Monday 11th August 2025
Blog Page 678

Athis takes Union presidency

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Genevieve Athis has been elected to the Union presidency for Trinity term 2019, with her Empower slate taking all four officer positions.

Athis won 950 first preferences, meeting the quota for election in the first round, beating rival New Way candidate Nick Brown’s 539 first preferences.

She told Cherwell: “I am honoured and humbled to have been elected President of the Oxford Union. I couldn’t have done it without the team of people I had around me and I look forward to working with them to put together an exciting and diverse term card and putting into place our policies to empower members to get the most out of their membership, regardless of background.

“Through this I hope that we can work towards making the Union a more inclusive space where no one is ever afraid to make their voice heard.”

In the race for Treasurer-Elect Charlie Coverman defeated Gemma Timmons by 697 to 686, whilst Nick Leah beat out both rival slate’s Olivia Railton with 509 first preferences and independent candidate Maxim Parr-Reid with 255 first preferences.

Empower’s Sara Singh Dube also defeated New Way’s Becky Collins for the position of Librarian elect, winning 801 first preferences to Collins’ 592.

Elected to Standing Committee were Chaitanya Kediyal, Shining Zhao, Mahi Joshi, Jim Brennan, Elliot Bromley, Olivia Leigh, and Rai Saad Khan.

Empower won four of the available Standing Committee seats to New Way’s two. One independent candidate, Jim Brennan, was also elected.

Six seats on Secretary’s Committee went to Empower compared to four for New Way and one for independent candidate George Hargrave.

In total the Returning Officer recorded 1649 votes, compared to 1069 votes in the elections held at the Trinity last year.

The ‘Empower’ slate has won a resounding victory in a race in which the future of slates is in doubt, with the Union’s membership having voted to abolish them for the elections held next term.

Nick Brown did not respond to a request for comment.

Students hold consent protest following Irish rape trial

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Oxford held a ‘This is Not Consent’ demonstration today in protest of the recent Irish rape trial in which the alleged victim’s underwear was used as evidence against her in court.

A group of protestors – many wearing lacy underwear on top of their clothes – gathered on Cornmarket Street this afternoon for a peaceful demonstration.

The Oxford protest coincides with demonstrations across the UK following news that a lawyer, defending the alleged rapist, told a court in Ireland: “You have to look at the way she [the alleged victim] was dressed. She was wearing a thong with a lace front.”

The defendant, a 27-year old man, was found not guilty of raping the 17-year-old woman.

The Oxford protest included an “underwear flash photo”, a speech, a minute’s silence, and an open poetry reading.

A crowd of around 100 people gathered in Oxford today holding up banners and lacy underwear, chanting “No means no” and “I believe her”.

Protest organiser Bryony Streets told Cherwell: “The anger I felt […] only grew as I looked further into the case, moving me to organise a protest against victim blaming.

I hope this will show our support for all victims of sexual assault and continue to press the point that victims should never be blamed for the actions of their attackers.”

Ellie McCourt-Clarke, who attended the protest, added: “Clothing is not consent and protests like this are only the beginning to change attitudes surrounding that belief.

Everyone should come to make a stand whilst simultaneously supporting anyone affected by rape, sexual assault and its consequences.”

Revealed: the “hidden casualisation” of University staff

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Oxford University have failed to implement reforms to decrease the number of staff in ‘precarious’ jobs, despite the Higher Education Statistical Association reporting in 2016 that jobs at the University are the most insecure in the Russell Group.

An internal report by the University Administration and Services distributed to Oxford UCU members showed that 87% of research staff held fixed-term contracts in July 2017, marking a 5-year high.

55.3% of all academic staff above ‘Grade 6’, an Oxford job classification which includes all those who can act as supervisors, held a fixed-term contract in July 2017, compared to 54.6% in 2016.

The percentage of academic and related staff moving from fixed-term to permanent contracts also dropped from 1.8% to 1.5% in the year to July 2017.

The report was based on headcount rather than per contract as seen in the HESA study, in recognition that many staff members hold more than one fixed-term contract.

A spokesperson for the University told Cherwell: “We recognise that the majority of our early career researchers are on fixed-term contracts and we take very seriously the need to do more to support them.

“Our recently published Strategic Plan for 2018-2023 commits to enhancing the opportunities and support for early career researchers and we have established an Early Career Researcher Development Forum to find ways of improving their position, including doing more to build their skill sets and offer career support.

“We would also note that these figures reflect Oxford being such a research-intensive university, because the way research is funded leads to this type of contract. The figure also includes a graduate students undertaking part-time teaching and this flexibility suits them because they can balance it with their studies.”

In the April 2018 report, the University also promised that its quarterly review group would review those who had been on fixed term contracts for between 10-15 years.

The report read: “We should expect through its questioning of contract intentions that some employees will be transferred from fixed-term to open-ended contacts.”

However, Oxford UCU representative Patricia Thornton told Cherwell: “Open-ended contracts are not the same as permanent employment and do not necessarily confer job security, and the numbers of staff shifted to open-ended contracts did not represent a significant proportion of the total on insecure contracts in the end.”

