Wednesday, May 21, 2025
Blog Page 56

Oxford’s long vacation vexation

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In a recent poll of Oriel College students for Cherwell, almost two thirds of those surveyed agreed that the University’s 8-week terms are too short. So, how are we to explain the notoriously overworked Oxford student’s counter-intuitive desire for more time spent studying? The answer lies deeper than a simple enthusiasm for hitting the books.

One of the main concerns raised by those students in favour of longer terms related to workload. Rather than advocating for more of the same system, it seems students would appreciate extended terms to allow an extra week for revision, or just a ‘reading week’ as is common in other UK universities. Of course, there’s more to Oxford than academics. It’s also worth considering the impact this extra breathing space would have on the extra-curricular scene. Over 400 societies are currently affiliated with the University, not to mention those at the college level: surely it can be no bad thing to allow students’ sporting, dramatic, or creative talents more time to flourish.

Furthermore, it is important to appreciate the respite that student life provides for those with difficult home situations. According to the Office for Students, the 3,000 students who enter higher education every year while dealing with estrangement achieve lower average marks and leave their courses more frequently. Oxford’s terms — with Cambridge, as short as any in the country — mean that these students spend less than half the year actually living in Oxford University accommodation. If one accepts that estranged students are at their least vulnerable when in their college, they are denied this protection for six months out of the year.

Some have suggested that the issue seems an easy one to resolve. This year’s long vac, at 16 weeks, lasted longer than the 1940 Battle of France and Brian Clough’s tenure at Leeds United put together. Surely it’s as simple as adding a week onto each term and shortening the summer vacation accordingly to compensate for the change.

Yet things aren’t nearly that clear-cut. The same Oriel students who broadly favoured longer terms were split almost exactly evenly on whether or not the long vacation should be made shorter to compensate, a result which seems strange until you examine the motives respondents offered. One, writing anonymously, suggested that “[the vacation] drags sometimes, but that’s what it’s for”. Several others highlighted that the sheer length of time away from study allows for both leisure and professional development through internships.

The main reasons for opposition to a shorter summer vac among Cherwell’s focus group were financial: many are reluctant to take on the burden of another week’s accommodation costs. And these material pressures have even deeper impacts still. For some students, Oxford’s accommodation system presents a difficult choice between strife on the financial front or on the domestic one. Students wishing to stay in Oxford over the vacation must not only pay additional fees, but also justify their presence to college authorities – a situation which, for some, is symbolic of the University’s callous attitude towards its students outside of term time.

Mel Monemvasioti, also of Oriel, remarked that “Mental health and caring for your students goes beyond having a counselling system and therapy llamas. It needs to translate into material changes that actually provide benefits and support to students and don’t just treat them like cash cows. The vac issue actually illustrates a wider problem with the way [Oxford] approaches mental health and student support.”

This warning in some ways reflects the current state of the relationship between students and the university. Cherwell has repeatedly covered the rise in mental health concerns among Oxford students and young people in general, as well as allegations that the University is still yet to adequately deal with these problems. As with the rent question, some of Oxford’s perceived failings return again and again to issues of cost. The University’s collegiate structure is often cited as a defence against calls for greater investment. Oxford administrators claim to be hamstrung by the fact that £6 billion of the University’s £8bn endowment is tied to individual colleges rather than a single central body, meaning that University-wide improvements are extremely difficult to implement.

However, there are some cases where that argument has met fierce opposition. The College Disparities Report from the Student Union highlights that certain colleges would be more than capable of enacting financially sustainable reform across the University. Christ Church’s endowment, for example – said to be in excess of £700m in 2023 – is greater than that of every university in the country bar Cambridge and the remaining Oxford colleges.

The picture, therefore, is characteristically bleak. Lengthening terms and shortening the summer vacation would likely alleviate the significant pressures on students’ mental health, but that would require financial sacrifices. If some colleges were to subsidise others, the entire University could take steps to accommodate such changes and provide students with longer leases for the same price. Yet for many, there is a recurring feeling that asking for aid from Oxford’s wealthier colleges seems less feasible than drawing blood from their centuries-old stone.

