Monday, April 28, 2025
Blog Page 78

Philosophy and Technology: Science’s moral afflictions

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On March 28th in a dingy Manhattan courtroom, unrepentant crypto-mogul Sam Bankman-Fried was sentenced to 25 years in prison. This landmark sentence came after an appeal by his lawyers against Bankman-Fried’s conviction in November 2023 on seven counts of wire fraud and conspiracy to launder money. 

MIT-educated Bankman-Fried was co-founder CEO of crypto exchange FTX, which was the 3rd biggest such exchange at its peak. His work in the company earned him a spot on the now infamous Forbes ‘30 under 30.’ The exchange went bankrupt in 2022 over concerns around missing funds and suspicious transactions. Amidst a large tranche of fraud charges, the most absurdly hilarious was that the size of their ‘insurance fund’ which supposedly backed up the exchange was set everyday by a random number generator. 

SBF professed to have a greater project than just getting rich; he was also a part of the ‘earning to give’ movement associated with the ethical doctrine of Effective Altruism. The essential logic of the movement is that donating to charity is good, and so earning as much money as possible to donate it all is the best way to do the most good for the world. For SBF himself, this apparently meant living it up in his Bahamas penthouse and donating millions to the Democrats. While his FTX Future Fund, with a team that included Effective Altruism figurehead William MacAskill, did donate around $130 million before FTX went under, a portion of the donations were clawed back to pay those defrauded by FTX. 

Earning to give is not an evil movement; you can become rich and do good without committing fraud. Rather the problem is the movement’s premise: do not question the fundamental structure of society and why it produces all this inequality, just earn your way to the top by whatever means available to you! It’s an attractive ideology for many in Silicon Valley, whose day jobs range from making killer drones to spying on our personal lives. The justification and greater purpose provided by earning to give keeps the exploitations of the tech giants well oiled – something they wouldn’t have the room to do if all of their employees had a well-developed moral conscience. It seems SBF himself never bought his own moral righteousness though; he later said that his “ethics stuff” was a “dumb game we woke Westerners play where we say all the right shibboleths and so everyone likes us.”

The parable of SBF is a practical lesson in the dangers of a narrow technological education – blinkered and unrepentant, SBF the crypto-bro may hide behind the respectable veneer of technological advancement, but, as Manhattan Attorney Damian Williams noted, “this kind of corruption is as old as time.” The story powerfully demonstrates the philosophy problem that exists within contemporary STEM education. In an era when technological progress shows no signs of stopping, we need scientists and technocrats whose capabilities are not limited to their worksheets, but who possess the capacity and intuition to think critically about the moral and societal implications of their developments – a perspective which only a broader education that includes philosophy can provide. We might also need it for the sake of our history books; I would hate to see Sam Altman quoting a marvel movie instead of the Bhagavad Gita if he creates the first sentient AI. 

Besides the illegality of the SBF case, the crypto industry is a clear example of how narrowly educated developers can be enlisted to morally worthless projects. Developers who have only been taught how to answer the “how” questions of technology, rather than the “why” questions of social purpose often yield to deceptively simple answers.

Crypto’s answer to the ‘why’ is that it offers a digital paradise of libertarian market transactions away from the grubby hands of the state. Yet I can assure you that as a Computer Science student, I have never been persuaded of a good use case for it except money laundering and drug running. Even more, it’s bewildering how many of my comrades in tech still get dazzled by crypto’s libertarian gospel despite the fact crypto has become nothing more than an appendage to the all powerful financial system they despise – a truth barely masked by crypto’s cool gadgets and smart algorithms. The lack of exposure to humanities means that those who work in developing new technologies often don’t have the larger social and moral perspective necessary to question the more dubious parts of their fields or the wider political and economic system that prioritises them. 

Lack of a wider education in humanities as well as philosophy has other problems, particularly political ones. A common sentiment among many computer scientists (no doubt true in other technical fields as well) is not just to identify as apolitical, but rather ‘anti-political.’ John Maynard Keynes described “practical men” as those who “believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, but are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.” In the exact same manner, techies who claim to be independent thinkers with their ‘anti-politics’ are merely hiding an ideological commitment to a tech blogger or some venture capitalist that cashed out a decade ago. The ideology of these practical men typically includes a contempt for both sides of the political establishment, not because of their inability to address crises or secure a standard of living but instead for their ‘unscientific irrationality’. According to them, political problems would dissolve away if politicians listened to the experts and thought ‘algorithmically.’ 

The most prominent incarnation of this political tendency is Andrew Yang, who ran and lost in the 2020 Democratic primaries before leaving to form his “Forward Party.” The name itself indicates how he conceives of his politics as neither ‘left’ or ‘right’ but merely forward and therefore ‘correct’. The base of his campaign was comprised of young tech workers disillusioned by the mainstream, yet he also attracted high-profiled endorsements. Yang was backed by Elon Musk who claims to be a centrist even though he sees politics as “a battle to the death with the anti-civilizational woke mind virus.” The similarity of their politics lies in their shared ‘techno-optimism’, the idea that political and social divisions will be dissolved by advanced technology if only we can facilitate it. Yang’s signature policy of Universal Basic Income (UBI) is founded on such an assumption: automation will be a net benefit to society as long as we can distribute it accordingly. The problem with UBI is not feasibility – many economists and politicians from across the spectrum have backed it – but rather its politically neutral veneer. Any significant political undertaking creates winners and losers, yet Yang seems to forget this when he argues that it’s just the way forward. The “Practical Men” that advocate for or support Yang or those like him are a direct symptom of STEM education tunnel-visioned on technical expertise and therefore technical fixes, without any acknowledgement of the broader social concerns they raise.

Our education system should be focused on preparing responsible citizens that think critically as much as they’re focused on preparing students for the future job market. Without it, we’ll be left in a world ruled by SBFs and Elon Musks whose engineers go along with their techno-optimist whims because they weren’t equipped with the philosophical intuitions necessary to overcome their pro-technology prejudices. 