The percentage of academic and related staff moving from fixed-term contracts to open-ended contracts increased from 0.6% to 0.7% in the year to July 2017.

There is no strict definition of a ‘precarious job’. The University Administration report only included percentages of those on fixed-term contracts as an indicator of precarity, while the HESA report also deemed ‘atypical’ jobs precarious.

The 2016 HESA report recorded that 76.9% of Oxford University academic staff were in these ‘precarious’ jobs, in contrast to an average 50.9% for universities nationwide. The figure for Cambridge University was 64.8%.

However, the precarity situation at Oxford and Cambridge is more serious than both the data collected by the University and HESA would suggest. As the data is based on statistics from the central University, college-only personnel, which include all college employees, Junior Research Fellows, and postdocs, are excluded from the findings.

Cambridge UCU anti-casualisation officer, Sandra Cortijo told Cherwell that such “hidden casualisation” was endemic at both universities. She said that Oxford’s own higher precarity rating is indicative of the greater teaching co-ordination at Oxford between faculties and the central University, meaning that there are fewer college-only posts.

However, Cortijo also added that some Cambridge colleges have tried to alter their model to assuage the prevalence of precarious jobs, in ways that Oxford has so far failed to emulate.

She said: “A number of Cambridge colleges have moved away from fixed term College Lecturer posts in recent years, preferring permanent College Lectureships, whereas the direction of change may not have been the same in Oxford.

“In Oxford, there is some evidence of tutorial teaching and other time-intensive contact with students being shifted away from permanent Tutorial Fellows and on to fixed-term early-career staff, or even graduate students.”

While in Cambridge posts to cover for staff on paid research leave often “provide comparable work conditions to a permanent academic position”, despite being fixed-term according to Cortijo, Oxford’s equivalent positions fail to offer the same level of security.

Cortijo added: “Oxford has in recent years advertised posts which involve — and pay — for only the specific teaching hours required, with no allowance for research time and no payment outside the teaching term.”

Fixed-term contracts in Oxford vary enormously in duration. The majority of academics Cherwell spoke to were on three-year contracts, but some had contracts as short as one to six months.

A current associate professor told Cherwell: “At the time that I received my doctorate, temporary positions were still relatively rare: the norm was that newly minted doctoral degree holders either applied for and received post-doctoral research positions for a year or two, or slipped right into permanent, tenure-track positions.

“In my case, I succeeded in landing a post-doctoral research position for one year, and then moved right into a tenure-track position. However, within ten years of that, I discovered that the new norm had become not just one fixed-term contract following the conferral of degree, but several.

“Most newly-minted academics that I know of— including my own DPhil students and recent graduates— can expect to spend up to a decade moving from fixed-term post to fixed-term post before landing a permanent job.”

The number of fixed-term contracts available varies throughout the year, with posts often only open for a single term.

One academic, who tutored at another college last Trinity to help with finals, said: “I was teaching 15-25 hours a week – at 15 hrs you start getting counselling because it is such mentally exhausting work, teaching.

“In the end I got £1500 out of it and an exhaustion related illness.”

Fixed-term contracts are notorious for their vagueness, and often it is up to the discretion of the employer what they will actually entail.

One laboratory manager told Cherwell: “In some of our contracts it is stated that working hours are as many as necessary to perform the duties, which leads to abuse from some line managers regarding how many hours you work a week.

“It is not uncommon to find people working 70+ hours a week as if they fail to do that, their short-term contracts won’t be renewed.”

One academic spoke of experiences where jobs, despite being classified as ‘research’ posts, would actually involve teaching and supervision.

One MPhil student revealed that he spent £6,000 a year on his degree despite only officially meeting his supervisor twice a year. In order to cover the costs, the same student was obliged to take on teaching posts at two different colleges, as well as tutoring A-Level students for six hours every Sunday. His monthly income is £800, and his rent costs are £625.

They said: “At the end of my one-year contract, it was renewed – something that was due to my employer’s generosity, who knew that I couldn’t finish my PhD otherwise, because I wouldn’t have had enough money.”

They added: “These people are the most academically qualified, yet they can’t afford to rent one room in one house.

“I’ve seen people have to pack up boxes and walk out because they can’t afford to pay rent – they’ve had to give up on PhDs halfway through.”

Neither does security seem to improve with age or experience. According to one academic, it is normal for academics not to obtain a permanent post until the age of 35, which is “insane in any other business”. He recalled a lecturer who had a series of five prestigious lectureships at a single college. However, once her contract expired she was left unemployed with no protection or provision.

However, despite the promise of overwork and little pay, competition for contracts remains fierce, with one academic suggesting that 200 applicants for a single Junior Research Fellowship was not unusual.

He continued: “My job won’t exist in June – there won’t be another Graduate Teaching Assistant. I’m going to have to apply for my own job, and we’ll see if I get it. But they can’t just keep me on forever – they are not allowed to.

“I’ll apply for upwards of 20 jobs, and I might get one – even though I should be top of the pile, I have a lot of experience in teaching, I’ve been in the Oxford system, I’ve got a book contract with a well-known publisher.”

