Saturday 26th July 2025
Blog Page 867

Politicising terror in an attack on Muslims is morally bankrupt

In the wake of each terrorist attack, the discussion re-emerges around how these incidents should be handled by the political classes, that is, whether it is sensible or inappropriate for the issues surrounding them to be debated by politicians. The recent attack in Manchester crystallised this problem due to its nature as a targeted attacked against young children and teenagers, and its timing in the middle of campaigning for Theresa May’s snap election.

In these circumstances, it is easy to critique the approach of politicians to this event, and to get the impression that they are using deaths as bargaining chips in a game to win points against other parties. The current state of politics and publicity makes the need for a statement and policy position inevitable, and to refuse comment would be inappropriate. It seems to me that by requiring politicians to make a comment, we reveal that a terrorist attack is by nature a political event, and one that the government and opposition are expected to respond to. By carrying out the attack, the terrorist makes a political statement and in a deeply public way. It is a cliché to describe these incidents as an assault on British people but in many ways it is true—we give up personal freedom to the government in return for order and protection, an agreement which terrorism threatens to undermine, resulting in a need for politicians to reassert themselves in response to these acts.

This is not to say that to discuss terror attacks as political events is always necessary and is always done well. Particularly with the upcoming election, negotiating this discussion is a minefield and any party leader can point at another and yell that their response was inappropriate. Beyond this, political discussion of terrorism in the current climate is dominated by a tendency to fall into the rut of having the same points made over and over again—whether or not immigration causes terrorism, whether Islam is an intrinsically violent or intrinsically peaceful religion, et cetera.

These debates have become almost redundant. In the Manchester attack the attacker was a British citizen. ISIS have just claimed responsibility for an attack made on the first day of Ramadan, proving their distance from Islamic teachings.  Yet these are still the areas of discussion recycled by politicians.

Immigration was essentially created as a problem to solve in politics, something that the public could be told was a problem in right-wing media and that the governing body could take concrete steps to ‘fix’. This discourse becomes increasingly unhelpful when they speak over the nuances of a particular attack, as with the Pulse shooting in Orlando when news outlets described it as “an attack on the West”, replicating the dichotomy of regressive Middle East against progressive West rather than acknowledging the shooter’s record of homophobia.

This leaves out other necessary elements of discussion, topics which might be more helpful in reducing radicalisation and terror attacks in the first place. These include the alienation of Muslim communities from ‘British identity’ and how racism and institutional bias leads to resentment and vulnerability in these communities, as well as youth unemployment. Youth unemployment in particular demonstrates the issue of a race gap in the data—in 2012 there was a 13 per cent discrepancy in the rates of unemployment between those from white backgrounds and those from BME backgrounds. Far more could be done to remove the environmental difficulties that cause pockets of radicalisation, rather than putting in legislation such as preventing and capping immigration.

Attacking Muslim or immigrant communities and treating them like they are the threat is only likely to create greater alienation. This has become an even greater problem with the high-profile terrorist attacks of recent years. In the media, terrorism has become a buzzword with specific connotations, most notably with how it is almost entirely applied to acts committed by radicalised Muslims.

Just last week, a young white man planted a nail bomb on the London tube and was arrested, but he was not described as a terrorist by the papers, rather as a “student”, by the Independent, Guardian, and Sky. We are familiar by now with the narrative of the weird, lonely, mentally unstable white man committing violent attacks, yet these are never categorised as terrorism on the same scale as those claiming justification from Islam. It is amazing how, in a few decades, there has been such a shift from the idea that all Irishmen were terrorists to that all Muslim men are, with the groups being similarly mistreated.

Thus, the discussion of terror attacks in mainstream politics is lacking, and will continue to fail until it addresses terrorism as an issue beyond the immigration debate. Such incidents are innately political, and the reduction of the threat is an important point in policy, and so they must be discussed by politicians. Nonetheless, to do this at the expense of immigrant communities is more likely to propagate the problem, and to frame the discussion in such a way as to to win points in a general election is morally corrupt.

