covers tens of thousands of scheduled monuments, and its name is slightly misleading: the list includes World War I factories and a swing bridge in Oxford built in 1851. It made Lynch’s bail conditions perplexing. She couldn’t go within 100m of an ancient monument. This would prevent her from going within 100m of the Oxford city walls, Oxford castle, and the Grandpont causeway (which runs underneath Folly Bridge – good luck getting to the Cherwell offices). This wasn’t seriously followed up, but raises concerning questions for future prosecutions. With such restrictive conditions permitted under the Act, activists could end up in a kafkaesque spiral of avoiding 20,000 different sites across the UK. There is no debating that Stonehenge is an ancient monument, although the same cannot be said for many other sites on the list. 

There was considerable debate before trial whether Lynch and her co-defendants had caused any physical damage to the stones. One argument put forward had been damage to the rare lichen that made their home there, but the prosecution’s own expert witness certified that there had been none. Lynch found this the most reassuring outcome: “It wasn’t that the defence had commissioned a lichenologist report that was likely to be sympathetic…this was the prosecution’s expert witness.” 

The serious annoyance of bad drafting

There was something surreal for Lynch about her prosecution under the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 (PCSC). She was arrested for aggravated trespass and damage to an ancient monument, but the CPS later changed the charges to public nuisance, after “the police told us it was being referred to the specialist protest unit of the CPS”. Public nuisance is now a statutory criminal offence, established under the PCSC. The 2022 Act attracted huge protests while it was going through Parliament. Its vague definitions, increased ability of police to place conditions on gatherings, and expansion to peaceful and non-violent protest were strongly criticised. Lynch herself had attended those protests, watched friends be arrested, and eventually been arrested under the same Act. She recalled reading the bill in 2022 and seeing the lack of definitions for serious annoyance: “I remember… thinking this is wild…and that was literally what we were debating in court last week.” 

A public nuisance under the PCSC is committed when a person does an act (or omits to do a legally required act) that creates a risk of serious harm to the public or a section of the public. While serious harm is defined in the Act, it’s split into three categories, and one of them is not like the others. Death and personal injury appear clear-cut questions of fact, as does loss of or damage to property. However, the prosecutions under the Act have largely arisen from section 78(2)(c), the third category: “Serious distress, serious annoyance, serious inconvenience or serious loss of amenity.” Defining serious harm and using it as an adjective four times gets a reader (or a judge) no closer to understanding just what “serious” means. As a result, the scope of public nuisance is broad and open to overuse, particularly against protesters. After all, protest is intended to be disruptive. 

The prosecution attempted to take advantage of this breadth. The prosecutor Simon Jones told the jury that annoyance, distress, and inconvenience were “common English words” which did not require explanation. He appealed to how they felt when they heard the news of the protest, to which Lynch took issue: “They said so many times to the jury, you judge this case just on the facts that you hear in this room. But then they’re being told by the prosecutor to think about how they felt at the time.” 

The most serious aspect of the whole trial, for Lynch, was the potential ten-year prison sentence: “The only thing you’ve got to go on is the fact that it’s serious in the context of a ten year maximum prison sentence…That is how serious the seriousness has got to be.” For comparison, grievous bodily harm (GBH) or wounding without intent to do serious harm will give a maximum five-year sentence. Racially or religiously aggravated GBH or wounding will give seven years. Bringing these questions into criminal law had been daunting to activists, particularly when looking at the length of sentences.

In order to threaten a ten-year sentence the case must be tried in the Crown Court, which brings in the option of a jury trial. Lynch was acquitted unanimously by a jury, which meant a lot to her, particularly since they were all from Wiltshire. “There is a huge, huge love for Stonehenge in the country, but especially in Wiltshire and in Salisbury” – it was “massive” for “twelve members of that community to say you did a good thing”. She saw the reasoned deliberation of the jury, and the careful discussion of facts throughout the trial, as an antidote to sensationalist, unnuanced reporting.

A question of human rights? 

In the end, Lynch was acquitted after using the defence of reasonable excuse. The defence is found within the Act, but also drawn from Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which protect freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly. Together, they effectively form the rights to protest. The defendants have to apply to the judge for permission to use the defence – while Lynch was successful, many other activists have been denied. She knew people who “weren’t allowed to use their article rights because the act of throwing had an essence of violence”. Protesters have praised the defence for the nuance and context it brings to cases, but whether it is available at all depends on the discretion of individual judges. It also depends on continued support for the ECHR. 

In its article on the acquittal, The Telegraph attributed the decision to the ECHR. Lynch emphasised that this may not be the reason. For the jury to convict, they would have had to have found that the defendants caused damage, were reckless to causing damage, and had no reasonable excuse. To acquit, they would just have to find that one of those three elements was absent. The jury may have found that there was no damage (on the Ancient Monuments charge) or no serious annoyance (on the public nuisance charge). Lynch argued: “We haven’t been let off because of the ECHR. I think we’ve been found not guilty because there is no case.” 