Successful applications also frequently rely on references from current employers, meaning that employers will become aware as soon as academics begin looking for new posts.

Speaking to Cherwell, one researcher said: “This also puts us in a very difficult position. A position where regardless of how badly you are treated, you still have to put up with that in order to make sure you get a half decent reference to secure another job.”

One academic also believed that attitudes to recruitment had changed in the university in recent years.

They said: “There is no recognition of loyalty at this University. In any other profession – business, medicine, law – the biggest thing you can give to an employer is loyalty, and you are rewarded for showing that loyalty.

“Here, loyalty is seen as the worst thing, a kind of waste product. They now value those who have taught somewhere else, they value experience from outside of Oxford.”

Hiring in Oxford is still a highly opaque process however, with many positions still being awarded without being openly advertised.

“I got a job at a college through knowing people. One of the professors was on leave for this term, and I got a call over the summer from a candidate who asked me if I wanted the job, without an interview, and without an application.

“By the time the college had conducted an interview process, which would have cost them time and effort, they would have ended up selecting someone just because they ticked a few boxes.”

The stress of continually looking for jobs in order to survive in one of the UK’s most expensive cities, has been suggested to have repercussions not only for academic staff’s own mental health, but also the quality of their teaching.

One academic sighed: “It’s kind of ironic because you hear about mental stress from students on an undergraduate level, and you are supposed to be giving sympathy.

“But you go home and you are single, underpaid, overstressed and fucked off about everything.”

Although the Oxford UCU have made raising awareness of job precarity one of their key campaigns, academics complain that raising issues with the University is futile. Strikes, one academic admitted, “make absolutely no effect on anything at all”.

The researcher said: “I haven’t complained about this as it is kind of our understanding that is how the university operates. I don’t think that it is a fair system but not sure what can we do to change it.

“As many other things in this university, including bullying, equality and other policies, we feel that is a bit of façade to make the university appear as a wonderful employer but the reality is very different.

“When we raise complains about any matter, we are quickly shut down, ignored or even mistreated. And as we are in a fragile employment situation we just have to shut up and carry on, otherwise we won’t be able to secure employment.”

They said the University should be “making sure that these contracts are not legal”, and offering alternatives to HR for staff to report their concerns.

Oxford UCU rep, Patricia Thornton told Cherwell: “The entire phenomenon is profoundly detrimental to what a university is and ought to be. It literally renders the notion of academic freedom irrelevant, as no one on a fixed-term contract can be guaranteed to be able to exercise their right to conduct and disseminate resource.

“If the new norm across the University becomes precarious employment in academe, then the University will have failed to observe both the 1997 UNESCO Recommendation Concerning the Status of Higher Education Teaching Personnel, which charges universities with the responsibility of ensuring effective support of academic freedom.

“We are not quite to that point yet, thankfully; but, personally, as time goes by, I’m getting more and more uneasy about how closely we are skirting that line in academic research.”

Cellar reaches £80k crowdfunding target

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The Cellar, the Oxford nightclub facing imminent closure over fire safety requirements, has raised enough money to undertake the building renovations needed to stop it from closing.

The nightclub announced it had reached its £80k crowdfunding target today, an amount that will fund building work to widen the club’s fire escape to comply with city council standards and to make up for financial losses.

In October, independent music venue began its crowdfunding campaign, which was backed by students, residents and artists, including Radiohead drummer Philip Selway.

In a Facebook post, The Cellar team wrote: “WOW we are awestruck. Through the power of the people, thanks to you we’ve now got the crowdfunding we need to save The Cellar.

“It’s been an incredible journey and one we hope also communicates to people out there, just how crucial small venues are to our music and arts community. This is a live situation and we have been working really hard to get all the other things in place before the building work can commence.”

In June, Cellar was forced to cut the maximum capacity from 150 people to 60, as the fire escape was 30cm too narrow for Oxfordshire County Council requirements. 

The nightclub was set to close on 3rd December unless it could raise enough money increase its capacity and make up for any losses incurred.

The Cellar management has since gained approval from the landlords to submit the building plans, consulted with structural engineers, had the club building has been surveyed, and drawn up detailed drawings of the building.

Their submission to the planning office is pending approval by 4th January 2019. They have consulted with building control and received quotes from various building firms, all of which are available to commence in January 2019.

They have also met with the landlord’s surveyors to finalise our their rent agreement.

The team added: “There are many pieces of the jigsaw to slot into place to keep The Cellar alive. We are hoping that the building work will start in January 2019, and we are working flat out to ensure this happens.

“It’s important to us, and to all your incredible efforts, that we do not accept the money until we are 100% sure we can deliver. We will keep you updated via the crowdfunder updates, every step of the way.

“Thank you so so much for your patience on this, and we are so grateful we now have the chance to save our beloved venue. #cellarforever.”

The Cellar has been contacted for comment.