Oxford Union believes Islam is compatible with democracy

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The Oxford Union voted last night that Islam is compatible with democracy. But before debating world politics, the packed chamber was treated to nearly an hour of the Union’s very own politics, with President Ebrahim Osman Mowafy, his supporters, and his critics engaging in a heated debate over racism, rules changes, and the legitimacy of returning officers. The motion “This House Believes Islam is Incompatible with Democracy” saw 49 votes in favour and 116 votes against.

Before taking questions, Osman-Mowafy began with a summary of last term’s controversy over “institutional racism” and the undemocratic nature of returning officers, who were the primary target of last week’s reforms. Social Events Officer Shermar Pryce asked Osman-Mowafy if he was still friends with a member who had called Pryce a “coconut”, eventually escalating into shouts about dinner and Instagram slides. Russell Kwok, who was blocked from becoming a Deputy Returning Officer, accused Osman-Mowafy of misspelling his name and alleging that he was “racist by association”, a term Osman-Mowafy denied using.

Students of law – a subject that appears to dominate Union leadership these days – must have greatly enjoyed the courtroom-esque scene, but the same can’t be said for the audience. Throughout this heated saga, students repeatedly asked for the Union to move onto the main debate, to applause and cheers from the chamber. The invited speakers, one of whom had flown in from Malaysia just for this debate, sat silently throughout all this, exchanging amused looks and occasionally giggling.

Finally underway, the debate began with Deputy Director of Press Yashas Ramakrishnan opening for the proposition. He started by “roasting” his opposition, mentioning that Usame Zukorlic used to run an organic store and thanking him for “putting down the green beans to focus on something more serious”. The audience did not laugh. Ramakrishnan’s argument hinged on the idea that Islamic governments can only function as the voice of God, making representation of the people impossible. He seemed eager to get through as much argument as possible — so eager he had to be asked to stop speaking so quickly. 

Next came Treasurer-Elect Moosa Harraj, who began by saying Ramakrishnan’s stance on the motion makes sense since “when Muslims run, they beat him in democratic elections”, referring to his recent loss in standing committee elections to three Muslims. He went on to refer to proposition speaker Benedict Masters as a “socially acceptable Boris Johnson.” Harraj’s argument hinged on an explanation of democracy and justice in Islamic history, as well as highlighting the importance of “consultation” in the religion. 

Next came the founder of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy, Zuhdi Jasser. Jasser began his speech by asserting that he was a proud Muslim. As an American, Jasser deemed Britain and the USA the “free-est countries in the world”, and was met with applause from the audience. He defined Islam as not just a religion, but also a “brand”, and one that he believes has been corrupted; Islam could be compatible with democracy, but is not. Jasser found time in his nine-minute speech to advertise for his book at least twice.

Serbian politician Usame Zukoric informed the chamber that this was his first debate in English, which he said proved a “special challenge”. Zukoric put himself and his protection of Muslim minority rights forward as an example for the compatibility of religion and democracy. He provided examples of Muslim democracies such as Indonesia, Malaysia, and Tunisia, urging the audience not to allow “isolated examples of extremism” to “overshadow” the Muslim faith. Zukoric finished by reminding the audience of the importance of European Muslims. 

Masters began his speech by addressing the “elephant in the room” and admitting that he also did not know why he had been chosen to speak. Masters tried to appeal to the chamber’s baser instincts by starting his speech with an insult to the French, a tactic that received a tepid response. Masters’ main argument was that Islam could not be compatible with democracy because divine law would always trump human law. He took a different approach than his fellow speakers, by admitting that all faiths struggled with this same problem, concluding that secularism is the only ideology that can coexist with democracy.

