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Waking up to Russell Brand’s ‘razzle-dazzle’ misogyny 

Microphone on stage greyscale. Original public domain image from Wikimedia Commons

“Hello there, you awakening wonders.”

This messianic flair is typical of the way in which comedian-turned-conspiracy theorist Russell Brand addresses his millions of online followers. The short statement posted on his (now demonetised) YouTube channel on 16th September, in which he denied five allegations of sexual assault and rape, was no different. While still striking an intimate tone, his words had clearly been well thought through – unsurprising, given the severity of these accusations. Yet the very language which Brand has deployed in his defence also serves to highlight one of the most unpleasant aspects of this case. Many of us may well be awake now – but not in the way he intended.

The truth of the allegations reported by The Times and Channel 4 Dispatches has not yet been determined; Brand and his supporters maintain that this is an attempt by the mainstream media to silence him. But irrespective of these new claims, Russell Brand’s misogyny is and has always been a well-documented fact. Some of the most shocking scenes in the Channel 4 Dispatches investigation are nothing new – archive footage of endless stand-up routines, talk show appearances, and television broadcasts, all presenting variations on the theme of objectifying women. The material is highly crass – suggesting that a female interviewee remove her underwear and then miming masturbation, praising “them blowjobs where mascara runs a bit” and making exaggerated gagging noises (all the while claiming “It was her idea!”). Yet it’s all delivered with a cheeky smile and a knowing wink, to the tune of laughter and whoops from his audience. It’s all part of his act, right?

Brand certainly appeared to be disarmingly candid about his exploits. “I was always transparent about [what he refers to as his “promiscuous, consensual conduct”] then, almost too transparent, and I’m being transparent about it now,” he declared in the statement. On the surface his performances certainly had a frank, confessional air; yet while his remarks seemed uncensored and off-the-cuff, their earthiness was offset by eloquence. Lewd jokes were made more palatable by a veneer of verbiage, producing such whimsically stark juxtapositions of register as “the sexual apotheosis that is bumming”. Likewise, Brand’s flamboyant style and animated, at times even earnest, delivery served to further underplay his degradation of women. It’s just a bit of fun! Lighten up!

Although he has since abandoned his salacious material and reinvented himself as a wellness guru standing up to the establishment, these distraction tactics are still present in Brand’s recent statement. The language used is oddly ornate in places – the word “litany” is repeated numerous times, and his “transparency” has not just been “twisted” or “distorted” by the media, but rather “metastasized into something criminal”. The use of this word is unusual outside of a medical context, since it describes the multiplication of cancerous cells. It seems clear that it has been chosen for deliberate rhetorical effect, in order to underscore his point about a hidden “agenda” behind this report, and also perhaps to provide an air of respectability and intellectualism. It’s easy to forget that this is the same man once known for assertions of a wholly different sort. “I like to have it off, right? Yeah, why not?”

There is also an irony to Brand’s dismissal of “this litany of astonishing, rather baroque attacks”. While presumably intended to paint the accusations as absurd confections of the mainstream media, the word “baroque” is also a fitting descriptor of his own persona and discourse. The images and associations it conjures up are of extravagant ornamentation, exaggeration, bombast, heightened emotions. There’s also a hint of decadence – the style was a staple of the counter-Reformation – and a whiff of artificiality too: churrigueresque excess bordering on vulgarity, wood painted to imitate gold and marble. Far from transparency, the aesthetic speaks of concealment and embellishment. And long before his transformation into a modern-day prophet Brand was a fan of religious iconography, once even performing a stand-up routine in front of a huge image of Christ. He closed this particular live show by rapturously declaring “I worship divine sexual female energy!” Outwardly more positive than rape jokes, but still ultimately reducing women’s worth to sex. And entirely undermined by the follow up remark about how this ode to womankind has been carefully calculated – “there’s no way I ain’t getting laid after the show tonight!”

The most disturbing thing about this whole affair is that Russell Brand was so successful for so long. Even in the context of the lad culture of the early 2000s he was considered risqué, and was eventually fired from his BBC Radio 2 show for taking things too far. In a prank call to actor Andrew Sachs, Brand boasted of having slept with the actor’s granddaughter Georgina Baillie. But even then, the focus of the scandal was on the embarrassment that this caused to Sachs, and not the impact on Baillie of having had details of her sex life divulged on national radio. Equally, what about all the other nameless, faceless women who comprised the material for Brand’s anecdotes of debauchery? Did anyone consider them? Or was it easier to laugh along?