Wang Dan – “There are a lot of lies about true democracy”

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It is immediately clear that Wang Dan would prefer not to focus on his own past, but in-
stead on China’s future. An outspoken critic of the Chinese Communist Party, Wang has spent almost half of the last 30 years in prison and is still banned from the country
to this day. His campaign for democracy in China has defined his life since his days as a student leader during the Tiananmen protests in 1989, but
he refuses to think of himself as a martyr. Today’s China couldn’t be more different from the government he challenged decades ago, but until his dreams of a democratic China are realised, he isn’t prepared to stop.

Rather than becoming disillusioned, or worse, during the eleven years he spent in a single cell, he describes the experience less in terms of its horrors than its formative influence on his thinking. “Reading was the only thing I could do,” he explains, “I still think it is beneficial for me to have read so many books.”

Yet contemplative solitude is evidently not Wang’s preferred course of action. While undoubtedly an intellectual appreciation for democracy provided the incentive for the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, it was a movement that was as firmly grounded in the experiences and thoughts of individual students as in abstract philosophies. In 1988, Wang set up the first “campus salons” at his university, engaging his fellow students and teachers on the issue of China’s democratic development.

“We tried to form an atmosphere in the campus,” he says. “To do this we tried to encourage our students to participate – I mean, if you want something to happen you have to do something.”

It is perhaps unsurprising, then, that when I ask Wang about his influences, he answers not with a political theoretician – although he admits he got the initial “idea of democracy” from high school classes – but with his teachers.

“I’m not just referring to those supervisors,” he clarifies, “but I mean young teachers – when I was a student, I had very close relationships with young teachers. They were like family, they had a lot of influence on me.”

Even today, Wang is still trying to foster these kinds of constructive conversations, melding academic principles of democracy with individual and contemporary circumstances. He has set up the think-tank Dialogue, a group of mostly Chinese overseas academics, who hope to bring public attention to the issues surrounding China’s current constitution.

Part of the group’s project is to create a series of video clips, each describing a different benefit of democracy which they intend to disseminate to the public over social media. He proudly tells me that his current YouTube channel has 4,000 followers, with “some of them from mainland China.” His optimism, however, is noticeably forced. Although he claims that the mainland population often circumvent the government’s online firewall, there seems little hope that his attempts at social “enlightenment” will reach anywhere near the levels required to establish a native movement.

“My opinion is pretty negative because – the Chinese government did a lot of things so that there are a lot of lies about what is true democracy.

“I mean, they pick up a lot of the shortcomings of democracy, they pick up the problems of the UK and the US and they try to say that democracy does nothing helpful and that the Communist Party is better than them.

“The Chinese government has done a lot of this kind of propaganda and it has worked. A lot of the younger generation, that are not going abroad, they really have no idea, no channel, they just listen to the government’s propaganda, so maybe younger generations, they don’t have a good impression about democracy.”

While there are recognised democratic parties in China, they are compliant with the current Communist system, mostly acting as groups of academics and professionals who advise the main party, the CCP, on scientific aspects of policy, rather than championing any abstract democratic ideals. However, even if Wang did hear of any activist groups in China, he would be nervous about contacting them.

“I think it is too dangerous for them. If I tried to give them some money or offer some instruction, it would be giving the government an opportunity to crack down on them.” The Chinese government’s chokehold on discourse has led to what Wang calls a lack of “common sense” among the Chinese population.

“There is a lot of common sense in the US and the UK, but we don’t have it.

“For example, like people cannot easily just shoot other people – gunmen can shoot other people – but in the case of June 4th [The Tiananmen protests], a lot of Chinese people think if government do this its OK.”

However, although Wang seems to frame the debate about democracy around highly Westernised terms – alongside “common sense”, he suggests that China should accept democracy to gain the “respect” of Western countries. As the interview continues, it transpires that he is far from satisfied with the UK and the US’s attitude towards an increasingly totalitarian China.

“Western countries can do a lot, for example like use their personal relationship with Xi Jinping or other high-level officials to persuade them to start doing something – say “This is something you can do,” or something like that.”

One of the most problematic facets of Xi Jinping’s current policy, in Wang’s opinion, is the national attitude to Taiwan. A democratic state with its own distinctive entrepreneurial spirit, yet still unrecognized as a country by many, including the UK, and increasingly reliant on China economically, Wang tells me the re-capture of the island state has become one of Xi’s most important ideological principles. To reunite Taiwan and China would satisfy a Communist obsession that has plagued CCP leaders, and most significantly Mao himself, since the Kuomintang retreat to the island in 1949 following the Civil War.

“Taking back Taiwan [is] more important than any other thing for him, and maybe the most important thing [for Xi],” Wang says, “He won’t be the hero in the party’s history [if he doesn’t do it].”

Nor is Taiwan the only symptom of Xi’s aim to take up Mao’s legacy. In February of this year, China’s President Xi Jinping eliminated the two-term rule for China’s premiership, which would allow him to remain the nominal head of state for the country indefinitely. Imperial ambition, Wang believes, is manifest.

“Xi may not be called an emperor, he may be called a President but he wants to be that kind of person that can do anything.”