The prominent narrow view of science education as merely technical is peculiar historically – science itself was called natural philosophy up until the 19th century. Newton would be confused if you told him that he was a scientist and not a philosopher. He was trying to investigate the true nature of the universe – how else could one describe a philosopher? The intellectual division of labour that splits STEM and Humanities is merely a part of the trend towards greater economic specialisation. Yet the isolation of the disciplines from one another not only leads to a moral vacuum and social aimlessness among those developing frontier technologies, but the dearth of philosophical awareness of one’s field makes scientists less innovative. 

Current education in the sciences is almost entirely technical; to-be physicists learn the formulas and theorems that govern the quantum world, but rarely are they encouraged to think about what these theories actually mean. Only a broad education that includes the historical context and philosophical understanding of their field can train the scientists we need to answer the big questions that remain in fundamental science.

The chief objection against a broader education that includes philosophy rests on a maxim prevalent among many researchers today best stated by Lawrence Krauss: “science progresses and philosophy doesn’t”. It follows that we shouldn’t waste precious time with questions like ‘what do atoms mean?’ when an education in ‘what atoms are‘ already takes up enough time. A broader education might have been possible when all knowledge of Chemistry was contained in a handful of alchemy textbooks, but not now when its subfields fill up entire libraries; we simply don’t have the time to waste when it takes up to a decade to reach the frontiers of a discipline. The attitude is essentially an imperative: “Stop thinking about the deep nothings of metaphysics – there are experiments to conduct!”

Although Krauss and the crowd of ‘anti-philosophy’ science pundits criticise philosophy for being stagnant, in reality fundamental science has moved remarkably slowly in the last couple of decades. Despite exponential increases in staff, funding and technology, there’s been a noticeable lack of development in fundamental theory. Nobel prizes of the last decades have not gone to scientists coming up with revolutionary new theories or models, but to those verifying the theories of the early 20th century experimentally or extending their applications. Don’t just take it from me – a meta-study of research published in Nature found that “progress is slowing in several major fields”, despite “conditions that should be ripe for major advances” created by the growth in research output. Most damningly, the authors attributed “this trend in part to scientists’ and inventors’ reliance on a narrower set of existing knowledge”; essentially scientists today aren’t experimenting as radically or dreaming as big as they used to. This is not because the previous generations got it all right; there remains significant gaps in fundamental theories of Physics or Biology: we still can’t reconcile quantum physics with general relativity, or explain how life began on Earth. While there is no doubt that the competitiveness of modern academia and funding contribute to reduced innovation, this doesn’t give us the full picture. Instead, the better explanation of the slowdown in science is that we no longer equip ambitious scientists with a broad and philosophically minded education necessary to create the innovative and radical new theories we need.

The objections to a broad education rely on the false distinction that ‘science’ can be separated from ‘philosophy’ and particularly that science can be advanced by researchers without philosophical awareness. Einstein himself was particularly critical of the distinction between science and philosophy gaining hold in his time and never failed to underscore the importance of philosophy: “a knowledge of the historic and philosophical background gives that kind of independence from prejudices of his generation from which most scientists are suffering.” He also admitted in a letter that he was unsure whether he would have been able to come up with his theory of relativity had it not been for Hume’s Treatise on Human Nature. Another Nobel prize winner in Physics, Heisenberg said that his mind had been formed studying “philosophy, Plato, that type of thing.”

Fundamental science is struggling because we no longer educate scientists to be ‘true seekers of truth’. Instead, the modern system of narrow and focused technical study trains specialists to be experts in their particular sub-fields, but without the ability or ambition to connect disparate sub-fields and construct unified theories. We’ve been left with a cohort of scientists that have “seen thousands of trees, but never seen a forest” as Einstein would describe them. If we want a world where science progresses as it used to, we need people to be educated more like Einstein or Heisenberg and less like Krauss. 

So what would such an education look like in practice? This nasty problem called ‘reality’ commonly afflicts utopian dreamers like myself – it’s easier to criticise than to construct an alternative. But perhaps criticism can be our starting point. For example, the discontinued “Ethics and Responsible Innovation” course previously mandatory for all first year CompSci students, was in theory the exact kind of course we should endorse, but it became a joke among my peers on account of its unengaging content and incoherent subject matter. The speed at which the course whipped through complex ethical systems neither gave us time to reflect on the deep topics at hand, nor relate them adequately to our responsibilities as future scientists and tech innovators. In fact, the course was flawed in its very premise: an education in the humanities, in particular ethics, should not be an aside to the important technical stuff, but rather studied for its own sake. And when these topics are discussed in the context of the field itself, they should be integrated into the technical curriculum, so the ethical implications of science are as clear as the science itself. 

Such an education is just a suggestion, and it is possible that it would not have hindered Sam Bankman-Fried from falling as far as his sentence shows. After all, reading Hindu philosophy failed to stop Oppenheimer from developing the nuclear bomb. You might even argue it helped hithem maintain a critical distance from the moral implications of his work. The point is that we must find a way of bringing scientists and tech developments within the moral-philosophical fold – of tuning them to the moral needs of the ‘demos’ – so that a future SBF might not be elevated to such lofty heights from which to fall, and the stagnation in fundamental theory can be overcome. Be it through changes to education or otherwise, for the sake of these things, STEM students, scientists and modernisers must learn to complement their technical prowess with philosophical intuitions. At the very least, this will make them more interesting to talk to. 

Sport vs studies: can a balance be found? 

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First and foremost, Oxford is known for its academic rigor. The University’s prestige is found within its own history and influence, both of which are rooted in the academics of many political and notable figures. However, from 1896 to 2020, a considerable 170 Olympic medals have been won by Oxford alumni in a whole range of sports. This certainly is impressive, but is it possible to uphold this standard of achievement in sport whilst still studying at one of the most academically challenging universities? 

Polly Maton, a track and field athlete, was selected to represent Paralympics GB at  Tokyo 2020 whilst reading History and Politics at Oxford. Having previously  competed at the 2017 London World Championships and the Paralympics GB in Rio  2016, Maton was able to continue balancing both her academic and sporting  successes at Oxford. Speaking to Oxford University Sport on how to balance sport  and academia she stated: 

“I have always been a strong believer that the two genuinely aid each other. Exercise  is a great way to take a break from studying and is likely to stimulate your brain for  when you return…Generally, I think knowing your priorities is key, as well as  planning.” 