Now reaching 10.15pm, Malaysian politician Maszlee Malik had to wait awkwardly for an exodus of people leaving the chamber before he could begin his speech. Malik detailed his work with education in Malaysia as a real-life example of how Islam could be compatible with democracy. He went on to call out what he called the “hypocrisy of Western democracy”, referring in particular to what he saw as bystanderism in the context of the war in the Gaza strip – Malik’s explicit referral to it as a “genocide” elicited applause from the chamber. 

The final proposition speaker, the former Deputy Leader of Reform UK, Ben Habib, began by informing the chamber he was not actually interested in debating the motion. Instead, he decided he would debate what he deemed a more important question – whether or not Islam, as it is practised in Britain, is compatible with British democracy. Instead of talking about the motion, Habib launched into an attack on “diversity, equality, and inclusion”. He professed that he believed liberalism had gone “too far” and that the UK was now “positively prejudiced” for minorities. 

At last, Majjid Nawaz began his speech by arguing that no proposition speaker had been arguing for the motion, which referred to Islam in its essence, not as it is practised now or its history. Nawaz went on to say that he believed the motion was dangerous, saying that it was sentiment like it that had led to the communal riots experienced in the UK earlier this year, as well as the Bosnian genocide of the 1990s. He went on to state that there is no predetermined way to Islamically govern because concepts like “state” and “constitution” did not exist when Islamic scriptures were being written; systems, he said, are made by people.

Editors’ note: Commentary herein represents the opinion of the reporter, not of Cherwell.

Lord Mayor inspects New College walls following 650-year tradition

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In a historic ceremony dating back to the reign of King Richard II, Oxford’s Lord Mayor Councillor Mike Rowley inspected Oxford’s medieval city walls on 23rd October. This ceremonious tradition has been observed for nearly 650 years, honouring an agreement made on 30th of June 1379 between New College and the City of Oxford.

King Richard II granted New College founder William of Wykeham a royal charter to establish New College in 1379. Along with this charter came the land on which New College would be built. The land, however, came with a condition: since the Oxford City Walls would pass through New College, the college was entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining the walls and providing two entrances through which the Lord Mayor could inspect them. Since then, every three years, the Lord Mayor has carried out this ceremonial inspection of the city’s historic walls – which today stand as one of the last remaining stretches of the walls that originally encircled the city.

New College has taken its role of wall-upkeep seriously. Climbing or walking atop them is strictly forbidden in the Dean’s Handbook, a book of rules that govern New College students. Common myth says that anybody found on top of the wall is faced with immediate expulsion. While it is unlikely that the walls will ever be used for their intended purpose of protecting Oxford from siege again, save for protection from commemoration-ball-breaking hopefuls, the preservation of the walls remains crucial to the college both to preserve an important part of the city’s history, and to uphold their 14th-century agreement with the King of England.

As part of the ceremony, the Lord Mayor and City Councillors walked from the Town Hall to New College’s gate on Queen’s Lane. Led by the City Mace, upon arriving, the second Sergeant of Mace knocked three times on the non licet gate to New College, symbolising a formal request for entry. After being greeted by the Warden and Fellows of the college, they began a thorough inspection of the walls.

No bonfire at bonfire night for the first time in 56 years

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This year’s Guy Fawkes Night celebration in South Park will not feature the traditional bonfire, marking a first in the event’s 56-year history. Following complaints from local residents after last year’s event, Oxford City Council permitted Oxford Round Table, which organises the annual charity occasion, to proceed on the condition that the bonfire be excluded from this year’s festivities.

Last year the event coincided with Storm Ciaran, which over-saturated the park, making it vulnerable to the heavy machinery. The damage was caused by vehicles transporting logs for the bonfire, and despite prior concerns and suggestions that Oxford Round Table protect the ground with sheeting, this method continued “on the grounds of cost.”

Around 40 locals lodged complaints with the city council about the grounds, and additional complaints referenced the large amount of smoke generated by the bonfire. Oxford Round Table was ordered to cover the cost of repairing the extensive damages.