Although obviously an ambivalent figure, Wang describes a country that still hasn’t shaken off the aspects of Mao’s original cult of personality. Government officials still harbour effigies of Mao in their homes and village squares are often graced with his stony presence.

The longing for security in a world increasingly characterised by economic and political turbulence means that strongman rulership – and not just in China, but indeed worldwide – couldn’t be more in vogue.

“Xi grew up in Mao’s area,” Wang tells me. “That is very important for him and he’s not a person with a background in high level education. So all his education comes from Mao’s era – his ideas about the war, about how to be a person, has all come from the cultural revolution. [Mao is] still really a hero for younger generation, including him. This kind of shadow or influence still keeping in his mind I think.”

While ‘democracy with Chinese characteristics’ may have been a stock phrase in recent decades, Wang rejects the idea that there is “just some Western democracy”, which can be superficially altered to fit China. He believes in democracy (rather than a “vague definition”) as a series of “concrete policies” that have been borne out of the specific concerns and material problems for China’s population.

Privatisation is his key policy: freedom, he believes, can only be achieved with the disassembly of state monopolies over industry, and by returning the land to the “peasant” class in China’s still highly rural economy.

Wang’s principal model for this economic change comes immediately – China in the 1980s.“I think the 1980s is the golden time, because at that time there is cooperation between society and the State and I think that now you can see that there is no cooperation between society and state. This cooperation is very important for our country if you want developments , mostly – so in 1980 we have links – in 1980s we have a democracy idea, what people want to do something not only for themselves but for their country.”

Paradoxically perhaps, Wang condemns the current system of unified state control as killing patriotic fervor in the young.

“Today we cannot see this kind of -ism, this kind of ideology, to persuade young generations to work for their country, for the country benefit, they just want to make money for themselves.”

Wang views economic freedom and political freedom as a kind of symbiosis, claiming that the democratic outcry in 1989 in Tiananmen Square itself was a natural product of the entrepreneurial, independent-minded spirit that was cultivated in the preceding decade, as China began to open up their cities to Western trade.

So which will begin first? As I pose the question, the interview is brought to a hasty close. Wang earlier pinpointed the urban middle classes and the younger generation as the “driving force” for democratic revolution. But will he ever gain revolutionary commitment from the group that has, benefited the most from Xi? Without real pressure from the West, itself mired in the democratic question, Wang’s vision of a democratic China perhaps does not look rosy.

 

Students protest colleges’ ‘unethical’ investments

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Oxford students, staff, and residents marched through the city on Wednesday calling for specific colleges to divest millions of pounds from fossil fuels, arms and tobacco companies.

Protesters marched past colleges deemed to have the worst-offending investment portfolios, after a Cherwell investigation last week revealed over £150 million invested by Oxford colleges in offshore tax havens, as well as direct investments by New and Hertford in fossil fuels and arms corporations.

At Pembroke, Exeter and New colleges, protesters put up notices bearing the slogan, “Time is Up.”

The protest demanded full divestment, over a period of two years, from direct and indirect holdings in the top 200 fossil fuel companies as listed on Carbon Underground in the University’s endowment fund and in the funds of its colleges.

The protesters further demanded “an end to research partnerships with fossil fuel companies that have no plan to comply with the Paris Agreement”, and that the University “honour its ethical responsibilities by immediately terminating its investments in, and all institutional links with, companies and institutions – including Mitsubishi Electric and Rolls Royce – which produce arms and thus profit from exploitation, illegal wars and ongoing settler-colonisation abroad.”

Lastly, they demanded “an end to arms companies recruitment drives at Oxford”and “transparency” about relationships with arms companies.”

The march was organised by a coalition of student groups including the Oxford Climate Justice Campaign (OCJC), Free Education Oxford, and Demilitarise Oxford, and coincided with the student network People & Planet’s National Day of Action for Divestment.

Oxford Climate Justice Campaign spokesperson Rachel Qiu said: “Climate change – and the natural disasters and critical impoverishment it causes – has created business opportunities for many unethical industries.

“These industries’ activities disproportionately impact the formerly colonised, the global working class, and communities of colour who are considered sacrificeable for profit.”

Chair of OCJC, Julia Peck, told Cherwell: “The fact of the matter is that about 60 universities in the UK have already divested from fossil fuels, and Oxford is lagging behind. So we are part of that National Day of Action; but, also, ours is a quite urgent situation, because Oxford has rejected calls for divestment whereas other universities have actually heeded those calls.”

Approximately 100 people took part in the march, which culminated at the Clarendon Building with rallies and speeches.

Demilitarise Oxford founder, Naomi Miall, told Cherwell: “For too long Oxford University has gone unchallenged on its role in the international arms trade.

“Today, students marched through the city to show that it is time for Oxford to end its contribution to oppression and violence – towards humans and towards the world we live in. The arms industry has a tight wrap on our University – shaping research directions, benefiting from investments and recruiting Oxford students.”

A New College spokesperson told Cherwell: “A discussion with the JCR over its concerns in relation to Cherwell’s recent reporting on colleges’ investments has commenced, with a view to any JCR proposals for updating the New College ethical investment policy and socially responsible investing policy being considered by the Endowment Committee and then by Governing Body in February.”