It seems it was not just members of the public who were dazzled by Brand’s showmanship and devil-may-care attitude. “His language is magnetic and he’s charismatic […] there’s something about him” – journalist Emily Maitlis stated on her podcast The News Agents, reflecting on how the comedian had won her over during an interview. She was far from the only one. Too many powerful people, the media establishment that Brand now makes a living from criticising, simply sat back and let him spew degrading remarks under the guise of banter or “ironic” comedy. And too many people kept buying tickets to his shows, kept tuning in to his broadcasts, bought his books, went to see his films. Only now that the possibility has emerged that all those words could have led to action are we examining and questioning the content of Brand’s routines.

Still, surely it’s reassuring that now, at least, his past comments are widely seen as sleazy and extremely sexist. No one would get away with that material today, let alone build a media career and become a Hollywood star on the back of it. But we shouldn’t rush to congratulate ourselves and speak of a “different time”. The height of Brand’s fame on British television was less than 20 years ago, and while blatant misogyny is no longer socially acceptable it continues to rear its head. Lawrence Fox’s comments about political journalist Ava Evans on a recent GB News broadcast are a prime example. “Who’d want to shag that?” Once again, women’s only importance lies in their sexual attractiveness and fulfilment of male fantasies. 

Fox has subsequently been suspended from presenting duties and the channel has issued an apology. But if there’s one thing we should learn from the Russell Brand case, regardless of its eventual outcome, it’s that it is never just about one individual. Brand may be the subject of these allegations, but there are many more people who enabled his appalling attitude to thrive. The legacy of this exposé should not be the demonisation of one man, but the consideration of the social systems that both shaped him and gave him power and influence. We should all consider the ideas and attitudes which we’ve received and supported; whether we’ve since come to regret them or still uphold them, whether we’ve expressed them actively or passively. This needs to be a wake-up call for everyone.

Image credit: rawpixel.com // CC 0 1.0 Deed via rawpixel.com

Rough sleeping in Oxford up by 13%, Kerslake report shows

Image Credit: John Tyson via Unsplash

Rough sleeping in Oxford is on the rise, the latest report from the Kerslake Commission has shown. In 2022, there were 27 people recorded as rough sleeping in the city, up 13% from 2021. 

The UK is currently experiencing the highest rates of people living in temporary or unstable accommodation on record. Rough sleeping, the most visible form of homelessness according to homelessness charity St Mungo’s, increased by 26% nationally in the period June 2021 to 2022, government statistics show. As opposed to other forms of homelessness such as staying in temporary or unstable accommodation, rough sleeping involves sleeping on the streets.

This has led the expert panel consulted in the latest Kerslake Comission report to conclude that the current picture will render the government unable to reach its target to end rough sleeping by 2024. According to the commission, any government attempting to deal with homelessness should take measures to prevent people from being at risk of homelessness; incentivise a cross-sector effort to make timely and effective interventions that prevent those at risk from sleeping rough; and provide a route out of homelessness for those that find themselves on the streets. 

The report recommends that the government increase its social housing provision, likening the scale of the problem to that of early 20th century Britain. In the short term, the report advises that the government increase the housing benefit, which has remained frozen since April 2020 amid rent hikes that have “pushed the number of homes on the market that can be paid for through welfare down from 23% to 5%”, the Guardian reported in June.

Overall, figures from the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities show that 79 households were homeless in Oxford in the first quarter of 2023. This was an increase of 43 households on the previous year. 

The Oxford City Council website states: “We spend more than £143,000 a year to help provide day services for rough sleepers in Oxford. We fund Homeless Oxfordshire, The Porch day centre and The Gatehouse to provide these services.”

Curtis, aged 42, was on the streets in Oxford for just under six months. He said he had no alternative but to sleep on the streets after circumstances changed overnight when his relationship broke down. 

He said: “I found myself unexpectedly homeless. After a year of living with my girlfriend our relationship ended, and I found myself homeless overnight. I started rough sleeping and had to switch to survival mode, trying to keep warm and find food to eat. I felt constantly on high alert, I was fearful of getting hurt. You feel invisible and that no one believes your situation. 

“I was on the streets for 20 weeks and it felt like forever, the world can be cold, and you could easily find yourself going down the wrong path. Thankfully, I am strong willed and kept myself strong until I was able to get help.

“I am now trying to heal, find myself a job and become part of the community here in Oxford.” 

Oxford researchers observe dark spot on Neptune from the ground

European Space Agency/CC BY 2.0 via Flickr

A team of scientists led by a Professor from the University of Oxford, Patrick Irwin, observed a dark spot on Neptune’s surface from the ground for the first time in a momentous display of the capacities of Earth based telescopes. “Since the first discovery of a dark spot, I’ve always wondered what these short-lived and elusive dark features are,” says Irwin. 