This decision comes after negotiations with Oxford Preservation Trust and Friends of South Park group. Other conditions include the implementing metal roadways underneath the funfair and only allowing essential and emergency vehicles to enter the site. Attendees are encouraged to use the Oxford Bus Company for transport now that parking is prohibited on the main site.

Some council members argue that complaints about smoke and mud are not substantial enough to justify discontinuing the bonfire. Independent councillor Ajaz Rehman called the decision “draconian” and emphasised that the event “belongs to the whole of Oxford.” Rehman also expressed concern that the absence of the bonfire could lead to lower ticket sales – last year’s event attracted 20,000 attendees and raised £85,000 for Oxford Round Table to continue their work aiding local charities.

Despite this change, the event, scheduled for the evening of 2nd November, will still include a fireworks display, food villages, bars, and funfair rides. Chairman of Oxford Round Table Josh Worsfold confirmed that Illusion Fireworks, the reigning National Fireworks champions, will once again handle the display.Event director Joseph Garbett added that to make up for the absence of the bonfire, this year’s fireworks show will be the “biggest and best ever.”

‘Technical difficulties’ delay new online History Admissions Test

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The History Admissions Test (HAT) was supposed to take place at 9am on Monday, but technical difficulties meant that students could not begin the exam until 11am at the earliest, two hours after the test was expected to start.

An applicant told Cherwell that while experiencing delays at their testing centres, students received emails saying the HAT was cancelled. However, many students stayed and took the test after some time. She said: “It was very stressful for those of us who did take it as many of us were unsure if we would be able to until the very last minute.”

The exam itself is a 60-minute essay response to a source text and a vital part of the Oxford application process, serving as the primary selector for interviews.

This is the first year Pearson VUE has delivered Oxford admissions tests, and the first year it was delivered digitally. It comes after multiple issues with tests last year, including for geography, English and maths, where the results were not factored into admissions decisions.

Some admissions tests, such as the English Literature Admissions Test (ELAT), have not run this year because of the new provider, Pearson VUE, which requires students to register at certain test centres to be examined in person. The English Faculty decided this was unfair and made the test inaccessible and are looking for alternative options for next year’s admissions cycle. 

In light of the technical issues with the HAT today, the English Faculty is still unsure how to implement the ELAT again next year. 

A University spokesperson told Cherwell that despite a “technical issue” in the test centres, “the large majority of candidates were able to sit their tests globally as expected.” They apologise for the disruption caused to affected candidates and “will ensure that no-one is disadvantaged by this morning’s events. We are working with Pearson VUE to ensure there is no repeat of this.”

More admissions tests are taking place today, including for classics, ancient history and classical archaeology, biomedical sciences, modern languages and philosophy.  

IFS director Paul Johnson to become Queen’s Provost

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Queen’s College announced that director of the Institute for Fiscal Studies Paul Johnson will be taking over as its provost in August of next year after Dr Claire Craig stepped down earlier this year. 

In his appointment announcement, Johnson said he was “delighted to have been appointed” as it is “clearly a very special place”. He continued: “I have spent most of my professional life working with brilliant people in institutions which strive for excellence and to achieve a positive impact in this country. I look forward to doing the same at Queen’s, to becoming part of this community, and to getting to know as many current and former members as possible”. 

Johnson has been the director of the IFS since 2011. To IFS, Johnson said that leaving the role was a “bittersweet moment” as IFS had been “an incredibly important part of [his] life”. He is the third successive IFS director to go on to lead an Oxford college, with his immediate predecessors, Sir Andrew Dilnot and Sir Robert Chote going on to Nuffield and Trinity, respectively. 

Johnson studied PPE as an undergraduate at Keble, before going on to hold positions at the Cabinet Office, the Financial Services Authority, the Department of Education and the Treasury. He was awarded a CBE in 2018 and is an honorary fellow of Keble. 