Associate Professor in Human Geography Dr Amber Murrey told Cherwell: “From an environmental justice perspective, we know that the risks and the benefits of extraction are highly uneven.

“Fossil fuel extraction, refinement, consumption and resulting climate changes affect communities and regions unequally. My research is with communities along the Chad-Cameroon Oil Pipeline, an area where we have seen the social fracturing and ecological degradations of crude oil extraction play out for over a decade in ways that harken back to colonial-era extraction.

“Student-led movements for divestment are important spaces for the critique of the uneven politics, economics and ecologies of profit and risk within the extractive industries. An important part of the movement at Oxford must also be creating a vision for an alternative – so that we’re not just critiquing environmental and racial injustices but also pushing for alternative energy sources, alternative economic arrangements, alternative employments and so forth.”

A University spokesperson told Cherwell: “In May 2015, responding to a Student Union request and following a wide-ranging consultation, Oxford University’s Council made a statement on fossil fuel investment which restricted investment in coal and tar sands.

“This statement remains the University’s position and all investment decisions are made in accordance with it. The Oxford Endowment Fund has low exposure to the energy sector and has actively sought to invest in groups targeting resource efficient companies.”

‘Brink’ Preview – ‘an exploration into public vs. private spaces’

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In the modern world we inhabit, we are forced navigate multiple spaces at once – from your living room, to the urban landscape of London, and even your Tinder profile. Each one comes with its unique demands. But, so often when we navigate these spaces, we are expected to be totally present and attentive. We are expected to perform the best version of ourselves at all times. Such a feat is exhausting.

Nitrous Cow Productions’ new play, Brink, explores how six characters function in the modern city. Crucially, it is concerned with the stories of the many types of individuals that make up wider society. Almost paradoxically, the revealing of character nuances and eccentricities allow audience members to feel a greater assimilation and sense of unity with individual characters.

The play’s writer, Alastair Curtis, is an ex-Oxford student, and was the writing mind behind successful recent productions such as Dining Al Desko and Eat Your Heart Out. As such, I looked forward to seeing what he had produced. In Brink, Curtis has constructed a series of six monologues for six actors, which are interwoven with elements of ensemble work.

When I preview Brink in the weekend before show week, I am most struck by the dichotomy of individual vs. society that this play explores. One character, Stephanie (Emma Howlett), begins her monologue in an imagined airplane cabin, describing the various characters around her. She eventually reveals to the audience her anxieties about this imagined plane crashing, and her obsession with the constructed images in which she descending thousands of feet through the sky. In such moments the audience are absorbed by, and in the hands of, the character’s innermost voice. Stephanie is isolated by this internal world she creates, but is simultaneously surrounded by the ensemble on stage, embodying her fellow plane passengers. Particularly eye-catching in this scene was Julia Pilkington’s depiction of a little girl on board. This merging of the internal, imagined landscape with the external world and its array of gormless passing faces forces you to consider how we all fit in.

Ensemble work occurred intermittently between, and sometimes during, monologues. It ranged from lifts to canonized movement, and provided enjoyable visuals onstage. The ensemble worked especially well together in a scene which enacted a party. Actors laughed, or more fittingly they roared, in unison, providing a hilariously heightened depiction of how overwhelming social encounters can be. What I would say about this ensemble work is that some actors demanded more attention or proved more enticing to watch than others. I think attaining a sense of balance is inherently difficult in such scenes.

Director Luke Wintour tells me afterward that initial discussions for this production were focussed on depicting the modern experience, specifically on how individuals interact with the digital world. Quickly Wintour and Curtis became interested in the concept of “urban solitude” and how individuals experience “disconnection in a world of possible connections.” Wintour mentions the results of the BBC’s recent Loneliness Survey, which revealed tremendous levels of loneliness in the UK. Particularly interesting, he emphasizes, was the fact that young people were the most affected group where loneliness was concerned – 40% of 16-24 year olds reported feeling lonely often or very often.

I ask more about the processes of casting and rehearsing, and Wintour explains that the script “emerged through the rehearsal process,” after casting. This meant that the company were able to “develop characters for the individuals” and could “play to their strengths.” This is apparent when watching the monologues – Lee Simonds is responsible for providing a lot of the laughs as Damian, an awkward and overtly self-conscious young man in his thirties. Simonds’ stage presence, with his detailed facial expressions, consistent tics, and hilariously executed northern accent, is a real treat. Julia Pilkington’s monologue as Debs similarly plays to her strengths.

Debs describes to the audience one of her dreams in which the “councilman” continuously knocks at her flat door, her panic spiralling as the landscape of her environment starts to shift – her wardrobe spits out clothes and ceramic ornaments take flight. Pilkington brings to the character a kookiness which works to colour the surreal nature of her words. Hannah Taylor also proved particularly eye-catching as Kelly-Anne, a young woman who develops an infatuation with a girl she meets in a nightclub.