The new findings have shown that the dark spots are not caused by a clearing of the clouds but most likely the darkening of particles in a deeper layer of the atmosphere. Furthermore, the researchers also made a surprising discovery, finding a bright spot right by the dark spot, composed of a rare bright cloud type never identified before. 

Neptune is the outermost planet in the solar system and its distance of 4.5 billion kilometres from the sun makes it difficult to observe closely from the surface. Dark spots on its surface were first detected by the Voyager 2 probe on its flyby in 1989, however, their examination from Earth remained elusive since they dissipated after a few years. 

More recently, in 2018, the Hubble telescope discovered the latest series of dark spots which inspired Irwin and his team to set about observing them from the Earth’s surface before they disappeared again. The team used the European Southern Observatory’s “Very Large Telescope”(VLT) in Chile for their discovery. 

The telescope’s system of automated mirrors is able to self-adjust to minimise interference from Earth’s atmosphere in its observations. Furthermore, the VLT’s new measurement devices allowed the researchers to obtain a 3D spectrum, a detailed record of the wavelengths (colours) of light reflected by Neptune. 

According to study co-author and Berkeley planetary scientist Michael Wong, the new observations herald a new stage in humanity’s power to observe the universe: “This is an astounding increase in humanity’s ability to observe the cosmos. 

“At first, we could only detect these spots by sending a spacecraft there, like Voyager. Then we gained the ability to make them out remotely with Hubble. Finally, technology has advanced to enable this from the ground.”

Review: Rosa’s Thai

image courtesy of Rosa's Thai

A vibrant addition to Oxford’s George Street, Rosa’s Thai has come a long way from its humble beginnings as a market stall in London’s East End. Fifteen years on from its founding as a restaurant group by Saiphin and Alex Moore in 2008, Rosa’s is bringing fresh, authentic Thai taste to the Oxford City Centre, using Thai produce including curry pastes from the Huai Yod district and pad Thai noodles from a 3rd generation family business. This was certainly reflected in the freshness of the ingredients served, which gave the food a much richer taste than its takeaway counterparts.

The evening started with a drink – a boozy lemongrass and pandan iced tea, which as with many drinks on Rosa’s menu also came as a non-alcoholic alternative for non-drinkers. An incredibly fruity drink the alcohol gave it a septic edge, reminiscent of the apples contained in a Mcdonalds’ happy meal, an unexpectedly nostalgic taste.

To sample as large a selection as possible I chose the Classic Sharing Platter, which included four of the six starters on offer, with prawn crackers. Intended for 2 people it came in at a very reasonable price of £18 (only £1 more than its vegetarian counterpart) and had plenty to go around. Both the pork and the chicken were well cooked, the former sweet, the latter saturated with the flavour of lemongrass though both were certainly largely improved by their sauces tamarind and peanut respectively. The remaining elements – calamari, spring rolls and prawn crackers – were light and savoury, and worked well with any of the sauces that came on the platter.

The Pad Thai is best described as incredibly filling, which when following a starter and a drink would allow it to be comfortably shared, though had a more-ish quality which more than justified the quantity served. The star ingredient was undoubtedly the peanuts which lent an earthy flavour to the noodles, complemented by the sharp citrus of fresh squeezed lime provided to the side of the plate allowing the meal to be adjusted to taste.

For dessert I tried both the Thai Churros and the Mango & Sticky Rice – both listed as Thai classics. Having never tried churros with condensed milk before I was pleased to find that it was sweet but not overwhelmingly so, providing a light finish to a hearty menu. The Mango & sticky rice was the same if a little heavier though this was offset by the sweet freshness of the mango.

Rosa’s markets itself as a home of “signature Thai hospitality”, a characteristic definitely attributable to this newest addition to the Oxford dining scene. Welcoming staff and comforting food produced a homely atmosphere, giving the whole restaurant an air of ease and familiarity and rapid service allowed the food to be enjoyed at a comfortable pace. Though the price range may make it an only occasional treat for our student readers, I would highly recommend Rosa’s to anyone looking for a fun evening out with family, college or otherwise.

Long-term decisions for a brighter future?  Must’ve missed that…

Rishi Sunak has a new pledge as well as a new slogan, ‘Long-term decisions for a brighter future’.  It might not be catchy and it might not be bearing itself out at the moment, but for me and millions of young people across the country, it feels like a kick in the teeth. Alongside other failures on university housing, strike negotiations, and environmental pledges, the choice to leave the Erasmus scheme and the failure of its placement have been disastrous. The last thirteen years of Conservative government really could have done with some of that ‘long-term’ decision-making.