This defence has been valuable for activists, but whether it will continue to be available is dubious. Two prominent political parties have strongly advocated repealing the Human Rights Act and pulling out of the ECHR, which would dismantle the foundation on which it stands. Even at the moment, the availability of the defence depends on the discretion of individual judges, leading to a patchwork of decisions and extreme uncertainty that could lead to a chilling effect on protest. 

The future of student protest 

Lynch was optimistic about the future prospects of protesters, particularly in the light of the ruling. Still, the fact that one judge applied the law sympathetically does not change the fact that Parliament’s words could be interpreted in any way, and that this area of case law is by its nature uncertain and unpredictable due to the vague wording. More broadly, it’s not a pretty picture. Justice Secretary David Lammy recently set out proposals to phase out jury trial for almost all indictable offences. Just Stop Oil has ceased protesting disruptively Lynch herself said she wouldn’t carry out any similar protests in the future. After the police posted her town of origin (which is their standard policy), she remembered being “suddenly kind of scared, being on my own thinking that one of the people that [didn’t] like me could literally just come and knock at my door and, you know, do anything”. She didn’t want to put her family through the same stress again. At the same time, she saw a strong community of activists, particularly based in universities. She’s been involved with activism for some time, taking part in the Fridays for Future climate protests and Extinction Rebellion before university. Once she got to Oxford, she joined the activist societies at the University. There, she found company in people who “see the world in a similar way…and this desire to change it”. There was a practical importance to this as well. Planning a protest, anticipating arrest, and navigating the legal system are all daunting tasks. Being surrounded by people who had been through the same experiences gave some “power in a situation where you’re otherwise totally powerless”. 

Unlocking Entertainment: How Mobile Gaming Is Changing In-App Spending Habits

External Contributor
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Unlocking Entertainment: How Mobile Gaming Is Changing In-App Spending Habits

For years, mobile games were synonymous with simple time-wasters puzzle apps, endless runners, or low-stakes arcade titles. But times have changed. Today, mobile gaming sits at the forefront of global entertainment, outpacing even console and PC in both revenue and reach. As the quality of mobile games continues to rival traditional formats, the way players interact with and spend on these games has evolved dramatically.

From Pocket Change to Micro-Investments

In-app purchases are no longer just about skipping the wait timer or buying extra lives. With battle passes, limited-time cosmetics, and narrative expansions, spending in mobile games has taken on a more strategic form. Rather than spontaneous microtransactions, users now treat certain in-app buys as part of a personalized entertainment budget.

That shift in behaviour has also introduced a change in how people pay. Instead of linking cards directly to app stores, many opt for safer and more flexible options like a Google Play card. These prepaid cards allow users to control spending, avoid surprise charges, and even gift credit to others, all without sharing banking details online.

The New Gamer: Mobile-First, Always Connected

What was once considered “casual” gaming has matured into its own powerhouse. From competitive titles like Mobile Legends and Call of Duty: Mobile to narrative-heavy experiences and cozy management sims, mobile platforms now offer full-fledged gaming ecosystems. This broad appeal has created a mobile-first generation of gamers who value flexibility, on-demand access, and cross-platform availability.

And unlike older audiences tied to consoles or PCs, mobile-first users don’t always consider themselves “gamers” in the traditional sense. They’re entertainment consumers – downloading a rhythm game one week and diving into a story-driven RPG the next. In-app purchases allow them to enhance these experiences on their own terms.

The Psychology Behind the Spend

In-app spending habits are fueled by more than just gameplay. Developers have become adept at blending monetisation with engagement, offering aesthetic upgrades, seasonal events, and exclusive content that feel rewarding rather than obligatory. For many, buying that limited-edition outfit or unlocking a premium quest line is less about “winning” and more about personalizing the experience.

Prepaid solutions like gift cards fit into this mindset naturally. They feel like low-risk, self-contained transactions that avoid the ongoing commitment of a subscription. This structure appeals especially to younger users and parents looking to put healthy boundaries on spending.

Gaming on Your Terms

Another reason prepaid options are thriving? They promote autonomy. Not every player wants to store card info or navigate monthly charges. And in regions where banking access is limited or privacy is a concern, gift cards offer a reliable way to interact with digital ecosystems. Whether you’re stocking up on in-game currency, unlocking music streaming features, or renting the latest movie, flexible payment methods enhance the experience without overcomplicating it.

What It Means for the Future of Mobile Entertainment

As mobile games become deeper and more interconnected, the systems surrounding them, especially how we pay, will continue to adapt. We’re likely to see even more personalisation in monetisation models, with options that cater to specific spending habits, age groups, and regional needs. One thing is clear: mobile gaming is no longer a side gig for the industry; it’s leading the charge.