Studies from both the universities of Strathclyde and Dundee found that intensive exercise boosts the performance of teenagers in Maths and English. Likewise, a study from UCL noted that physical exercise releases proteins in the brain that can help improve memory and increase cognitive performance. Therefore, studies and sport seem to go hand in hand. Due to the University’s increased focus on the mental health and welfare of its students, low-pressure sport at Oxford is becoming more  celebrated as a great way to de-stress from the pressure of work, but how does this fare when a high level of performance is expected in both studies and sport? 

Michael Allison, a 2nd year Physicist at Oxford who has competed for GB multiple times in athletics, including at both world and European U20 championships, spoke to Cherwell about his experiences. He shared: 

“Balancing studies and sport has been difficult, and I can only imagine it will continue  to get harder. I would say you need to be able to prioritise your goals and sometimes  this means being ‘boring’.”

Clearly trying to succeed in both your studies and sport is challenging and takes a lot  of sacrifice, but has Oxford provided any support for these students? Again when speaking to Cherwell, Michael Allison describes this aspect of his experience: 

“My tutors have been very supportive, are always asking how training is going and  they have been understanding.” 

“I am seeing improvements in the way Oxford views sport, however the support I get  is somewhat limited to what I could get from other universities. I am enormously  grateful to Vincent’s club from which I received a financial award which has been  enormously useful and I would encourage any top athletes at Oxford to apply for  them.” 

One thing Oxford certainly has access to is facilities. Vincent’s, a private members’  club in Oxford, provides a space for students who are exceptional athletes, with many alumni who went on to compete at the Olympics being members. There is a sense of community provided amongst these student-athletes. Nor does Oxford lack training facilities. Iffley Sports Centre is the epicentre of Oxford sport, most notably known for where Sir Roger Bannister broke the four-minute mile in 1954. In 2018 it became apparent to Jon Roycrob, Director of Sport, that Oxford was not providing adequate sporting prevision, juxtaposing the world-class education provided by the institution. Therefore, in June 2018, the Acer Nethercott Sports Centre facility was opened, providing Oxford with a four-court sports hall, new changing rooms, and the Gallie-Lewis-Dean Gym. This development was funded by more than 450  donors who contributed a total of £4.3 million towards this new building. This facility has provided more clubs with increased training hours and shows the realisation of  the importance of sport in the image of Oxford.  

There may be a shift in how Oxford views the importance of sport for these elite  athletes, as from the 1st of January 2023 Professor Irene Tracey became the Vice  Chancellor of Oxford. Tracey is looking to further Oxford sport so that more funding and support can be provided in order to align the performance of students in both their degree and sport. Perhaps, then, there is a future for these hybrid students  who want to pursue the best of both worlds. The aim to integrate both sport and  studies into the internationally recognised image Oxford portrays is a challenging one. But frequently praised for willingness to take on the hard tasks, Tracey  certainly encourages a wider recognition of these students so that a balance can be found between sport and studies. Only time will tell the outcome, but it’s definitely looking hopeful.

Who will avoid the drop? The implications of Everton’s points deduction on the relegation battle

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The Premier League fixtures at the beginning of April added to the drama at the bottom of the table, providing more twists and turns for fans to endure. Luton Town managed to pick up their first win since January, beating an in-form Bournemouth side 2-1 thanks to a late Carlton Morris goal. Fellow strugglers Everton went into a home game vs Burnley having not won any of their previous 13 games in the league (6D 7L). The pressure was on, and it certainly showed, with the quality provided by both sides being relatively poor. The Toffees ended up winning the game 1-0 through a bizarre goal from Dominic Calvert Lewin, just before halftime. This lifted Everton to 15th in the table, ahead of Brentford and Nottingham Forest. The former managed to pick up a valuable point away at Villa Park in a 3-3 thriller, whilst the latter came away empty-handed in their game against Tottenham, losing 3-1. 

However, the biggest surprise would occur on the afternoon of Monday 8th April, when the Premier League announced that Everton were to be deducted a further two points for breaching profit and sustainability rules a second time. The Blues have now been docked a staggering eight points, leaving them just 5 points above relegation. This is the first season where teams are being punished for breaking rules set back in 2013. The rules state that a team could only register a maximum loss of £105 million over three seasons, which comes in at around £35 million per year, though the Premier League have waived losses incurred during the pandemic.

Everton, however, had been handed a ten-point deduction for precisely such losses, later reduced to 6 on appeal by the Premier League for the seasons 2019/20, 2020/21 and 2021/22, of which they exceeded the £105 million threshold by £19.5 million. Monday’s 2-point deduction was due to losses of £16.6 million in the 22/23 season.

Both occasions have sparked outrage; not just from Everton fans, but from fans around the country, who claim that the Premier League are not being fair in their actions, and that they lack integrity when it comes to dealing with other clubs over financial matters. The Premier League has been quick to hand out punishments to ‘small’ clubs like Everton and Nottingham Forest when it comes to breaking PSR rules, but seem to stretch out and delay punishment towards clubs like Manchester City, which have a possible 115 FFP charges looming over their head. Moreover, the Premier League have tried to dock Everton a ludicrous 17 points in total for their financial misdemeanours this season. This has fallen to eight points due to the club’s co-operation with the league, overlapping years of assessment and the financial impact of the Ukraine war. 

The final point concerns Alisher Burkhanovich Usmanov, who was labelled as a ‘pro-Kremlin oligarch’ and sanctioned in 2022 following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The reason this links to Everton is because, according to The Guardian, the club have received up to £415 million in investment from Usmanov’s companies since 2016, when Farhad Moshiri, Everton’s main shareholder, took control of the club. This has had a negative financial impact for Everton, who are now finding it hard to finance the club’s new stadium, Bramley Moore Dock, which the Toffees are set to move into in the 2025/26 season.