OxFilm: “An hour—and a £3—very well spent”

A follow-up to the Summer Showcase, the Oxford University Filmmaking Foundation’s Easter Projects consisted of the screening of four films—most of which had been shot over the Easter Vacation with funding from OUFF.

Once again, event organiser Oscar McNab had to battle against the inherent reluctance of filmmakers to meet such arbitrary things as deadlines, as well as some serious technical issues in order to put the showcase together.

One wouldn’t have realised this from the event itself, however, which ran, on the whole, rather smoothly. Despite some problems with sound engineering—which did have a minor impact on the more dialogue-oriented productions—the overall quality of the screening remained very high.

The first film, entitled Windows, was a quiet meditation on death and the abruptness of loss. It is easy to overlook, due to our habituation to cinematic and narrative conventions, the fact that a character death is usually part of an arc—occurring at a particularly timely (or conveniently untimely) moment in a story. Here, the conspicuously absent character leaves behind only rather banal reminders: a text conversation and a potted plant. (The plant plot device reminded me very much of a similar symbol used to great effect in Léon: The Professional). The focus of the film is the character’s efforts to reach some kind of internal resolution.

The second short film shown, Object Permanence, was my favourite of the evening. Its camerawork, lighting, and shots were all relatively simple, but very effective nonetheless. It follows three friends as they drift apart, driven by the emotional fallout after they discover one of the trio’s eating disorder. The film offers a series of visual metaphors for the characters’ emotional landscapes, including the eponymous concept of ‘object permanence’. The acting was impressive, especially during the scenes in which one of the protagonists is seen staring into a bathroom mirror in bleak colour, fighting a lonely battle with the difficult emotions which have arisen in the wake of this troubling revelation.

Intelligence Quotient, the third offering, was meanwhile particularly adept in its manipulation of visual language, making excellent use of symbolism, particularly in its considered use of a cinematic colour palette in various sequences. Written by Elena Malashenko, its premise was an interesting take on a dystopian film, depicting a future in which the wealthy rent the intelligence of the impoverished. It is a shame then that the poor sound quality of the showcase was felt most keenly during the showing of this film: with exposition being necessary to establish the premise, it was very easy to miss important information at the beginning of the film.

The final film was a sci-fi thriller called Yellow Grass. Written by Sam Zwolinski and directed by India Opzoomer, Yellow Grass was a short film grappling with time travel and shot in desolate settings, reminiscent of classic examples of post-apocalyptic cinema. The actors perfectly conveyed the characters and their deep distrust and discontent while the impressive sets and general bleakness of the mise-en-scène contributed to the piece’s grim, gloomy atmosphere. A disorienting chase scene and chilling twist book-ended the tautly made film. It was a worthy ending to the showcase, making it an hour—and a £3—very well spent.

 

Profile: Laurie Penny

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The day I meet Laurie Penny is the day after the atrocious terrorist attack in Manchester. It’s a strange day to be travelling into London, and I’m oddly apprehensive. Nervous, as much about the interview as I am about the mood of the country. I needn’t have worried on the first count. As I’m heading into London I get a message from Penny to confirm where we’re meeting and checking that I am ok, after the “awful news today”. For someone who is, in her own words, “difficult” and “obstreperous”, she seems remarkably kind and caring via email. This is a trait that becomes even more evident in person.

The eldest of three sisters, Laurie Penny is a political feminist writer, thinker, and activist, who is known for her perceived fierceness on feminist and leftist issues (although, as she points out “in person I’m quite shy, and I think, quite fluffy”). She is an alumna of Wadham College, Oxford, and was the youngest ever person to be shortlisted for the prestigious Orwell Prize for political writing. Penny writes for (amongst other publications), the Guardian; she is a columnist and Contributing Editor at the New Statesman; and Editor at Large at the cult New York Literary project The New Inquiry. Oh, and she’s written six books. She’s outspoken and loud, “a bit too much” if you listen to some of her critics, but over the last decade in her career as a journalist, Penny’s voice has been instrumental in ensuring that women’s and minorities rights have stayed on the agenda, and that the conversation over equality continues to evolve.