Wrapping It Up

From bite-sized distractions to expansive story-driven journeys, mobile games now reflect the full spectrum of modern entertainment. And as spending within these ecosystems becomes more deliberate, tools like Google Play Cards offer a convenient way to stay in control. Digital marketplaces, offering deals on all things digital, are part of what makes this shift so accessible, empowering users to unlock more from their favourite mobile experiences, one tap at a time.

Illuminating American conservatism: William F Buckley’s biography, reviewed

Gavriella Epstein-Lightman
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Illuminating American conservatism: William F Buckley’s biography, reviewed

The ornate, Latinate vocabulary. The debates peppered with witticisms. The patrician air, the untraceable accent, the playful glint in his eyes. 

William F. Buckley was arguably the most influential American journalist of the 20th century. He was famous and influential not simply for his ideas but for the theatrical manner in which he delivered them – his distinct mannerisms, his performativity, his personality. Sam Tanenhaus captures this vividly in his captivating biography, Buckley: The Life and the Revolution That Changed America (2025), which uses Buckley’s life to illuminate the rise of 20th-century American conservatism.

Born in 1925 and raised on a grand estate in Connecticut, the young polemicist grew up in a cloistered world. At fifteen he left to attend boarding school, where he first entered politics, speaking out in favour of the “America First” movement that opposed US involvement in the Second World War. Even as a teenager, he demonstrated the uncompromising conviction that would define his public life. Tanenhaus notes the “ferocity of his attack” in debate and his belief that “overstatement increased the theatrical excitement for himself and his listeners” – an early glimpse of the performative politics he later mastered. 

Buckley enrolled at Yale in 1946, sceptical that the full four years of study were truly necessary, yet Yale formed him. Tanenhaus describes him as “the uncrowned king of the Yale campus”. Even the predominantly left-leaning coterie of student journalists appointed the young conservative as Chairman of the Yale Daily News. In his first editorial as Chairman, Buckley vowed that there would be “no squeamishness about editorial subject matter”. He spent his year as Chairman unabashedly slamming what he saw as liberal homogeneity of thought on campus, even calling out professors. His columns were always met with clamorous criticism, yet everyone wanted to read what Buckley had to say – his eloquence and influence were undeniable. 

Campus notoriety soon extended nationwide with the publication of his first book. God and Man at Yale (1951), a withering attack on his alma mater, argued that Yale no longer promoted its historic values of Christianity and free markets in favour of secularism and collectivism. To his surprise, it became a bestseller, and he was hailed as “the most exciting conservative writer in the land”. 

Determined to pursue journalism, he created National Review (NR) in 1955 as the right’s intellectual vanguard intending “to change the nation’s political and intellectual climate”. He championed Barry Goldwater’s 1964 presidential campaign, hoping to free the GOP from its liberal establishment, and remained undeterred by Goldwater’s crushing defeat.  Next came Firing Line, the public affairs program he hosted for 33 years, pitting him against leading intellectuals in long-form discussions about political and philosophical issues. It was on air for some 33 years. His “erudition and wordplay and courtly praise of his combatant” masked his desperation to defeat opponents. With his instinctual theatrical flair, Buckley was made for television.

Buckley’s ascendance coincided with the civil rights era. In 1957 Buckley wrote the infamous column “The South Must Prevail” defending the disenfranchisement of black Americans in the South by insisting that “the claims of civilisation supersede those of universal suffrage”. By 1969, however, he renounced his position, arguing that “we need a black president”– a startling transformation for a man known for unrivalled obstinacy. 

During the turbulent 1968 presidential election, the TV network ABC invited Buckley to a series of debates with liberal intellectual Gore Vidal. Their clashes became a sensation, further elevating his profile and cementing his status as the foremost spokesperson for the conservative right. By the 1970s, he found in Ronald Raegan the political leader he had long sought. Reagan’s landslide election victory in 1980 was a realisation of the dream Buckley had harboured when he first set up NR in 1955. His politics had prevailed. 

Tanenhaus is skilled at sketching the political environment of Buckley’s earlier years. Yet his analysis of the 1980s is thinner, an inevitable cost of Buckley’s success. Buckley was no longer the lone voice of counterrevolution. He had become the defender of a new status quo. The biography, however, is a riveting read, transporting the reader into the mind of a man whose “weapons were not his ideas, which could be heard elsewhere, but his words, which sparkled with freshness”. In the life of Buckley, a paradox emerges: he practiced a dying mode of politics whilst ushering in a new political age. All that he did – NR, his books, Firing Line, his debates with Vidal – smacked of the very intellectualism that is so disdained, yet he predicted the rise of performative politics and use of the media which is so central to the politics of today.

Larry Ellison scales back £10 billion Oxford science initiative

Matt Donnelly
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Larry Ellison scales back £10 billion Oxford science initiative

Oracle co-founder and tech billionaire Larry Ellison is scaling back plans for the Ellison Institute of Technology (EIT), Oxford research institute, following a significant restructuring.