Let’s kick things off with Brexit: a flawed plan in the eyes of many, especially the young, but not necessarily one that had to have the catastrophic impact on students and young people that it has. Perhaps most problematic has been the end of the freedom of movement and the Erasmus+ scheme, enjoyed by Britains since 1983 and expanded even further in 2014.The Turing Scheme, the British replacement that the government hailed as an improvement thanks to the global opportunities that it offers, has proved complex, insufficient, and chaotic for universities and students alike.

First, it is worth outlining the key differences between the Turing and Erasmus+ schemes.  As of 2014, the EU scheme encapsulated all education, training, youth, and sport programmes covering both tuition fees and some living costs on a reciprocal basis. The result has been thousands of university courses across the country that offer ‘years abroad’, generally in the third year of a four-year course, in which the student is expected to spend a set amount of time abroad either working or studying: I am enrolled in one of these courses myself.

Despite the promise of ‘global opportunities’, something that Erasmus admittedly didn’t offer, the Turing scheme has been a sorry excuse for a replacement. Most obviously, the fact that it doesn’t cover tuition fees has completely changed the landscape. Host universities are expected to simply waive these costs but the vast majority don’t and individual universities are left to establish their own reciprocal arrangements with partner institutions. Evidently, this puts smaller and less well-established institutions at a huge disadvantage and even the largest are only able to offer a fraction of the opportunities they did in the past. The paperwork and processes of setting up these agreements simply takes too much time. Even the University of Oxford, perhaps the most well-established of all higher education institutions in the country, only offered eleven funded places for Spanish students in the academic year 2023/24.

The government points to the Turing Scheme’s support of disadvantaged students as one of its primary advantages and indeed, it offers top-ups to the stipend that others receive on a needs and destination-assessed basis. Depending on whether your country is categorised as high or medium cost, students from disadvantaged backgrounds can receive as much as £490 a month if their stay lasts more than eight weeks. In reality though, that funding is allocated to fewer institutions on a much less reliable basis.  

The Erasmus+ scheme reviews its funding every six or seven years, meaning that universities are able to plan ahead significantly and advertise accurately to prospective applicants. In stark contrast, the Turing Scheme reviews its funding each and every year with its first two years showing huge variation (the University of Warwick saw funding fall by 30% in 2023). Even worse, universities discover the total funding that they will receive in July at the earliest and often not until August, leaving students in the lurch and unsure as to whether they will even be able to complete their travels and studies.  

Furthermore, students wanting to spend any more than 90 days inside the EU now have to apply for VISAs. Not only is this a costly process that requires paperwork and often certain proof of income and/or funding (clearly disadvantaging students from lower economic backgrounds) but it also forces long-term planning, usually starting six months in advance.  Despite this, students beginning their studies in September won’t know how their university has chosen to allocate its funding until August at the very earliest. Again, well-established institutions such as Oxford University are able to offer guarantees and cover the costs if their funding varies: others are left with reduced funds or nothing at all. Despite the fact that now the entire world is ‘open’ to students as opposed to the ‘confines’ of Europe, the Turing Scheme still only paid out £106 million in 22/23. That is £22 million pounds less than during our last year as members of the Erasmus scheme in 2020.

Combined with the ending of free healthcare and the difficulty in obtaining any kind of work visa, students and young people are simply discouraged from undertaking long-term study periods or work placements. Instead, there has been a substantial rise in those finding short-term solutions, sometimes only lasting two weeks. The depressing thing, of course, is that it didn’t have to be like this. During negotiations, the European Union invited the UK to become an associated third-party member of the Erasmus+ programme alongside Turkey, Iceland, and others. Instead, much like until recently with the Horizon science programme, the UK declined the invitation. Unlike Horizon, the UK will now have to wait until 2027 to get another opportunity.

The impact of a hard Brexit, of course, goes far beyond university students and the shortcomings of the Turing Programme. Those travelling and looking for work before, after, or instead of university study are hugely limited. Personally, leaving school in the last year of the transition period, I received several internship and job offers from across Spain, even during the COVID-tainted summer of 2020. Now, with vastly more experience in an array of industries and in the third year of a degree at the University of Oxford, I have not succeeded in securing any of the 56 that I have applied for to date.