The eight-point deduction represents the most severe points deduction the Premier League has handed out in its 32-year history. Everton have become the first side to receive two separate point deductions in topflight history. To put this into perspective, a club would be deducted nine points if they went into administration, something that Everton could find themselves in if they were to be relegated this season. This has understandably angered many fans, who believe that the level of punishment far exceeds the severity of the rules broken by both Everton and Nottingham Forest.

As already mentioned, the Blues now sit five points above the relegation zone, with vital games coming up versus fellow relegation battlers Luton and Sheffield United. It would be some achievement if Sean Dyche’s Blues can survive the drop, but the implications of the PSR rules may not end here. Financial experts believe that Everton will have to sell their top players in order to balance the books and avoid further punishment from the Premier League. So, it’s increasingly apparent that the punishment that the Premier League lays out is ineffective: their own guidelines perpetuate the financial situation clubs find themselves in. To address this issue, the Premier League have recently explored scrapping points deductions next season, which is highly convenient for the likes of Man City.

Bodleian Libraries acquire rare Johann Sebastian Bach Manuscript through Acceptance in Lieu Scheme

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The Bodleian Libraries have gained ownership of the autographed manuscript of Johann Sebastian Bach’s cantata for Ascension Day – ‘Auf Christi Himmelfahrt allein’ – through the Acceptance in lieu scheme. This scheme allows people to pay their Inheritance Tax by gifting important cultural objects to the state. The handwritten score is on display until 5 January 2025 in the Weston Library’s Treasury as part of the free exhibition ‘Write, Cut, Rewrite’. There are only three other Bach autographs in the UK: two are at the British Library, and the other is in Cambridge’s Fitzwilliam Museum. 

Today, Bach is considered one of the greatest Western composers, yet without his autographed manuscripts most of his music would have been lost. Very few of his compositions were published while he was alive; in fact, although ‘Auf Christi Himmelfahrt allein’ was written in 1725, it only appeared in print 150 years later in 1878. 

The document is one of the best-preserved Bach manuscripts, as the damage has mostly been contained to the edges. It was last owned by Sir Ralph Kohn, a successful medical scientist who fled Nazi Germany when Hitler came to power in 1933 and settled in Britain. He was a great music lover who owned an impressive collection of manuscripts, of which this was the most precious. He wanted this precious cantata manuscript to go to a UK institution, which his descendants have ensured with this donation. It was previously exhibited at Buckingham Palace as the piece was performed in the early 2000s for King Charles III, then Prince of Wales. 

Unlike other Bach cantatas, for which he often recycled movements from previous compositions, the music for this one was all new. Professor Robert Quinney, Organist and Tutorial Fellow in Music at New College, Oxford describes how “[it] ranges from the dazzlingly energetic opening chorus and triumphant bass aria to the intimate duet for alto and tenor.”

The music was evidently written with great haste, as lines are drawn with little concern for alignment and precision. Alterations were visibly made after scratching or crossing out text, and his hand or sleeve left noticeable smudges. The manuscript still has annotations from Bach’s eldest son Wilhelm Friedmann, and pencil marks from the printers as they prepared the publication of the work. 

The document will be digitised and made available through Digital Bodleian, the platform the Library uses to share its online collections, and through the Bach Digital online portal. For now, it is displayed in the exhibition ‘Write, Cut, Rewrite’, which studies the importance of drafting, reviewing and editing in literature. It stands alongside “abandoned works, discarded ideas and notes and scribbles” from prominent authors like Mary and Percy Shelley, Jane Austen, James Joyce, Raymond Chandler, Ian Fleming, Samuel Beckett, and John le Carré. 

Zero Emissions Zone lowers air pollution, report shows

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With the introduction of the zero emission zone (ZEZ), Oxford city centre has seen reduced pollution and traffic levels. A new council report has found that, between 2021 and 2022, air pollution reduced by up to 18% in some areas. 

The ZEZs are currently located around Cornmarket Street and are in operation from 7am to 7pm every day, charging up to £10 per vehicle. The report shows a 28% decrease in traffic during operating hours, as well as a decrease in overall traffic.

The ZEZ scheme was introduced in 2022 to improve air quality within the city. Drivers of petrol and diesel vehicles, including hybrids, are charged to enter the zone. Oxford is currently the only city in the UK operating a ZEZ. with similar schemes in other locations, notably London, where they have been extensively criticised.  

While Oxford as a whole saw an air pollution reduction of 8%, areas within the scheme saw dramatically bigger reductions: 12%, 14% and 18% on New Inn Hall Street, Cornmarket Street and St Michael’s Street respectively. 

County Council Cabinet Member for Infrastructure and Development Strategy, Judy Roberts, has said: “The zero emission zone pilot has had a positive impact in a small area of the city centre. We can apply our learning from the pilot when we now start to look at expanding that area in future and bringing the benefits of cleaner air and less traffic to more residents and businesses.” 

Plans to expand the ZEZ have been proposed, with it potentially stretching from the train station to University Parks and Magdalen College by 2026. Both the Oxford Green party and the Conservatives have criticised the plan, with the Greens branding it “greenwashing” and the Conservatives voicing concern about the impact on the cost of living crisis. Recently, councillors have expressed concerns about the lack of electric buses and the possible impact on local businesses. 

The Oxford Local Plan 2040 aims for the city to have net zero carbon emissions. Other steps taken include the introduction of electric vehicle charging points, a full electric bus fleet and lowering the use of vehicles by encouraging walking, cycling and working from home. 

Oxford City Council have told Cherwell: “The Council’s Local Plan 2040 guides all planning decisions in Oxford for the next 16 years. It identifies that improving local air quality, mitigating the impact of development on air quality and reducing exposure to poor air quality across Oxford is key to safeguarding public health and the environment. The plan also identifies that a range of measures will be required to improve air quality across Oxford, including the move away from vehicles with a combustion engine, reducing the emissions of existing and new buildings, and reducing the emissions from public transport.”

In the 2022 to 2023 financial year, the scheme made £702,940, which is being used to pay for its operation and to fund other County and City Council transport schemes, including those within the Oxford Local Plan 2040. Just over half of this income came from penalty notice charges, and the rest from daily charges.