This comes after the departure of Sir John Bell from EIT; Bell left his role as president in September, after clashing with Ellison and the institute’s chief operating officer over their “downgraded vision” for the project.

Bell has been replaced by the former President of the University of Michigan, Santa Ono, as global president of EIT. Ono remains based in the US, and it is unclear if he will move to Oxford.

The upheaval raises questions on Ellison’s projected £10 billion investment over the next decade. While Chancellor Rachel Reeves called it “a major vote of confidence in Oxford as a global hub for science and innovation”, those close to the institute warn the total spending is not guaranteed. Only £2 billion has been committed so far.

Despite this restructuring, the University of Oxford continues to receive £20 million from EIT annually, plus an additional one-time investment of £30 million to fund scholarships. Under the partnership (which started in 2023), Oxford can take stakes in spinouts from joint research and receive up to 120% back in funding where intellectual property is held exclusively by EIT.

According to more than a dozen people involved, Ellison has tightened control over operations and cut several initiatives, including pandemic preparedness programmes. The tech billionaire, who briefly became the world’s richest person earlier this year, has reduced EIT’s focus from 10-20 different projects to a handful of longer-term projects that are centred around AI and robotics, DNA sequencing, generative biology, and plant sciences. One former EIT employee said: “There’s been a bait and switch.”

EIT has outsourced several ventures, including an Africa Clinical Research Network, partly funded by the Gates Foundation. EIT has also eliminated much of its commercial strategy team and government relations unit. Some staff working on AI in government transferred to the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, which has received $350 million from Ellison since 2021, according to public filings.

Substantial investments have already been made by EIT in Oxford, with Ellison having purchased a six-acre site for £45 million in 2021. He also purchased the Eagle and Child pub for £8 million, in the hope that it will become a “vibrant social and intellectual hub” for scholars.

“EIT’s contribution and commitment to both Oxford University and the city of Oxford is clear in our recent investments,” the institute said in a statement.

Oxford University said in a public statement: “Our strategic alliance with [EIT] continues with real momentum to deliver support and investment in, as well as expansion of, our existing world-leading expertise.”

Arwa Elrayess elected Oxford Union President for Trinity 2026

Arina Makarina
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Arwa Elrayess elected Oxford Union President for Trinity 2026

Arwa Elrayes running for the #ENGAGE slate has been elected Union President for Trinity Term 2026 with 757 first preferences, by a margin of around 155 votes over Liza Barkova.

Parjwal Pandey was elected Librarian-Elect with 653 first preferences. Catherine Xu was elected Treasurer-Elect with 693 first preferences. Harry Aldridge was elected Secretary with 700 first preferences.

The following candidates were elected to the Standing Committee, from highest to lowest order of votes: DK Singh, Milo Donovan, Vishnu Vadlamani, Oliver Douglas, Claire Luo, and Ben Ashworth.

The following candidates were elected to the Secretary’s Committee, from highest to lowest order of votes: Henry Nicholls, Fadel Semane, Saara Lunawat, Matteo Brunel, Toby Bowes Lyon, Euan Willis, Adil Rahoo, Shahmir Aziz, Ea Marty, Daniel Ratajczyk, and Santiago Vazquez.

Regarding her presidency campaign and the Union, Arwa Elrayess told Cherwell: “The Union is an incredibly special place, facing very difficult times. I think we need a fresh start with more transparent governance, financial responsibility, and to affirm our position as the last bastion of free speech.”

The Magdalene Songs: Giving a singing voice to victims

Natalie Conboy
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The Magdalene Songs: Giving a singing voice to victims

★★★★★

Trigger warning: abuse

Modern slavery, abuse, and human rights violations are not something you would usually expect to be tackled in an evening of classical music. Yet Deidre Brenner, pianist and instigator of The Magdalene Songs, felt it was the perfect way to honour the women of the Magdalene laundries, a group of punitive institutions for ‘fallen women’ run by religious orders which from 1922 to 1996 incarcerated over 10,000 women and girls in the Republic of Ireland.

The performance is part of the Oxford International Song Festival, a champion of classical song for 24 years. This year’s theme was “Stories in Song”, with 67 performances covering music from around the world: The Magdalene Songs were perfectly placed here to give voice to the experience of a group of women institutionally silenced for well over a hundred years.

A sentence in a Magdalene laundry meant infinite detention with no legal basis. They provided numerous religious bodies, state agencies, and government departments in Ireland – including the President’s house – with laundry and needlework services without paying their workers. This system was well-known and well-integrated into Irish society. Women and girls as young as nine were brought to the laundries by police, clergy, orphanages, hospitals and abusive families, their ‘crimes’ ranging from unmarried motherhood and perceived promiscuity, to childhood abuse and mental illness.

The Magdalene Songs collection is an ongoing project by Deirdre Brenner in collaboration with many prominent female Irish composers, including Deirdre McKay, Rhona Clarke, Elaine Agnew, and Elaine Brennan. It was created in order to honour the victims of the Laundries by giving voice to their experiences in the hope of encouraging further dialogue about the human rights abuses committed by the Laundries. 