I suggest to Wintour that Brink also could be seen as a kind of love letter to the city, and he agrees that the script enables a “romanticism” for the urban landscape. But, he says, ultimately this romanticism is “torn apart and tugged at,” and the city proves “a very harsh place” with the characters developing “quite an antagonistic relationship with it.”

To present to the audience a chain of varying characters with individual monologues works to explore how we each make up a greater whole. But what else does Wintour want the audience to come away with? He views the play as a kind of “barrage of narrative” which people won’t necessarily be able to “keep up with.”

I suggest that this feels indicative of how we experience and process content in our modern, digital world. He agrees, and says that “each time you watch it you have a different take on it, a different understanding – partly on character.” Through the combination of ensemble work and the development of individual characters, along with their manifold eccentricities, Nitrous Cow Productions are offering a variety of elements for an audience to pick up on and, thereafter, mull over.

Brink is showing at the Michael Pilch Studio from 21st-24th Nov.

‘Riverdale’, get off your hype horse

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The CW’s Riverdale exploded onto our screens in January 2017. Marketed as a reboot of the Archie Comics for the digital generation, the series takes familiar characters to new places, the first series revolving around the suspicious death of Jason Blossom, the schoolmate of iconic original characters.

The series received generally positive reviews and has since been renewed for two further seasons. Stars of the show – with the exception of Disney Channel child star Cole Sprouse – were relatively unknown prior to the show’s debut, and have since been launched into fame by its adoring teenage fans (helped by the disproportionately attractive cast). But when actually watching Riverdale, paying attention to the writing, the acting, and even the cinematography, it should become immediately obvious that this is one of the worst shows currently on mainstream network television.

Riverdale belongs to a particular category of teen dramas with fast paced, relentlessly changing plots and subplots – think Gossip Girl, Pretty Little Liars, and The Vampire Diaries. The strength of the first season lay in the intrigue provided by the death of Jason Blossom – there was a revelation for the show to work towards, a promise of something that would be revealed in the season finale. But when this mystery had been solved, Riverdale was forced to invent increasingly ridiculous and convoluted plot arcs that left it floundering amongst an unwieldy pile of mysteries, obstacles, and traumas.

The second series purportedly revolved around a masked killer stalking the town of Riverdale, but was complicated by the arrival of Betty’s long-lost brother, Jughead’s initiation into the town gang, a mayoral race, and a confusing sideplot involving Jason’s twin sister Cheryl.

The third series, meanwhile, has completely changed the direction of the show by introducing a new supernatural twist, with a Dungeons and Dragons style role-play game leading to deaths among the student population.

All this would be well and good if the show’s writing was able to carry these plot twists. However, it is here most of all that the show really pushes the viewer’s suspension of disbelief – not in introducing a supernatural demon that gains power when teenagers play a board game, but simply in the fact that it tries to pass off dialogue that no real human being would ever say.

In part this is down to some poor acting, but it is also indicative of the fact that the show’s priority is attempting to create dramatic and wow-worthy moments rather than actually letting the dialogue be cliché and cringe free. Take the most recent episode: on being interrupted taking a pregnancy test, rebel-girl Alice Smith tells Catholic-girl Hermione Gomez: “Shouldn’t you be in a church or something?”

Back in season one, when the gang find a memory stick hidden in the lining of a jacket, the writers just can’t resist having Veronica remind us of her privilege through having her blithely add that she “always loses her Mont Blanc pens this way.”

Often, it’s genuinely difficult to gauge the writers’ intentions with lines like this. Do they genuinely believe this is how teens talk? Or are they aware of the fact that they are essentially filling their show with a string of badly-delivered, buzzword-filled, cringe compilations?

Less easy to forgive is the show’s treatment of social issues. From season one onwards, the show has chosen to tackle political topics by having them feature as plot points. This is itself is not necessarily a problem and could be effective if handled tastefully. But the problem is that in the context of the fast-moving pace and punchline-centred tone of Riverdale, it seems like issues like toxic masculinity, racial politics, and the colonialist origins of local festivities are only being discussed for social kudos, and to get the show in the news. They are being co-opted rather than addressed.

A case in point here is the treatment of the show’s solitary gay character, Kevin Keller, and it’s only two black characters. Kevin gets few lines that do not revolve around his sexuality. Yet there is the sense that the writers see this as cuttingedge social commentary. In Chapter 18, when asked for a password to an invite-only speakeasy, Kevin responds with “Um…Stonewall?” It is difficult to imagine something so superficial and so dismissive of the struggles of the LGBTQ+ community.

In the name of being representative, Riverdale does little more than tick the box of having a gay character. Likewise, Josie’s mother is shown in a flashback episode as having little to no personality beyond her ethnicity – we open with her writing ‘end apartheid’ on the mirror, but learn nothing about her motivations or what it means to her to be a person of colour in a small American town.

None of these issues will stop me from watching Riverdale. For all its flaws, it makes for easy Thursday morning viewing. But we should not forget that the show is based on a patronising, condescending, and downright ignorant view of the intelligence of teenagers as an audience.