Oxford University Liberal Democrats set to return

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The Oxford University Liberal Democrats (OULD) is set to restart this Trinity term. Their current president, Zagham Farhan, a first-year University College student, spoke with Cherwell to announce the return of the society ahead of this year’s general election.

Farhan stated that he had decided to bring back OULD after noticing “a lack of a ‘Lib Dem’ presence” in Oxford since beginning his time there, and he began work to revive the society last term. This recent period of inactivity was explained to be “due to a lack of committee members to take up roles”. The society now intends to extend its office terms to a year under its new constitution in order to minimise committee turnover. The newly refounded committee is “keen to strike a healthy balance between socials and politics to generate interest from a vast range of people.”

The term card will include a launch event with Oxford MP Layla Moran speaking and a session of ‘Liquor and Liberalism’, a “flagship debate and drinking event” which will continue fortnightly on Wednesdays. More guest speakers and joint-society social events are expected to be announced on the full termcard, which will be released soon.

The Society’s Vice-President, Heather Judge, is set to stand at the upcoming Oxford City Council elections in the Holywell Ward as a student candidate for the Liberal Democrats. Farhan hopes that the activities of OULD will have “a substantial impact on campaigns in an area where the Lib Dems have a fantastic chance of winning seats.”

The society has organised a virtual talk for former Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg for this term.

Despite the society’s political aims, Farhan assured that: “Our aim is to, as usual, occupy the centre ground and to be a home for everyone. Regardless of your politics, we want to see you at our events.”

2024: The year of elections

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In his classic 19th-century work Democracy in America, the politician-cum-philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville looked to the democratic system in America with deep envy. In this system, he perceived a largely egalitarian society in which the virtues of industry and social cooperation contributed to America’s functional democracy; a state which contemporary France could only aspire to with its deeply divided society and disempowered citizens. If Tocqueville thought that democracy worked – and he was certainly sceptical – it had to be based in liberty and equality, and connect self-interest with the interest of the whole.

As more than four billion people in countries across the world are preparing to vote in elections this year, Tocqueville’s tenuous democratic ideal is in real jeopardy, not least in the country which he deeply admired, the United States. The presence of a Republican party dominated by politicians who brazenly flout the key tenets of democracy, such as election integrity, suggests that there is much at risk. To be sure, the ideological draw of democracy remains strong, especially as it is threatened; in America that imperative was the driving force behind Joe Biden’s victory. Yet in 2024 the stage is set to see whether the kind of liberal democracy that has characterised the post-Cold War order, and in some cases even democracy itself, can survive.

The deeply divisive rhetoric of Donald Trump, selected by Republicans for the third time as presidential candidate, is an anathema to the sort of civic unity that Tocqueville prescribed. On a more tangible level, his threats to dismantle NATO and the FBI, and persecute political enemies must be taken seriously. The best picture we have of how a second Trump term would materialise is in the Project 2025 of the conservative Heritage Foundation; New York Times writer Carlos Lozada has argued it ‘portrays the president as the personal embodiment of popular will and treats the law as an impediment to conservative governance’.

Calling the Republicans the ‘Grand Old Party’ now seems an anachronistic misnomer for an organisation whose senators and congressmen are increasingly uniform in their support for explicitly anti-democratic claims that Joe Biden’s 2020 victory was stolen. This was made clear in the 2022 Midterm elections, where according to a study by FiveThirtyEight, 60% of Americans had an election denier on the ballot, including 119 Republican nominees who fully denied the 2020 election results. But the sort of political malaise which is empowering once-fringe extremists certainly does not suffer from American exceptionalism. As goes the old saying, when America sneezes, the world catches a cold: if the unprecedented third place finish of the far-right Chega party in Portugal’s March election, led by sports commentator turned demagogue André Ventura, is any indication of the results of June’s European Parliament elections, it is a decidedly ominous one.

The recent surge in popularity of far-right movements in Europe and the United States reflects the increasing disillusion of electorates on both sides of the Atlantic  with the political status quo; and in 2024 it appears that the traditional political establishment will be forced to compromise with them to govern. This includes figures such as Herbert Kickl, leader of the Austrian far-right Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), who at the party’s 2024 New Year’s rally was hailed as Austria’s “future Volkskanzler”, a phrase first applied to Adolf Hitler in 1933. Kickl’s condemnation of what he calls the Systemkanzler (the system’s chancellor) and Systemmedien (the system’s media) in Austria is highly reminiscent of ’deep state’ Trumpian rhetoric, and while it may not present such a direct threat to Austrian democracy, it certainly serves to undermine people’s faith in the institutions that are so central to democracy, such as an independent judiciary and media.

The emergence of far-right politicians across Europe will also have the effect of undermining the strength and unity of the EU. Born out of the European Coal and Steel Community, and the desperate need for post-war reconciliation and reconstruction, the EU’s grand founding ideals are being tested by the language of, among others, the leader of the German party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) Alice Weidel, who has called for Germany’s own ‘Dexit’. Even if the chances of that are slim, it still represents a startling shift in discourse from just ten years ago, when AfD were much more marginal.

Anti-establishment populist movements which are shunning compromise and moderation across the world, put the social and political underpinnings of democracy under great strain. Crucially, in Europe, far-right fortunes have been buoyed by serious economic stagnation, including in Austria where GDP contracted by 0.5% in 2023 and inflation remained above the Eurozone average. This is providing the impetus for disillusioned voters to buy into the rhetoric of radical politicians such as Kickl or the Netherlands’s Geert Wilders.

At the same time, polls seem to suggest that an increasing number of European voters might be fed up with other aspects of the liberal politics that have been so dominant in post-war Europe. Widespread farmers’ protests at the start of 2024 were fuelled by what Lancaster University professor Renaud Foucart has identified as major opposition to the European Green Deal and environmental measures farmers see as disproportionately targeting them in the move to net zero. It is this profound alienation from the state that leads such rural voters into the arms of the far right; it is no coincidence that Weidel’s AfD is involving itself in German farmers’ protests.