As much as some bemoaned the influx of young people from across the continent and the diversity that they provided across several industries, especially hospitality, before Brexit, the same is now true in reverse. It is simply not possible to obtain a right to work in the vast majority of EU countries without a job offer and the vast majority of companies won’t even process an internship or job application without the right to work. Try squaring that circle.

All that said, I am writing this in a café in Sant Pol, just outside of Barcelona. I have indeed made it here to study on a master’s course in hospitality management – albeit entirely self-funded. I’ve managed to make this small part of this year work but my biggest concern is not just for the rest of my twelve months and my life, but for those who aren’t able to pay their own way onto such courses. Slowly but surely, the UK government’s ‘Long-term decision making” is putting language learning and the most valuable of cultural experiences behind a paywall. That future isn’t feeling so bright… 

Image Credit: Andrew Parsons/ Number 10 Downing Street CC BY 2.0 Deed via Flickr

St Hilda’s purchases £12 million accommodation

Edward Hart / Attribution 4.0 International via Wikimedia

St Hilda’s college has purchased two spacious Victorian homes to convert into accommodation for post-graduate and visiting students. The new properties, 14 and 16 Norham Gardens, were bought at a combined cost of 12 million pounds, being funded by St Hilda’s endowment funds. 

The purchase of 14 and 16 Norham Gardens is a further addition to St Hilda’s growing portfolio of student accommodation.  In 2022, St Hilda’s bought 11 Norham Gardens and 38 St Giles’, finalising the plan to offer accommodation to all undergraduate students for the duration of their degree. 

The property is located in the vicinity of University Parks, surrounded by a landscape garden of 0.6 acres. The building itself has over 1,600 square metres of space. Initially, 14 and 16 Norham Gardens will contain 13 ensuite bedrooms and by early 2024, Norham Gardens accommodation is expected to house up to 45 students following further renovations.

College Bursar, Chris Wood, told Cherwell: “St Hilda’s College has a reputation for providing a welcoming and supportive environment for its students. We aim to provide a platform for our students to succeed, and to improve their experience at Oxford. 

“Providing student housing at rents generally lower than those in the private sector is very important in this regard. We now have sufficient accommodation to house all of our undergraduate students for the whole of their courses, if they wish, as well as a good supply of graduate room.” 

The Norham Gardens properties were formerly owned by the Catholic Charity, The Society of the Holy Child Jesus. Wood also told Cherwell that the two parties “worked together closely to ensure mutually beneficial outcomes”.  

As a former women-only college and as a college founded by a woman, St Hilda’s has been keen to draw attention to the blue plaque found on the walls of the new property, featuring social reformer, Violet Butler. Butler was an advocate for women and young people in Oxford in the early 20th century. Wood told Cherwell that Violet Butler “very much lived her life in the spirit of St Hilda’s motto “non frustra vixi”, which translates to “I lived not in vain.”

On 21 September St Hilda’s announced the purchase of 14 and 16 Norham Gardens on the college website, explaining that the College is continually working to house more postgraduate and visiting students than ever before. St Hilda’s currently has approximately 200 graduate students. 

The Norham Gardens properties will act not only as accommodation but the college hopes that they will form a St Hilda’s community in the centre of Oxford. 

New College ends scout cleaning of student rooms 

Image credit: Mike Peel / CC-BY-SA-4.0 via Wikimedia

New College has ended scout cleaning of undergraduate student rooms and will replace the practice with regular cleanliness inspections.

The change was approved by the College’s Governing Body in Trinity. In the same term, the New JCR overwhelmingly rejected a college proposal on the matter, with 16% in favour of removing room cleaning and 84% in opposition. 118 students participated in the vote. 

Oxford colleges have employed scouts to regularly clean their students’ rooms for hundreds of years. Today the system varies between colleges; many do not employ cleaning staff at off-site accommodation. 

The College referred to the change as an “extension” of a policy already in place at New College’s Weston Buildings Graduate centre. 

Despite this, a second-year student at New said there has been a “genuine lack of communication with all those involved” including the scouts themselves, who “as term starts, still don’t know what the expectations are with what they should be doing.” 

The Home Bursar at New said there are no planned job losses linked to the change. It was not clear whether cleaning staff’s net working hours or payment would be reduced. 

Today only Oxford, Cambridge, and Durham universities still clean students’ rooms. The practice has faced criticism for coddling adult students and subverting their privacy, as well as underpaying and overworking cleaning staff.

College rents see up to 13.6% spike amidst cost-of-living struggles

Image credit: Madeleine Storer

A Cherwell investigation has found that the average rent increase among Oxford colleges for 2023 sits at 8.62%, up from an average of 7.6% last year. The increases could be anything between 5% to 13.6%, and these are set to provoke hardship for some in the coming year amidst the cost-of-living crisis.