Johnson is also known for his work as a columnist for The Times, as well as his other work in print media such as his 2023 book Follow the Money. As a columnist, Johnson writes mostly on economic policy. His commentary influenced the latest election greatly, highlighting early the “black hole” in government finances.

Johnson, in his resignation announcement at the IFS said: “After 14 years at the helm, it feels like the right time to move on and start a new chapter in my life. I am incredibly excited to be moving to The Queen’s College, a wonderful institution in one of the world’s very best universities, and look forward to working with a new set of colleagues and brilliant young people”. 

On Johnson’s appointment, Craig said: “I am delighted that Paul will be the next Provost of Queen’s and I look forward to working with him to ensure a smooth transition. I know that everyone in the Queen’s community will warmly welcome and support him as he stewards the College over the coming year”. 

OA4P protests continue, University pushes back

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Since Oxford Action for Palestine (OA4P) encampment “disbanded” after last term following an eviction notice from the University, the organisation has made clear their continued presence through a succession of events staged during the first weeks of Michaelmas term. Here’s a summary of their action, and the University’s response.

On 15th October, OA4P hosted a “Picnic for Palestine” in collaboration with ten other student societies, according to an old Instagram post. The event, held in University Parks, was advertised as “food and friendship”. Hours before the event, the University emailed some of the societies to inform them that the picnic was not approved to take place, an OA4P spokesperson told Cherwell, while other societies including Biology Soc, Vegan Soc, and Student Union Class Act were permitted to host similar picnics in the parks.

OA4P went ahead with the picnic but removed the other societies from its advertisement to “protect” their status. At the picnic, members of OA4P told Cherwell that they believe the University hoped that the new year and deconstruction of the physical encampment represented an end to OA4P’s action, but that this was not the case.

The following day, OA4P organised a “keffiyeh study” session in the upper floor of the Radcliffe Camera, where members of the University were invited to co-work independently whilst wearing keffiyehs. OA4P documented on social media how librarians at the Rad Cam responded by placing written notices only on the occupied desks, stating that the Rad Cam is an “inclusive and welcoming space for all readers”, and that users must behave in a way that is “conducive to productive study”.

The University told Cherwell that they have “clear policies on free speech and the right to protest”, and maintained that these policies have been carried out consistently in response to protest action by OA4P.

Later that day, OA4P released a statement on social media expressing solidarity with the unaffiliated group Palestine Action after they sprayed the University’s Wellington Square administrative offices with paint and damaged the ground floor windows days earlier. In a statement posted to social media, OA4P acknowledged their “shared goals in highlighting the complicity of the University of Oxford in Israeli occupation, apartheid and genocide”.

The University told Cherwell: “OA4P has broken rules on acceptable protest on a number of occasions and expressed solidarity with the violent criminal damage inflicted on the Wellington Square offices. As we have made clear, students who have crossed the line into unlawful or unacceptable behaviour may expect disciplinary action, fines or suspension.”

Concluding the events of First Week, OA4P held protests during matriculation, disrupting two ceremonies and staging a “die in” at the entrance to the Sheldonian.

Margaret Casely-Hayford: “Some people see me as the diversity candidate, I don’t mind it.”

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If Margaret Casely-Hayford CBE were to be elected as Oxford’s Chancellor, she would be both the first woman and ethnic minority to rise to the symbolic helm of the University. Her candidacy carries momentous potential but has not been without disparagement, she recognises: “Some people see me as the ‘diversity champion’, the ‘diversity advocate,’ and, to an extent, I don’t really mind that to some it’s meant to be a criticism.”

Speaking to Cherwell, Casely-Hayford touched on her vision for the chancellorship, her experiences as the first black woman to become a partner at a City law firm, and her nomination to join the until recently exclusively male Garrick Club.