I attended the pre-concert discussion, led by Deirdre Brenner and human rights lawyer Maeve O’Rourke, internationally recognised for her work interviewing the Magdalene laundry victims. “Every woman I ever interviewed thought they would die in there”, she tells us, describing the conditions faced by the victims.

The evening performance was captivating from the start. Set in the Holywell Music Room, each song put to music the words of testimonies from individual survivors interviewed as part of The Magdalene Oral History Project, which O’Rourke was a part of. Both Brenner and the mezzo-soprano, Lotte Betts-Dean, were dressed in green and black signaling the grief of Ireland, and after a brief introduction to the project and the Laundries, we were thrown into the testimonies. 

Betts-Dean had just the right amount of storytelling ability to elevate the colloquial Irish dialect from the page, although it would have been more natural had she been Irish herself.  Nonetheless, the words and music themselves were enough to convey the trauma. With dissonant, deliberately uncomfortable chords and melodies in the first few songs, the breathy voice of the mezzo-soprano sung testimonies of being “put…on the wooden table” in punishment, and individuals who “went in as a baby”, with just the right amount of anger and shame, avoiding the pitfall of overperformance. 

From the third testimony it was anger that reigned, emphasised by traditional hymn-like chords being broken off, never-ending scales, and hand slams on the piano. Unconventional techniques, such as deliberately loud breathing and hitting and plucking the piano strings, rather than playing the keys, made the performance truly interesting as an exercise in translating trauma into musical terms.

The last two songs were the culmination of this project, the penultimate relying on just one sentence of testimony: “She denied she was my mother.” This one sentence was captivating, repeated and gradually building in long phrases. The dissonant harmonies vanished and were replaced by a return to traditional Irish sean-nós keening (a rhythmically free, expressive lament). The piano was reduced to a near-single line, weaving in and out of the melody and focusing our attention on the devastating words. The whole audience listened in tense silence, and a collective breath was let out at the end.

The silence was continued as the mezzo lit a candle, before concluding with the final song, ‘Litany to the Magdalene Dead’. The focus shifted back to the piano, as Betts-Dean recited in monotone the names of 72 of the 1,867 women known to have died in a laundry, arranged so that the initial of their last names spelled out ‘DOLOREM’: Latin for sorrow. The audience, reading along in their programs, looked like they were praying. Each woman’s name was chanted, along with the laundry and her date of death: they ranged from 1847 to 2015. The piano perfectly conveyed the poise and grace of the funeral atmosphere, and the final silence after Betts-Dean blew out the candle stretched for a few seconds before the first smatterings of applause grew to a standing ovation lasting five minutes. It was the perfect, dignified homage to those who were denied dignity during their lives.

The Magdalen laundries remain a polemical debate in Ireland. The 2013 investigation by the Irish government into them was focused only on the extent of state involvement, rather than the treatment of women, and worked with sealed religious documents which were given by the Orders on the condition that they would return undisclosed to the public. 

Although the enquiry resulted in the establishment of a compensation scheme, with €32.8 million having been paid to over 800 victims by March 2022, the religious orders who ran the laundries have refused to contribute to this scheme.

 
We still don’t know the names of many of the women who were admitted into these institutions, or the truth of their experiences. I hope that The Magdalene Songs, as it continues to grow and move people, will encourage and inspire reparations campaigns for these systematic violations against human rights.

We must separate Church and University

Lilly Law
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We must separate Church and University

If I had attended Oxford just over 150 years ago, I would have had to swear loyalty to the Church of England. Of course, if I were attending Oxford in the mid-nineteenth century as a woman, I would have had bigger problems than religion, but we’ll put that aside for now. From 1581 to 1871, every Oxford student had to declare their fealty, not only to Christianity, but to its Anglican denomination. Muslims, Sikhs, Jews, Catholics, and many more were all excluded from its halls.

Obviously, this is no longer the case. The University’s ‘Opening Oxford’ exhibition in 2021 showcased the various ways Oxford has become more welcoming over the past century, presenting it as a secular place of education where religion is not a factor in treatment or experience. The problem is that this is not entirely true. Financially, culturally, and quasi-judicially, the Church of England remains part of the furniture in both the city and the University.

Fifteen colleges have senior members of the Church of England as their Visitor, making them the ultimate authority on college statute interpretation. This, admittedly, sounds quite dry – college statutes tend to include lofty preambles and regulations for trustees. But they also set out the administration of a college, the disposal of revenue, and the powers of investment. A Visitor essentially acts as a judge, interpreting the meaning of words within these statutes, then stating how they should be applied to a given situation.