St Peter’s College is facing one of the heftiest rent hikes, at 12%. The college faced criticism last year when they unveiled the proposed rent prices of two new accommodation blocks – the cheapest room in these accommodation blocks being £5589 for a 27-week lease. On the other end of the scale, St John’s College and St Queen’s College (the first and fourth most wealthy colleges, respectively) increased rent by only 5% this year.

Wadham is another college facing large rent increases. After an initial proposed 14% increase, which would have resulted in extortionate hikes of between £682.20 and £922.74 annually, the JCR negotiated their increase down to 11%. Wadham SU wrote an open letter to Wadham College Trustees, declaring the increase “inexcusable” on the basis that it would provoke extreme financial hardship among students. Within this open letter, Wadham SU threatened action such as withholding of rent or an SU boycott of college food if rent negotiations could not be reopened, before agreeing on the final 11% figure.  

Many colleges use the Van Noodern Index (VNI) to determine the rent increase for the coming year, however recently there has been a shift away from the VNI figure. The index measures “collegiate inflation” and has been criticised in the past for a lack of transparency. Furthermore, in a recent investigation, Cherwell revealed that VNI presents consistently higher figures than standard inflation indices. For example, the VNI for 2023 came out to 13.6%, nearly double CPI in June 2023, which stood at 7.9%. 

Christ Church is set to have the highest rent hike across colleges for the second year running, strictly following the VNI figure of 13.6%.  However, Christ Church offers extensive financial assistance schemes – there is a 50% and 25% discount on rent and “season tickets” for college dinners, for which the household income threshold has been raised in line with the VNI figure.

A Cherwell poll of 356 students found that 45% were “very concerned” about accommodation costs, 42% were “mildly concerned”, and only 9% were “not concerned at all.” When asked how the rent increases would affect them, many students said they would not be able to live in college accommodation due to rising prices, seeking private rental instead, with most saying they would have to make cuts to their budgets. One student also added: “Many many less pints.”

With student maintenance loans set to increase by a mere 2.8%, many students fear it will not be enough to tackle rising costs. One Pembroke student told Cherwell: “With my maintenance loan increasing by around 3% and rent by 8.5%, it means my loan no longer covers my accommodation costs… Even with having got very lucky on the room ballot, I am entirely dependent on what my parents can contribute and my job as a private tutor to fund food, socialising, and everything else. It means this year is going to be a lot more difficult than last and I’m going into it not thinking about my studies but of the tight budget I’m going to have to keep to.”

When considering the effect of the increase for the future, the St Catz JCR President and Vice President told Cherwell: “As St Catz was founded as an access college, our founding principles of equality and fairness must be reflected in our rent. We believe that further rent increases should be paused or heavily subsidised following recent years’ adjustments (11.8% rent increase in 2022 and 7.7% rent increase in 2023). It is essential that on-site accommodation remains an accessible option for all students regardless of background or financial circumstance.”

Some colleges have opted to increase their hardship funding as a result – for example, Balliol has increased the maximum award for their Student Maintenance Grant from £1000 to £1500 per student, and the maximum award for their Hardship Grant has increased from £500 to £1000. However, some students have expressed concerns about accessibility to their college hardship funds. For example, whilst the hardship fund at St Catz has been expanded, students have argued that it “ignores people’s financial realities” to require students to have less than £1000 in their bank accounts to be eligible. The St Catz JCR President and Vice President added: “We acknowledge and welcome College’s recent commitment to expanding the hardship fund as it is a lifeline for some students. We call upon them to translate this commitment into tangible and immediate actions, including reforming the way ‘hardship’ is assessed. Expanding the hardship fund should not remain a symbolic gesture, but a practical step towards ensuring that no student is hindered by financial constraints – as was the aim of the College when it was founded.”

Doppelgangers, thrifting, and cereal

Image Credit: Michael Dornbierer/CC by 2.0 Deed via Wikimedia Commons

I have a recurring nightmare where I’m being stalked by a doppelganger. She looks better than me, and dresses better than me, and makes jokes that make people laugh so hard that milk shoots out their noses. In one dream, she walks in with a new top that’s exactly my style, and when I ask her where she bought it, she responds, “Actually, my dead grandmother passed it down to me–sorry!Cut to me–wearing a shameful frown and my college puffer-mangy jeans combination for the fourth time that week. Just as it starts to feel like I’m living a remake of Black Swan, I wake up. 