In terms of university chancellorships, this would not be Casely-Hayford’s first. She has already served as Chancellor of Coventry University for seven years. Regarding the current crisis facing the higher education sector, with a drop in international student numbers and frozen tuition fees leaving many universities struggling, Casely-Hayford spoke about Oxford’s place in the debate, despite its comparative financial strength:

“Oxford has a fantastic position in being recognised as the best university in the country and the world, so the voice of its leadership really carries an enormous amount of weight and responsibility. The higher education sector is in a really precarious position, it needs now to be championed.

“We’ve spent a lot of time saying, the benefit is earning more: ‘learn more, earn more.’ But it’s more than the benefit to the individual, there’s a huge raft of data required to ensure that people really see the social benefit, the health benefit, the culture benefit, and economic benefits to the country.”

Casely-Hayford stressed the need for iconic institutions, such as Oxford, not to “rest on their laurels”, rather to use their influence in uniting the sector. She reflected on her work as chair of Shakespeare’s Globe during the Covid pandemic:

“We realised that if we talked to government, as a unifying voice on behalf of all of theatre and all the arts, about the importance of the way the arts attract income into the country and benefit the public then that would help the Treasury’s thinking about how we support the arts.

“The government’s Cultural Recovery Fund was launched from our stage at The Globe, I thought that was incredibly symbolic of the fact that we were not being self-serving.”

The chancellorship race has become increasingly politically charged over recent months, with the high-profile candidacies of Labour stalwart Peter Mandelson and former Conservative leader William Hague.

Casely-Hayford, a lawyer by profession, has no such political background. Reflecting on the political character of the race, she said: “I think that the role of chancellor is intended to be a unifying, symbolic, ceremonial one. All of the colleges and halls have their own identity, but the unifying concept is the University.

“For individuals to enter the race who clearly have a political agenda, a political mandate that they push, is unfortunate. I do think, however, that, having a voice, a knowledge of politics and a political astuteness is an integral part of being in the role.”

Casely-Hayford studied Law at Somerville during her undergraduate years, “when it wasn’t co-ed”, she adds. “I just loved my time. I think I was probably far too sociable, but it has meant that I’ve had some amazing enduring friendships and have an incredible network.

“Although people are really collegiate, there’s also this sort of wider blanket of warmth. I really was welcomed, and I didn’t feel outside of anything.”

Casely-Hayford’s career began in the City, where she rose through the ranks at the law firm Dentons, and was the first black woman to be a partner at a City law firm. Reflecting on her experiences in the corporate sector, she said: “I’m so old that when I first started working, women in the City were still a rarity, and being a black woman in the City was like hen’s teeth.

“If I’m honest, it was a lonely position, and it made me tough because I had to be. I had to learn through my experience how to not be that ‘tough guy’ who never leaves the office.

“Women were expected to behave like men, for example, I remember one of my colleagues going off to a meeting when she was about 8 ¾ months pregnant. I just kept thinking, ‘go home and have a rest,’ and she wouldn’t do it because she was expected to go to the wire.

“The City was a tough place, and, gradually, we’ve all learned to be better. The younger generation is fantastic, because they do think about the fact that people need headspace to be able to perform better, and you don’t get headspace if you’re worried, anxious, nervous, or personally minimized.”

In previous interview, Casely-Hayford described her Somerville law tutor Dr Ann de Moor as an inspiration, recalling that de Moor had been “disappointed that I’d become ‘just a City lawyer’, telling me that she had expected more of me because of what I’d said about social justice years before, at my interview.”

Asked by Cherwell whether she had, in hindsight, stayed true to those social justice beliefs she had once held close, Casely-Hayford said: “You probably can hear from what I’ve said that my beliefs haven’t changed!”

She added: “In my interview I had been asked ‘where do you see yourself in ‘x’ number of years, and I said, ‘I want to be secretary general of the United Nations.’ So, when I went back to tell my tutor Ann de Moor that I’d been made a partner at a City law firm, she looked crestfallen and I thought, ‘Oh my goodness, I’ve let Ann down, she had faith and expected more.’