The incursion of the political far-right threatens to have tangible political ramifications. The potential effects on policy are clear. Consider the EU’s Nature restoration law crucial to the European Green New Deal, a landmark set of legislation approved in 2020, which aims to support the EU’s transition to net zero by 2050. Whilst the NRL was passed in the European Parliament in July 2023, Simon van Teutem, DPhil candidate in Politics at Nuffield College and columnist at De Correspondent, noted that with “current projected faction seats, it would have faced defeat.”

Rightwing rhetoric also carries the threat of geopolitical upheaval. As Ukraine’s war effort hangs in the balance, Trump’s threat to end military aid and even leave NATO will undoubtedly embolden Putin. And nor will the significance of the collapse of the joint European-American military commitment be lost on Xi in China: as NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg recently argued, signs of Western disunity “will invite challenges from those who wish us harm”. He did not mince his words in making clear “It is Ukraine today. Taiwan could be tomorrow”, speaking directly to a GOP increasingly sceptical of America’s role in the transatlantic alliance.

Indeed, it seems that 2024 will prove the ultimate rejoinder to the argument of Francis Fukuyama’s already roundly attacked 1989 essay ‘The End of History?’ – that of the inexorable spread of liberal democracy. While 9/11, the 2008 financial crisis and the 2016 Brexit and Trump votes did much to erode that essay’s post-Cold War triumphalism, in 2024 there seems a genuine risk of the very tenets of liberal democracy beginning to crumble, even in those countries once seen as its bulwarks.

India is a case in point. In what has been known as the world’s largest democracy, the near-inevitable victory of Modi’s BJP suggests that the erosion of press and judicial freedoms looks set to continue, or even intensify, whilst the party creates a space for dangerous and violent Hindu nationalism, which comes at the expense of India’s vast Muslim minority.

And while so much hangs in the political balance with the 2024 elections, the rise of AI promises some sort of disruption – and opportunities for states like Russia to cause chaos and spread misinformation. The 2019 Mueller Report made clear the extent of Russian interference in the 2016 election, spreading disinformation and hacking voter registration systems; with deep fakes that are virtually indistinguishable from reality, there is a very real threat of more disinformation in 2024. The potential ramifications of this were made apparent in last year’s Slovakian election, in which a fake recording of opposition candidate Michal Šimečka plotting to buy votes went viral on social media. Once touted as a force for political good, social media threatens to further alienate voters from the establishment, promoting misinformation and extremism at the expense of the truth./ In his L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution, Tocqueville stated what would become an infamous sociological thesis for the causes of 1789: that Frenchmen, increasingly divided and inward-looking, had lost any reason to compromise or cooperate, and that when the Revolution came French society was ripe for collapse. To suggest that such a situation is comparable to 2024 is of course wrong. But current polling for the 2024 elections suggests that people across the western world are increasingly willing to turn away from ‘status-quo’ candidates such as France’s Emmanuel Macron, towards once-fringe figures like Marine le Pen. That this shift has coincided with the rise of social media, which offers individualised political feeds and an unprecedented means of disseminating disinformation, is perhaps unsurprising.

Of course, we should not be overly downbeat. If there is optimism to be found in assessing democracy’s fate, according to head of the Global State of Democracy Initiative by Sweden’s International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance Kevin Casas-Zamora, it is perhaps in the vibrant displays of civic action across the world. In the widespread Israeli protests at highly controversial judicial reforms, or the Syrian protests against the country’s jihadist rulers to mark 13 years since the Arab Spring, there is hopeful evidence that the concept of democracy is still treasured by people across the world, despite attempts to undermine it.

Moreover, even when they have found electoral success, far-right parties have sometimes proved no more than paper tigers: in the case of Georgia Meloni, fears that she would shun Ukraine and act on anti-immigrant vitriol have not materialised, while in the Netherlands Wilders has not found sufficient parliamentary support to become prime minister. And there remains a plausible chance that, come November, American voters will be mobilised by a desire to reject Trump’s intensified MAGA agenda, and the party that overturned Roe v. Wade and the protected right of abortion, according to Democrat strategist Simon Rosenberg.

Yet 2024 nonetheless represents a year in which the global rise of illiberalism could make sweeping gains. If, as Fukuyama hubristically asserted in 1989, liberal democracy is the best political state of being (or that with the fewest weaknesses), the prospect of its universal adoption seems more out of reach than ever as the 2024 election season gets underway. Across the western world, genuine issues of economic inequalities and stagnation are being weaponised by far-right politicians in conjunction with a message of social rebellion, whether against the establishment and its institutions, or foreigners, or both.

While this election year is notable for its global quality, it is in November, with the American presidential election, that political scientists will wait with bated breath. If Trump is re-elected, and if his statements are anything to go by, it seems that he will rule not in the style of Abraham Lincoln’s Grand Old Party, nor of even of his first term, in which he was hindered by overly conscientious Washington staffers, including his own treacherous vice president Mike Pence, who refused to overturn Biden’s 2020 victory. Instead, his intentions for a second term seem to hark back to the anti-constitutional actions of the despot whom Tocqueville most despised, Napoleon III. Whether 2024 proves to be the watershed that 1851 was, when Louis-Napoleon seized dictatorial powers in a coup d’état in France, remains to be seen.

Artwork by Oliver Ray

The rise of genre fluidity: Is this the death of genre as we know it?

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My favourite genre of music: a question I’ve found becoming increasingly difficult to answer over the years, and it’s only now that I’m discovering why. Whilst we may not be listening to more, or less music than before, today’s era of genre-blurring, experimental DJ remixes and mood-based Spotify playlists underscores a significant shift in the nature of what we listen to. 

It appears that we may be moving towards ‘genreless’ music, a sound that transcends categorisation. This distinct change in the concept of ‘genre’ is evident when considering many artists. From Silk Sonic to Wet Leg to Declan McKenna’s experimental What Happened to the Beach, the labels we could once easily ascribe to 1970s rock or 90s hip hop are no longer so easy to attribute, and fewer artists can be defined by one particular genre. 