A dispute about statutes would not go to the County Court, but to the Visitor, resulting in considerably increased expenses and a financial barrier to appeal. They hold considerable theoretical power over a college. But on what grounds? What expertise does the Bishop of Winchester have to determine how Trinity College is governed? With Oxford Action for Palestine (OA4P) calling for divestment from various arms companies, what qualifies the Archbishop of York to determine what The Queen’s College’s investment powers include? This is not a coincidence. The appointments are made ex officio, meaning that the Visitor for some of Oxford’s wealthiest, most influential colleges (including St John’s College, All Souls College, and Magdalen College) will always be the person holding a certain ecclesiastical position. This requirement imports an apparent religious influence into a key area of college for no reason other than historical precedent.

This is not entirely innocuous. The provisions that import members of the Church into colleges can be rigid and poorly-worded, and do not lend themselves to easy removals in the event of difficulty. In Christ Church, the statutes made it incredibly difficult to remove the head of the College, who until 2023 had to be a member of the clergy. This changed as the result of a six-year legal battle with the previous Dean, involving a pay dispute, an allegation of sexual harassment (which was settled), and £6.6m of college funds. With the Church of England beset with scandals, it is reckless to continue importing such figures into colleges with no safeguards. 

In a subtler way, the Church of England is presumed as the default throughout college life. It’s not the only religion in Oxford – the colleges are non-denominational – and yet the vast majority still perform Anglican services. Yes, Mansfield follows the Nonconformist tradition, Harris Manchester has a Unitarian congregation, and various permanent private halls (PPHs) have Roman Catholic affiliations. The Anglican chapels too have an outward-looking perspective, and regularly arrange multi-faith services. But the novelty of such services underscores the foundational premise that the Oxford colleges are spiritually first and foremost spaces for the Church of England. You no longer have to swear an oath of fealty, but your pidge will be overflowing with leaflets for their services.

Christianity is centred and universalised in sharp contrast to other religions.This risks isolating atheist or non-Christian students from college welfare support, which is frequently tied up with the chapel. While Christian services make their way into colleges, other religions remain academic disciplines with associated societies. The University has a Centre for Islamic Studies and an Oxford Jewish Centre. Both are open to the public and members of the University for prayer, as well as study of the religions. An Anglican student at, say, University College, would walk past their chapel every day in college, able to reach it in minutes to attend a service. A Jewish student would face a 20 minute walk to Jericho. A Hindu student wouldn’t have anywhere to go at all – only last year was a community centre secured, and the University is yet to show direct support. Such an exclusion is doubly insidious given the presentation of the chapel and the chaplain as a welfare space. 

A historical influence is one thing – Oxford is the city of dreaming spires, after all, and many of those spires are attached to chapels. But the Church should not be influencing how the University operates, nor how colleges spend money, nor how students are treated. It shouldn’t be doing so in opaque, unclear ways that are difficult to predict – when applying to Brasenose, I certainly didn’t know that the Bishop of Lincoln would be my ultimate authority. 

The Church of England has been affiliated with Oxford for so long that it has blended into the background. Its influence over culture and governance is found in obscure PDFs, and bubbles under the surface until a scandal bursts the situation wide open. At the same time, it subtly reinforces the idea that, whilst Oxford is a place for everyone,  it still welcomes some people more readily than others. This is not to say that Christianity has no part in Oxford. Merely, when roughly 50% of Britons say they have no faith, and global religions are growing faster than ever, Anglicanism should not be presumed default, and certainly not the authority. 

Bloomberg investigation sparks scrutiny over Oxford’s handling of sexual misconduct

Mercedes Haas
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Bloomberg investigation sparks scrutiny over Oxford’s handling of sexual misconduct

CW: Sexual harassment; sexual assault

Oxford University is facing mounting media scrutiny after a Bloomberg investigation alleged that the University has consistently mishandled sexual harassment complaints involving senior male academics. The investigation, which took place over nine months and drew on interviews with almost 50 people, describes an environment in which complaints were often addressed slowly, quietly, or not at all. Several of the individuals interviewed by Bloomberg said they feared retaliation or other repercussions for coming forward, particularly given the significant power imbalances within departments.

A University spokesperson told Cherwell: “Sexual harassment has no place at Oxford. Our sympathies and thoughts are with anyone who has experienced harassment or misconduct. We strive to ensure that Oxford is always a safe space for all students and staff. We take concerns seriously, applying robust procedures. 

“Support for those affected is a priority, and we take precautionary and/or disciplinary action where justified. We reject any suggestion that the University tolerates harassment or puts reputation before people’s safety. While we cannot comment on individual cases, we are committed to continuous improvement and have strengthened our approach over recent years.”

The Bloomberg report outlines numerous cases in the past two decades, revealing what many staff and students characterised as a persistent pattern of institutional inaction. According to the investigation, seven women reported alleged rapes or sexual assaults across the University in the past five years, while more than 30 women described direct experiences of harassment or bullying during the past 20 years.