“It was that experience that, in a way, made me throw my hat in the ring to become chair of ActionAid UK, an incredible international development organization that strives to end world poverty.”

Earlier this year, Casely-Hayford was one of seven women nominated to become the first female members of the Garrick Club, a London private members’ club which counts many legal professionals and members of the judiciary among its fold.

Speaking about the historic decision, Casely-Hayford said: “I’ve been to the Garrick a number of times for dinner or lunch, and it’s wall to wall carpeted with talent.

“I’m not saying that a group of people can’t form a club that’s just for them, if that’s what they want to do. But what I am saying is that the Garrick’s different because it has leading actors, leading lawyers and judges, all of whom are men. It’s important to consider the impact that camaraderie might have elsewhere.

“But it’s also to do with the fact that I’ve been incredibly thrilled when young people, who don’t necessarily come from a background that has a strong social network have said to me, ‘can you help me with something,’ or ‘can you give me some advice?’

“And I’m able to say, ‘I don’t actually know very much about that, but I know someone who does.’ If that’s a contribution I am able to make to their life, I think that I’d be happy with that.”

Casely-Hayford describes the position of Chancellor as “the world’s oldest glass ceiling,” pointing to the role’s 950 year-long history: “I think it would just be refreshing to look at somebody who’s different, but that’s not my asking for a free pass because of my gender and my ethnicity.

“I have been a Chancellor: I understand the symbolic and ceremonial aspects, I love and cherish the historic legacy, but I am also willing to push boundaries, test norms, and would champion those who want to do so within the university, whether it’s for the betterment of society, academe, or individuals, or even the environment.

“I hope I can bring all of that to make me, at least, in with a decent chance at becoming Oxford’s next Chancellor.”

Worcester Lake is leaking, the college appeals for ‘urgent’ repairs

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Worcester College has made a fundraising appeal to support “urgent” repairs for its lake, which has been “leaking” since at least Trinity term of last year. The work to repair the lake is likely to cost over £350,000 according to an official video. The Lake Repair Fund, to which Old Members have pledged to match the first £50,000 of donations, is one of four funds donors can contribute to for Worcester’s Giving Day in late November. 

The lake is currently leaking into the nearby Oxford Canal. In light of recent heavy rainfalls – this September marked the wettest month Oxford has seen in 250 years – Worcester’s grounds-people have been given training and permission to use Isis Lock 46 to control the high water levels. A buildup of silt on the lakebed also poses a threat to the lake’s ecosystem.

The lake holds a dear place in the hearts of students, teachers, and visitors alike. It often serves as the backdrop for various art shows and performances hosted by the college, most notably an annual performance from Buskins, which has a strong claim to be Oxford’s oldest college drama society.

In a promotional video for the Giving Day, Worcester Provost David Isaac said “who can imagine Worcester without its lake?”. The head gardener described it as “the heart of the college [and] a very special place for all of us”. The Giving Day also seeks to raise money for music and student support. 

Worcester canon holds that Imran Khan, international cricket star and ex-prime minister of Pakistan who was recently ruled out of the race for Oxford Chancellor, once hit a cricket ball for six into the lake from the nearby field – a feat that has yet to be replicated.

The lake also plays a crucial role in one of the three components to the unofficial “Worcester Challenge”, which supposedly includes skinny dipping in the lake, public streaking, and copulation in its historic library. Such acts are forbidden by the college.

Whose seat gets taken? Community and nostalgia on public transport

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We’re on the second-to-last train back from London. It’s a rammed carriage that hums with the noise of the tracks and snatches of conversation, voices jumping over the seats that people are split across. We’re lucky. Not only did we catch the train that we thought we’d miss, but we’re sitting next to each other. More than that, we don’t mind the bustle, the fact that it’s busy. In truth, I’m glad. My friend and I may have grown up together – we may have had that rite-of-passage first trip ‘alone’ to London, left school, moved to university in the city (her more than me …) – but it’s late. I’d rather more people were around than not. 