Instead, we are seeing increasing experimentation with sound and style. Take one example, Lil Nas X: one of the reasons he became so huge overnight is since his 2019 chart-topping single, ‘Old Town Road’, uniquely blurs genre lines. It is hip-hop, pop, rap, country and country trap, all simultaneously, and in fact, the song was removed from the Billboard country charts as it had been ‘mis-genred’. The decision, seen by many as racially motivated, also demonstrates why the artist’s mix of genres, specifically his choice to incorporate country, was so significant and intriguing: it highlights the declining authority of outdated genre expectations and boundaries. In this case, Lil Nas X’s queer cowboy iconography contradicts traditional assumptions surrounding both country music’s sound and image.

This defiant blurring of music categories concerns not only established artists but has seen a spike thanks to technological musical experimentation. TikTok is the perfect platform for this: my For You Page is filled with sped-up songs, mashups, unexpected collaborations and DJ remixes blending a multitude of diverse genres. Although some more experimental fusions can fall flat, talented DJs such as Never Dull and his self-described “absurd remixes” fusing almost any popular song with house and a touch of his Latin American heritage, have gained him almost 200k Instagram followers, thousands of Soundcloud streams, and a single in the Billboard US Dance Charts. Having remixed songs ranging from Ice Spice to Diana Ross to Tyler The Creator and ROSALÍA, it is evident the ‘vibe’ is at the forefront, rather than an adherence to any easily definable genre label. 

The concept of ‘vibe’ over genre is also a phenomenon that has completely taken over the way we create and consume playlists. If you, like 602 million others, use Spotify, you will certainly have come across these mood-based compilations: personal daily mixes, ‘main character energy’, ‘wanderlust’, ‘happy hits’, ‘summer bbq’, and many more are recommended to me as I open the app. I recently discovered ‘POLLEN’, a Spotify-made playlist described as “Genre-less. Quality first always”. The hit concept aspires to be “at the leading edge of the popular and the underground” and responds to the increasingly varied listening habits of listeners, aimed also at helping lesser-known artists grow and get discovered more easily. As Kevin Weatherly, Spotify’s head of North American programming, explained in an interview with The New Yorker, Spotify is not an arbiter of taste, but instead “we’re here to try to connect our audience with different types of music, regardless of genre.” 

Not to mention, the expectations and definitions connected to genre are always identified after they have been born, and thus their significant features, by definition, refer to the past. In a world primarily preoccupied with the future, it seems we are all moving on from the confined and out-of-date, especially since, according to a study from the Black Lives in Music initiative, four in ten musicians claim to have been pigeon-holed into a genre untrue to them. 

Genre should not be forgotten, nor is it becoming entirely irrelevant. Categorisation of music is a natural instinct, and it is evidently necessary in informing taste, as well as helping artists to effectively promote music to a target audience. However, we do not, nor do we feel the need to, rely on it in the same way we once did, and artists and music lovers alike are coming to define and categorise music in new and creative ways.

Your right to know: Oxford colleges’ non-compliance with FOI requests

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Under the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act 2000, members of the public have the right to request certain information from public authorities, which are legally required to comply unless an exception applies. This investigation into ten Cherwell investigations over two years examines 310 FOI requests and finds that the average non-responses rate for Oxford’s undergraduate colleges is 25%, with four colleges failing to comply with half or more.

What is FOIA?

“The traditional culture of secrecy will only be broken down by giving people in the United Kingdom the legal right to know,” wrote then-Prime Minister Tony Blair as preface to the 1997 white paper “Your Right to Know” setting out proposals for a Freedom of Information Act. 

Beginning in 2005, FOIA enables anyone to ask public authorities – including all publicly owned companies, educational institutes, and government branches – for information such as documents, meeting minutes, or email correspondences, to which they are entitled a response within 20 working days. Exemptions apply in certain cases, including when data would breach national security or individual privacy or cost excessive resources to compile.

The policy document continued: “Openness is fundamental to the political health of a modern state. This white paper marks a watershed in the relationship between the government and people of the United Kingdom. At last there is a government ready to trust the people with a legal right to information.”

Cover of the 1997 proposal for FOIA. Photo credit: Cabinet Office.

Five years after FOIA came into effect, Blair called his past self a “naive, foolish, irresponsible nincompoop” for supporting the act. He alleged that journalists used FOIA as a weapon, and indeed the act helped expose many of Blair’s scandals. In response to Blair and other politicians who have echoed his critique, media outlets published lists of stories revealed through FOI requests, such as the 2009 scandal over MP’s expenses that led to multiple prison terms and resignations as well as the development of a new parliamentary expense system.

Oxford University’s past compliance with FOIA has brought such information to light as the persistent gender gap in finals and the university’s treatment of animals for science research. A 2018 Cherwell story using FOI requests – to which half the colleges failed to respond – found that heads of college had claimed college expenses for personal spending at exclusive gentlemen’s clubs.

Other student publications such as The Oxford Blue have also used FOIA to find information, including for an investigation into colleges’ violating doctor-patient confidentiality in forced suspension cases.

Oxford University, alongside the Russell Group and Universities UK, attempted to gain exemption from FOI requests in 2016, however, a report by the Independent Commission on Freedom of Information ruled against it. Later this month, the University will go to court to defend its blocking a FOI request about the identity of an anonymous donor who gave £10m to establish the Oxford Nizami Ganjavi Centre

Today, Oxford University has guidelines on FOI requests and consistently responds to Cherwell

Colleges, like the University, are public authorities and thus accountable under FOIA. Yet the collegiate system allows individual colleges to slip through the cracks. Although non-compliance cases could land in the Information Commissioner’s Office and ultimately in court, many colleges fail to consistently respond – and face no consequence for their inaction. 

Oxford Colleges’ Track Records

Cherwell conducted an extensive search through past investigation records and gathered data on ten FOI requests going back to Trinity Term of 2022. Topics of inquiry included rules regarding rustication, college banking practices, vacation storage, lack of heating, mental health, donations, rent increase, VNI (Van Noorden inflation Index) figures, college heads’ salaries, and accommodation costs.

For each request, a college is coded as “compliant” if they responded to the request, declined the request per exemption, were not sent a request, or asked Cherwell for a clarification to which Cherwell did not respond. The latter two are rare – only applicable to four instances in 310 data points. This investigation did not seek to quantify the helpfulness of received responses, which also vary.