Over the course of this year, Oxford has become the subject of two legal actions concerning harassment, while also conducting three internal inquiries. Cherwell understands that one of these concerns a senior figure at the Institute for Ethics in AI, as well as a senior figure at the Saïd Business School.

Cherwell also recently reported that Professor Mette Morsing has been named interim Dean of the Saïd Business school, following the resignation of Professor Sourmitra Dutta. A five-month internal investigation upheld three harassment allegations against Dutta made by a female academic. At the time, the University had stated that it would address concerns via “established procedures” and maintain a “strong framework of support… for staff and students… subject to harassment.”

Some of those interviewed told Bloomberg that action was frequently taken only after a series of complaints, rather than in response to the first allegation. In several cases, outcomes of investigations were kept confidential, enabling accused individuals to move to posts at other institutions without the circumstances being known. Two women further alleged that the University had breached their privacy during the handling of their cases. Staff quoted in the report described a culture in which the public standing of prominent academics often seemed to be prioritised over the well-being and safety of students and junior researchers.

Bloomberg’s investigation also touches on safeguarding concerns within individual colleges. At New College, five people told reporters that several academics were well known for predatory behaviour towards more junior women. At Balliol College, interviewees described unsympathetic attitudes toward alleged victims and flawed safeguarding practices. The collegiate structure, in which responsibility for welfare is divided between colleges and the central University, was cited by several people as exacerbating these issues.

In response to the article, New College circulated an email to all students addressing the concerns raised. The message, signed by Tutor for Welfare Jonathan Black, described the behaviour detailed in the Bloomberg article as “distressing” and encouraged any student affected to contact the College welfare team or the chaplaincy. New College made a point of stating that it was not aware of the details of the historic allegations described in relation to a 2018/19 University-handled case and therefore could not comment on them. A spokesperson at New College told Cherwell: “New College cannot comment on any individual allegation, but the College takes allegations of sexual harassment very seriously, has robust procedures in place and invests in both training and welfare in support of this.” 

Social media reaction to the Bloomberg investigation further amplified concerns about Oxford’s handling of misconduct allegations. Several academics publicly shared their experiences and frustration, including one former Oxford researcher who wrote that his wife had been sexually harassed by a senior social psychologist during her PhD. One high-profile Oxford professor who was referenced in the Bloomberg report also issued a brief statement denying the allegations and noting that he was pursuing legal remedies, while expressing gratitude to those who had supported him.

If you’ve been affected by issues in this article:

• You can access the University’s Sexual Harassment & Violence Support Service for confidential, specialist support (no report required). The service includes an Independent Sexual Violence Adviser (ISVA).  Sexual Harassment and Violence Support Service | University of Oxford. 

• Reporting options: Under the Student Disciplinary Procedure (Non-Academic Cases) student cases are handled by the Proctors and the University’s disciplinary panels. You may choose whether to make a University report or a police report; University support is available regardless. See the summary page Supporting Students at Oxford: Preventing and Responding to Harassment and Sexual Misconduct | University of Oxford and the Non-Academic Disciplinary Procedure. 

• Statute XI (Student Conduct): guidance on how conduct cases are assessed and the Proctors’ role is set out on the University website Student conduct | University of Oxford 

• Independent advice: Oxford SU Advice can support students considering a University or college process. 

Oxford Canals reopen following long drought

Mimi Hudson
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Oxford Canals reopen following long drought

The Canal & River Trust has announced that the southern section of the Oxford Canal has been fully reopened for navigation following a long period of drought.

It is the first time since July that water levels have been high enough to allow for boats to move through the locks. Storm Claudia’s prolonged rains earlier this month have helped this recovery following an extremely dry spring and summer.

A spokesperson for the Canal & River Trust, a registered charity which maintains the canals and rivers across England and Wales, told Cherwell: “The Oxford Canal felt the effects of the drought and prolonged dry weather across the country this summer and autumn. Our charity’s teams and volunteers worked round the clock to manage water levels but, with reservoir holdings dwindling, some locks had to temporarily close to boats. This helped us save water to keep boats afloat, protect the wildlife that lives in the canal, and safeguard the canal infrastructure itself. 

“After such an extended dry period, sustained rainfall over several weeks was needed to top up the reservoirs that feed the canal. As soon as water levels allowed, we got the locks back open for boating. We know how frustrating navigation restrictions are and we’re grateful to boaters for their support.”

The stretch of the canal from Claydon Top Lock to Aynho Weir Lock via Marston Doles is now accessible to boaters. Somerton Deep Lock and Dashwood Lock will remain closed for planned winter works.

The closure has heavily impacted businesses along the canal. Historic drydocks, such as Tooley’s Boatyard in Banbury, have seen an estimated 80% loss in business since the beginning of summer. The lifting of restrictions will come as a relief for both boaters and businesses, with the canal likely to see an uptake in pleasure cruises and trade.