It’s a weird dream, but what’s weirder is how it made me realize my defiant desire to be special; unique. If you ask me: would you lose your arm or always be one step behind someone who is just like you? My response: does the missing arm make for a good story?

I don’t believe I’m alone. Across the board, people are preening in anticipation, vying for a chance to prove to the world that they are different, and hence, cool. In nearly every online trend, there’s a new distinction to be made; a new way to categorize and differentiate people. Is she the blonde to your brunette? Which one of you is dark curls and which one is watercolor eyes? Are you the mom of the group, or are you the baby? Are you a Blair Waldorf it girl or are you an Elle Woods it girl? (god forbid you be a Bella Swan pick me girl). Are you Chase Atlantic punk rock or are you Arctic Monkeys leather clad? Are you black cat or golden retriever or husky or orange cat or doberman or dachshund or chihuahua? 

It feels like everyone is living the Black Swan nightmare, losing faith in their one-of-a-kind-ness, and clawing for some form of distinction. We need to complain, in an almost childlike manner, “Hey! Look at me! I’m special!” Of course, everyone is special. But have we always cared so much to prove it? Today, it is drilled into the head of every single person: Stand out. Be different. Every icebreaker asks its interviewee: “What makes you special?The obsession with separating the self from the crowd has become pervasive. Now, from the clothes we wear to the music we listen to, there is a palpable and constant pressure to differentiate ourselves, to be saying something. 

It is unclear to me whether this cultural obsession with individuality has grown in recent years to consume us, or whether I only grew to notice it. But I suspect it has evolved, and I suspect the culprit, as usual, is capitalism. In a post-Fordist capitalist landscape, everything is constantly fighting an uphill battle to differentiate–companies, brands, people. Since industrialization, things have become more and more homogenous, from the products we consume to the workplaces we dedicate half our lives to. Everyone has the same CeraVe skin wash (I give it 2/5 stars) and the same converse shoes, the same iPhone and app widgets. Everyone shares the same future: tech or finance. In a world where everyday looks like a sea of blurred faces and blurred brands, novelty and difference is sacred.

As I became more enthusiastic about thrifting and growing my tchotchke collections, two things became clear to me. #1, My wardrobe and possessions identified me with more precision than my thumbprint or any biometric data ever could. And #2, It was the tip of the iceberg (and the beginning of the end for my bank account). Because it is not just how we dress or decorate–it is also our music taste, our media intake, our dreams and ambitions. We have become what we consume. 

It is no surprise, then, why we have become so fixated on thrifting and collecting; it is a means to find one-of-a-kind items which can define us, to show to the world the one-of-a-kind type of person that we are inside.

Companies did it first; they rarified products to make us consume more. New fall line, new seasonal flavor, new brand deal, limited time item drop! You make it exclusive, you make it coveted. Then comes the trusty invisible hand, and suddenly a million slightly different marketing ploys are competing with each other to sell the most product. Now, the entire cereal aisle in grocery stores is filled with identical cereals by different names. 

Somewhere along the way though, our identities got mixed in with the breakfast cereal. Instead of solely being obsessed with what we consume, we have also become obsessed with how we market ourselves. We desperately advertise our identities the same way Kellogg advertises its corn flakes. Economics has become us. We view ourselves as consumers, but also view people–including ourselves–as commodities. We buy stuff to build a unique identity with which we can associate, then project that identity to sell an image of who we are. 

So we obsess and stagger different aesthetics and combinations of labels to define ourselves as if to say, look, I’m relatable but different!, not so unlike the cereal aisle.

Image Credit: Michael Dornbierer/CC by 2.0 Deed via Wikimedia Commons

The Conservative path to victory in 2024

Image Credit: Sergeant Tom Robinson RLC/MOD/Open Government Licence version 1.0 via Wikimedia Commons

With the next General Election on the horizon (betting markets currently place the best odds on somewhere between October and December 2024), the attention of the media and much of the politically minded public has turned to the question: how do the Conservatives intend to fight a campaign that current polling and smart money say they’re almost guaranteed to lose? In the run-up to this week’s party conference, new government policy announcements have turned to two major fields that the Tories appear to intend to fight the next election on – immigration and climate change, or more specifically a complete reversal of recent policy on the two.

The question many in and out of the party, myself included, are thus left asking is the following. How sound a strategy can it be to completely U-turn on government policy of the last four years, let alone to fight an election on it?