And still it comes. We’re probably somewhere before High Wycombe, there’s a long time yet until most people have got off. We’re talking about something inane, perhaps a little loudly, but I wouldn’t say we’re competing with the snippets from TikTok playing further down the carriage. All seems well, but –

“Actually…” the man across the aisle butts in. He wants to let us know that we’re wrong. He knows – though luckily he doesn’t also go on to detail how – that the thing we were talking about as happening in June, actually happens in October. We turn towards him, smile, nod, and probably say “oh”. Neither of us are that fussed over what we were talking about. But he goes on. We try to draw it to a close and eventually make quite a conscious shift back to how we were sitting before. In the window I can see him still leaning across the aisle, still watching.

He gets off at the next station. The woman across the table from us catches our eye. 

In a sense, I know that this man was trying to be helpful, trying to strike up a conversation. Sometimes our expectations for public transport seem a bit isolationist. Sometimes it seems like we idealise and expect a silence which ignores its essentially communal nature. Recently, such discussion has centred on targeting the ‘antisocial’ behaviour presented by phone speakers. Blaring TikToks, Youtube videos, music have been put on trial for the greatest crime of all: profaning the sanctity of the commute, disturbing the peace of the bounded individual. 

On the other hand, there’s a lament for what seems a lost art. Why have we stopped talking to strangers? Isn’t it nice to take a moment for connection, for spontaneity? A sense of nostalgia makes it easy to believe that we too have experienced and lost some great collective past, played out in conversations around bus stops and across worn seats. And it’s logical enough that we should want it ‘back’. Public transport could be at the heart of that, acting as a kind of thread to turn a nostalgic communality into reality. 

Part of me feels bad for feeling uncomfortable. I’d prefer to take the latter stance than the former. But, sometimes, it’s hard to square what you want to be true with what you experience. Especially when encounters often fall on a blurry line: one where you aren’t quite sure what you’re reading into, or what you’re naïvely trying to explain away. Often it’s hard to predict whether a boundary will be crossed, or it feels impossible to do anything about it once it has.

Much of this is a consequence of the spaces we find ourselves in. Public transport may – by definition – be public, but it is inevitably closed off and contained. It is this spatial vulnerability that can’t be forgotten in search for community. When most people are simply trying to get from Y to Z, just being on a train cannot automatically enrol you in some kind of social experiment.

In fact, we might rethink what kinds of nostalgia we employ, especially when talking about ‘reviving’ a community-orientated public sphere. Asking where community has gone may help to delegitimise neoliberal presumptions of individualism, but we should be careful what we can overlook by employing a ‘shared’ communal memory. Perhaps ‘in your day’ people milled around bus stops and chatted between carriages, but the uncomfortable encounter is far from a new phenomenon. ‘The irritating gentleman’ looms large in the artwork we see and the stories we hear, across generations or between childhood friends. If our best reach for community is notorious for coerced tolerance, we might do well to look elsewhere. 

Later, a mother and daughter pass us on their way off the train. We’ve given up on talking (who knows what we’d say without a male fact-checker anyway) and have fallen into a yawning game of Monopoly Deal. “We love that game,” the mother says, “our family plays it all the time.” We all laugh, make a slightly forced joke about being sore losers and laugh again. They carry on down the carriage. 

I don’t think that we should expect our experiences on public transport to simply revolve around ourselves. But just as individualism should not be blindly accepted, our interactions with others should be alert to the fact that simply sitting on a train does not convey unmitigated interest in unsolicited opinions, or openness to interrogation. We may share a carriage but we all have had different experiences, we all have different preferences for how much we would like to interact. Community comes not just from interaction but from mutuality, empathy, and care. 

Ultimately, if it’s nearly midnight and you find yourself leaning across to correct younger women, you could probably let an incorrect month slide.