For the exemption, Cherwell had asked for a list of all donations above a certain amount received by the college. This triggers FOIA’s section 12, where “cost of compliance exceeds appropriate limit.” Many colleges rightfully refused to compile this data.

A college is only coded as “non-compliant” if they ignored Cherwell’s FOI request.

Only four colleges responded to every request: Balliol, Keble, Lady Margaret’s Hall, and Pembroke. On average, colleges don’t respond to 2.48 out of the 10 requests. Four colleges failed to comply with half or more requests: Magdalen (9/10), Trinity (7/10), Regent’s Park (5/10), and Wadham (5/10).

Martin Rosenbaum, formerly BBC News leading specialist in using FOI requests, told Cherwell: “This data implies that some colleges have an unacceptable track record of failing to respond adequately to FOI requests. It’s important that all colleges comply with their legal duty to reply properly to FOI surveys so that a fully representative picture is obtained. If some do not respond, that can distort the overall impression and undermine the value of the information obtained from colleges that do deal efficiently with FOI.

“FOI gives everyone the right to obtain information in the public interest under certain circumstances. It’s a good thing for student journalists to make full use of their legal rights in order to make students better informed, and colleges should not obstruct this,” Rosenbaum said.

College’s non-response rate to FOI requests. Graphic by Selina Chen.

Your Right to Know

Cherwell has given colleges with the lowest response rates the opportunity to challenge any data point and made corrections accordingly. 

Trinity’s senior tutor told Cherwell: “I’m sorry to learn that Trinity’s FOI response rate has been lower than that of most other colleges over recent months, and I’m grateful to you for drawing this to my attention. My colleagues and I will review our internal systems to see where they can be improved.”

Asking for an internal review is usually the first step to addressing dissatisfaction with a FOI response, followed by referring the matter to the Information Commissioner’s Office. If the response is still unsatisfactory, members of the public could take the authority to court.

After looking into the matter, the PA to Regent’s Park Principal told Cherwell that three of the five unresponded FOI requests were “forwarded to relevant colleagues but did not receive the necessary information to respond.” The other two were missed in the inbox.

The Wadham FOI officer told Cherwell: “A lot of information is already in the public domain. You don’t need an FOI for that. We feel that [Cherwell searching online] would be a better use of our staff members’ time, as well as that of the Cherwell News team.” The officer asks Cherwell to look in places such as the college’s website and published reports.

However, information available online is often limited and frequently out-of-date. A student who explored colleges’ rustication policies told Cherwell that she resorted to FOI requests after finding the publicly available information to be “legalistic and focused on procedure rather than tangible student experience.” 

The student told Cherwell: “Trust is a key factor in the relationship between colleges and students, and this is enhanced by transparency and open communication.”
Magdalen did not respond to Cherwell’s request for comment.

Memory and Narrative in Miguel Gomes’ Tabu

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“You may run as far as you can, for as long as you like, but you will not escape your heart.”

On 25th April 1974, the Estado Novo regime was brought down by a military coup. This signalled not only Portugal’s release from authoritarianism but the end of a 13-year war with its African colonies. Now approaching the 50th anniversary of the Carnation Revolution, I return to Miguel Gomes’ 2012 feature Tabu. Few films have so brilliantly captured the gap between reality and memory – personal and collective – raising important questions about the modern repercussions of a colonial history we continue to have trouble discussing. At the heart of the film lies a profound exploration of our attempts at grappling with the otherness of the past, that will haunt its viewers long after it has ended. 

Tabu is divided into three parts: the Prologue, Part One – Paradise Lost, and Part Two – Paradise. The film opens with the dream-like tale of an explorer who, haunted by the ghost of a dead wife he cannot forget, lets himself be eaten by a crocodile. It then turns out that this is a film within a film being watched by Pilar, with whom we begin Part One. In present day Lisbon, we follow the lives of Pilar and her neighbours: the housemaid Santa and the elderly Aurora who, abandoned by her daughter, is increasingly in the grips of dementia. This is ‘Paradise Lost’, a melancholic, washed out Lisbon, peopled with isolated, discontented figures. When Aurora’s health takes a sudden decline, Pilar is asked to locate Gian Luca Ventura, who in the film’s third section narrates Aurora’s youth spent on a farm on Mount Tabu and their tale of forbidden love. 

Part Two ‘Paradise’ is composed entirely of Gian Luca’s memories of Africa and Aurora. This third section is devoid of dialogue. It is narrated in its entirety through a voice-over. Although this is certainly an homage to silent film – Murnau’s Tabu in particular –  it is worth considering the significance of the silence of the voices of the past and the superimposition of a present one. Despite the fact that these are Gian Luca’s memories, he starts by describing Aurora’s life before she existed for him. The images we see have to be projections. This continues throughout the film. Although we only get access to Gian Luca’s interiority, this section isn’t really narrated from his point of view. We see Aurora alone many times, scenes that for him are impossible as memories – even as inaccurate ones – and can only be Gian Luca’s own narrative formulations of the past. He seems to assume the role of third-person narrator of his own life. The past as it happened is inaccessible and to reach at it through memory is to build narrative. It is to look at oneself as a character. 

However, Tabu makes it clear that our past is not the stories we make of it. In an interview with MUBI, Gomes stated that he had never deeply considered the symbol of the crocodile until he began to be repeatedly asked about it during the film’s press junket. He stated: “Only then did I realize that maybe the crocodile had something to do with time. He’s like a witness; we must have a witness. People that fall in love and separate. Empires that raise and fall, colonial empires.” How people choose to remember the past does not alter how it happened, or the imprints it leaves behind. Despite all its comments on the unreliability of memory and the foreignness of the past, Tabu remains devoted to the idea that the marks we leave on others – for better or for worse – are concealable but ultimately unerasable. Aurora’s last burnt letter reminds us of this, as the film draws to a close: “If the memory of men is limited, the world’s is eternal and that no one can escape.” Aurora’s letter ends and we are met with the film’s final shot: the crocodile: an ancient witness, a superhuman judge.