It is not overdramatic to say that it is one of the worst shows on television.

Christ Church dean suspended over salary row

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Members of Christ Church College’s JCR and GCR were informed yesterday that the college Dean, Martyn Percy, has been suspended from his duties pending the outcome of a tribunal which could see him permanently removed from office.

In an email sent to the college’s JCR and GCR, the Censor revealed that a tribunal will review a formal complaint filed by several members of Christ Church Governing Body concerning the process by which the Dean’s salary is set.

The email read: “As you know, the College is currently engaged in a highly confidential matter.

“Unfortunately, there has been further press interest and, in light of this, we felt junior members should be sent a copy of the statement that has been issued: ‘Ahead of an internal tribunal, which will review a formal complaint, the Dean of Christ Church, the Very Revd Professor Martyn Percy, has been suspended from his duties pending the tribunal’s outcome.

‘The tribunal will be held with an independent chair. As this is now a matter of legal process, it would be inappropriate to comment further until the tribunal has reached its conclusion.'”

The college added: “Fair and robust procedures are in place to resolve the matter and that in the meantime, the College’s teaching, research, welfare and other activities continue as normal.”

A separate email informed students that the college asked The Mail on Sunday to apologise for recently reporting that the complaint was related to Percy’s efforts to close the gender pay gap between his staff members and increase the college’s intake of state-school students.

The email read: “Christ Church’s lawyers advised us that it was appropriate to ask the Mail on Sunday to correct inaccuracies in the story that appeared on November 4.”

Following a request made by the college, The Mail on Sunday printed the following statement in yesterday’s paper: “An earlier version of this article said the complainants were trying to force out the Dean through a formal complaint about their pay which, we said, was set by the Dean.

“We have been asked to make clear that the complaint is not concerned with the complainants’ pay, which is not set by the Dean, but in fact arises from issues surrounding how the Dean’s own pay is set.”

Christ Church has also dismissed other “numerous, very serious inaccuracies” published by national media, including allegations of “bullying” in The Sunday Times.

In response to the allegations, Christ Church Treasurer James Lawrie told Cherwell: “Christ Church is extremely distressed about a claim of bullying as we have taken great care throughout to support the Dean’s well-being.”

One undergraduate student said that he was “disappointed” by Christ Church’s failure to communicate with its students, many of whom only found out about the issue from national headlines.

He told Cherwell: “It may be the case that the complaints against [the Dean] are completely legitimate, or perhaps he really is being bullied by a cabal of stuffy, aged academics.

“Points of procedure aside, this silence naturally implies that the reasons for the tribunal would, if publicised, be unpopular, while the condescending tone of the very limited statements which college has made to the junior members suggests that Christ Church would like its student body to be blithely unaware of the entire fiasco.”

Students and friends of Christ Church cathedral donated £40 towards a gift and good luck card for the Dean following the news of his suspension to show their support.

Over half of Oxford libraries lack full step-free access

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Only 40.8% of Oxford’s libraries have full step-free access, according to an Oxford SU report released today.

The report, produced on behalf of Oxford SU’s official disability campaign – the Oxford Students Disability Community (OSDC) – also identifies a lack of accessible toilets, automatic doors, and visual aids in libraries.

Only 21% of college libraries have accessible toilets.

The number of fully step-free libraries drops to 9.2% for college libraries, a situation described by the SU as: “…detrimental not only to academic success but also to student welfare.”

Entitled the ‘Library Accessibility Project’ (LAP), the report recommends that libraries should have accessibility-specific budgets – a policy already implemented by Christ Church and Hertford college libraries. It also calls for accessibility to be “placed at the forefront” of library renovation plans.

Secretary of the OSDC committee and joint author of the report, Ebie Edwards-Cole, told Cherwell: By arming Oxford University with this knowledge and these recommendations, we are hoping that our university, its departments, and its colleges, will work with us to improve the situation for disabled students, ensuring equal opportunities, and an environment that we can all thrive in.”

The report notes the varied levels of accessibility between libraries, with some libraries more accessible in certain areas. For example, both the Bodleian Law Library and Bodleian Old Library provide “…an impressive range of visual aids,” which can help students with dyslexia, dyspraxia and visual impairments.

As a group, the Bodleian Libraries perform better than college libraries in provision of hearing support, height-adjustable desks, accessible toilets, and step-free access.

However, the report notes that “college libraries are key study venues, which typically have longer opening hours than Bodleian or other libraries.”

Kathryn Reece, the report’s other co-author, told Cherwell: It is important to note that although the two papers released today only deal with library accessibility, this is one part of a bigger picture. There are still many areas across the university that are less accessible to students with disabilities, and I hope that by opening up a dialogue about library accessibility, this sentiment for positive change will spread across the University.

In the past, students with disabilities were often forgotten by many bodies across the University. However, in recent years disability has increasingly made it onto the agenda.

OSDC believe the future is equal, inclusive and accessible, and I hope that by shining a light on library accessibility Oxford University will endeavour to work towards a more accessible future for all students.”

A special Cherwell investigation into disability at Oxford will be released on Friday.