The annual social and economic value of England and Wales’s canals is estimated to be worth £6 billion, with thousands of businesses benefiting from the waterways. The trust estimates that more boats are using their canal network today than at the height of the Industrial Revolution, sparking a so-called “second golden age of canals”. 

The Trust’s spokesperson also told Cherwell that “any decision to close navigation on any of the 2,000 miles of waterways our charity cares for is a last resort, and would be based on a range of data”. This data includes real time electric monitoring of water levels as well as weather forecasts. Combined with the Trust’s centuries of experience and knowledge of lock usage, the teams who run the waterways are able to predict how much water is needed to keep navigation open.

The spokesperson added: “Knowledge gathered in previous droughts allows us to identify improvements in water management, but there is no doubt that climate change is making what were previously unusual drought or flood conditions happen more frequently.”

Why More Entrepreneurs Are Moving Their Startups to Cyprus

External Contributor
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Why More Entrepreneurs Are Moving Their Startups to Cyprus

The global race to become the next big tech hub is always evolving. A fresh breed of entrepreneurs is looking to venues beyond the conventional tech hubs with a holistic enablement and better quality of life instead of only financial incentives. A prime example of this is Cyprus, which has transformed from a Mediterranean treasure into a vibrant launching pad for international startups. 

This movement is driven by strategic business advantages and an evolving cultural landscape, shaped by forward-looking companies dedicated to creating exceptional life experiences. These organizations are building the very infrastructure for a sophisticated lifestyle. A visit to the official website of PUNIN GROUP provides a clear case study of this ecosystem approach, showcasing how the company develops premium, interconnected projects across gastronomy, real estate, and culture.

The Strategic Advantages: More Than Just Sunshine

While the island enjoys an idyllic climate and a beautiful landscape, the increasing number of entrepreneurs relocating here does not happen for just those reasons. Cyprus has designed a business-friendly environment to attract creative business opportunities and provide a competitive advantage on a global basis. This foundation makes for a nice place to live and a smart place to do business.

The benefits mentioned above can help startups scale efficiently.

  • Cyprus is a full member of the European Union and as such it provides access to the single market of one of the world’s largest economic blocs. Being at the intersection of Europe, Asia and Africa itself makes it a key operational hub for global aspirants.
  • Cyprus has a flat corporate tax rate of just 12.5%, one of the most attractive in the European Union. With various tax benefits for innovation and investment, startups can reinvest more profit back into the business for growth.
  • Cyprus offers a legal system which is based on English Common Law. This provides a transparent and reliable framework, which is familiar to international entrepreneurs and investors. These areas should be fairly stable to facilitate business agreements.
  • The island has educated personnel who are bilingual in nature with a high percentage of English speakers. In this way it becomes easy to put together a varied international team who can work across many markets.

As a result of these factors, a secure and highly efficient operational base will be created. Startups can take advantage of the stability found in an EU nation, while leveraging options that are precious and necessary in the early days of development so that precious resources can be focused on innovation and marketing.

Building Connections: The Community Aspect

The advantages on paper are not the whole story. What makes a real difference is the community. Cyprus has a compact and connected business scene where expats and local innovators mix easily. This makes networking feel natural, not forced. The vibe is more collaborative than cutthroat. Regular tech meetups and industry gatherings feel less like formal obligations and more like a gathering of peers. This supportive atmosphere is a powerful asset for founders. This close-knit environment helps new startups find support and integrate quickly, a personal touch that larger, more anonymous tech hubs often lack.

The X-Factor: Quality of life and a Thriving Ecosystem

Cyprus stands out in its combination of business environment with quality of life. Today’s entrepreneurs are beginning to understand that a good work-life balance is not a luxury, but is essential to remain creative. The laid-back Mediterranean style of life, low crime rates and welcoming people create an environment that enables the founders and their teams to flourish.

This is where the vision of certain firms becomes so integral to the island’s appeal. By creating a network of high-end restaurants, luxury residential and commercial properties, and cultural institutions, they are creating high-quality jobs, actively developing the Cypriot economy, and directly contributing to the quality of life that makes the island so attractive.

The focus on aesthetics, quality and curation, and a spirit of experience, ensures that the living infrastructure of the island keeps pace with its development as a business centre. For an entrepreneur, this means access to a world-class outside-of-office environment essential to attracting and retaining talent.

A Hub for Innovation and Growth

The positive impact of this unique combination is clear in the results. Cyprus’s startup scene is not just growing; it’s exploding. Tech companies have flocked to the island, especially in the fintech, software and entertainment sectors. Both private initiatives and a commitment from the government are behind this momentum. The state actively fosters innovation through a clear national strategy, and the country enjoys global recognition for its business‑friendly environment and efficient procedures for startups.

Transferring a startup to Cyprus is ultimately more than just one benefit. It is about selecting a site where strategic advantages harmonize with a unique lifestyle to create a fertile ground for innovation. The more entrepreneurs discover this powerful combination, the more Cyprus will become a preferred business destination.

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