Whilst one can sense the mystical hand of the great minds that brought you notable Conservative victories in 2015 and 2019 in this sudden reversal, the logic behind it is quite clear – the Conservatives know that they will not win new votes, but they also do not need to. Some electoral models suggest that even a lead of only 4% (38% to 34%, a substantial fall from 2019), would be enough to secure the Conservatives a majority. They therefore think that they have identified two policies they can use to mobilise the traditional Conservative bases of rural and semi-rural voters, and especially the elderly, as well as their important 2019 swing voters: those in formerly industrial constituencies, those without university degrees, and those who supported Brexit. These are the demographic groups that traditional wisdom have assumed to be the most sceptical of immigration and climate change policy. These policies are designed to prevent defections, especially to the Reform Party; both of the last YouGov VI polls place this defection rate at 16% of 2019 Conservative voters, compared to 13% and 12% defecting to Labour.

That being said, these groups are, if not comparatively then at least nominally, generally quite progressive of both issues anyway. The Home Secretary’s assertion last Tuesday that being discriminated against for being gay is not sufficient to claim asylum, is not likely to be well met by voters, even those traditionally sceptical of immigration. According to the World Values Survey, “low” acceptance of homosexuality in the UK stands at only about 19-20% of those with “low” incomes or “lower” education levels, whilst rates of high acceptance were consistently high regardless of age group. ONS data suggests people of all ages, levels of qualification, and income are consistently very concerned about climate change, and unified behind the commitment to net zero before 2050, or “even earlier”. The point being that the hills on which the government seem intent on dying on may not be as fertile ground as they had hoped.

So, what might be a better campaign strategy?

First, one has to accept that there is no policy the government can propose that will fix any of the problems the country faces today.  Based on that assumption, on January 4th, the Prime Minister set out his five priorities for 2023 and asked the public to judge him on them. What was smart about them was that, with the exception of the fifth (stop the boats – a policy which is not necessarily opposed to immigration in the same way that the government have turned over the summer), they were all factors which were likely to improve regardless of government action – to halve inflation (at the time this stood at about 9%, just over 10% excluding housing), grow the economy, reduce debt, and cut NHS waiting lists. In the case of debt reduction and NHS waiting lists, both were likely to continue to improve as the country recovered from the effects of the pandemic, without the influence of the government (and public understanding of national debt is notoriously bad, meaning measures such as the debt-to-GDP ratio, and the current deficit rather than nominal debt were likely to distort this even further).

The beauty of this message however, lay in its first two points – to grow the economy, and to halve inflation, both being macroeconomic factors almost entirely beyond the influence of the government, and both of which are almost guaranteed to improve the globe over. As the world recovers from the dual inflationary shocks of the Russo-Ukrainian war (and its effects on food and energy prices), and the supply chaos of China in 2022, so too is the inflation rate virtually guaranteed to reach more manageable levels (with the 12-month rate already down to 6.7% CPI). Similarly, “growing the economy” – i.e having a GDP growth rate of more than 0%, or literally not being in recession – was not a particularly high bar to set. In short, by setting laughably achievable economic goals and hoping that the public (whose main electoral concern at the moment remains the economy), would lack the economic know-how to understand the complete lack of agency the Conservative government had in these positive trends, was a remarkably sound electoral strategy, or at least one which gave them the best chance at winning a tough battle. Besides having the added benefit of not tying the government to policies they may come to regret, confidence in throwing themselves at the mercy of macroeconomic trends should also be buoyed by current growth and inflation; the Bank of England forecasts that inflation should break 5% by the end of this year, and return to its 2% target in the first half of 2024, whilst the BCC estimated growth for 2023 to finish at 0.3% and 2024 at 0.4% (the OECD estimates are slightly higher), which is slow but importantly meets the target of growing.

And this economic chicanery can be applied elsewhere too. At the Liberal Democrat conference this week, Ed Davey scorned the Conservatives for sending interest rates soaring – of course interest rates are beyond the control of the Conservatives but this speaks to my point as a whole – a point on which it is laughably easy for the Conservatives to retort something about helping savers. Over the last year, the FTSE 100 is up only 1.46% and 4.72% over five years, whilst the FTSE 250 is down in both measures. This ultimately means that rising interest rates, whilst obviously punishing borrowers, means that traditional savings accounts are competitive investments for the first time in over a decade. 

Overall the party appears to have spent much of the weekend working its current strategy with the more hard-line of the party claiming that multiculturalism has failed in Britain, and some even courting Nigel Farage as a possible member. That being said, I know which campaign I’d rather hitch my bandwagon to.

Image Credit: Sergeant Tom Robinson RLC/MOD/Open Government Licence version 1.0 via Wikimedia Commons