I’m meeting Penny to discuss, at least in part, her forthcoming book Bitch Doctrine:
Essays for Dissenting Adults—a collection of essays taken from Penny’s writings over the
past few years. It’s a dizzyingly clever, warm, and witty compilation of essays covering
topics which range from the 2016 US presidential election, to writing which explores
the notion of gender—it looks at the nature of relationships and examines the current culture we find ourselves in. I ask Penny how the collection came about.

“I just realised I had so much material and that I wanted to get some of it out there in a more permanent form… I wanted to reach the same people as Unspeakable Things” [Penny’s first book]. “Most of these pieces have been online and I picked the ones that had the most impact, that were most popular… And there’s stuff that I’ve done that I would like to be accessible by people who aren’t linked in to those communities online in the same way”. As Penny herself writes in the introduction to the collection, all she’s “ever wanted to achieve with writing is to move the world in small ways with words”. She tells me as we chat that “if you read a book it’s a chance to be with some ideas in a less immediate way”.

One of the ideas present in the book, and one which Penny talks about when we meet, is the notion of reclaiming words, and owning what and who you are. “It’s about owning the provocative. My whole life people have told me that I’m a bit too much, and yell a little bit too loud about stuff. And I never really worked out why… but I may as well own it”.

One of the things about the collection that jumped out to me, when reading it, is that it seems calmer and more considered, less raw than her first book. I mention this to Penny and she agrees that that’s the case. Although she does note that her first book was finished after the sudden death of her father. “So that whole process of finishing it was all mired up in a very emotional time, and you know, very raw time.”

Of Bitch Doctrine, she says that she’s “a bit more grown up. I’m still cross about stuff… but yeah, I’ve definitely become more self-assured and happy in myself… and I’m just, I just give a lot fewer fucks”. She’s quick to point out that she’s aware that contentment can result in a situation where “you stop being quite so angry at the world. But I’ve got people who check me for that, and fortunately I have the internet who let me know if I’m ever lax on anything! Thanks guys”. It’s worth noting that this is all said unironically. She seems genuinely happy that there are people out there who will pick up her up on mistakes or errors. “I’m quite happy to own up when I’ve fucked up, in fact, more than happy.”

Ah, the internet. Penny has an active Twitter presence with over 160,000 followers, and it was for work on her blog ‘Penny Red’ that she was shortlisted for the aforementioned Orwell Prize. For all of this online success though, she has endured more than her fair share of vitriol and abuse via the internet. “So early this year… it was really bad. I was wiped out for a few weeks just being like ‘I can’t deal with this’”. And yet, Penny is optimistic about the internet. “I mean, I’ve not met one person who has been the target of any of this stuff, who would say ‘oh the internet is evil, I wish I’d never gone on it’. What I hear more, is regret that they can’t engage more and that they can’t be more, be more present in those spaces, and have to watch what they say more.” We chat about how things would have been different, if the Internet had been the place it is now, when Penny was younger: “I can’t imagine if 15-year-old me had had access to the Internet. It might have been brilliant, but it might also have been terrible. Yeah, there’s a lot, there seems to be a lot at stake in every conversation. I feel like there are more consequences now, for young people, for everything. I don’t envy that at all. There’s both more and less freedom.”

When you get Penny talking about something she cares about, she is passionate, interesting, and thoughtful. The words seem to tumble out of her mouth almost quicker
than her brain can process the thoughts. But it’s clear, when we discuss feminism and the
outlook for the future in light of Brexit and Donald Trump, that these are issues she has
thought long and hard about. The tumbling over her words is simply because she has so
much to say, and we have so little time to discuss everything.

It feels as though Penny has moved on slightly from the shock and anger which followed the US election results in November last year. She tells me that the introduction to the collection had to be rewritten in the wake of Trump’s surprise victory. In fact, her plans for the whole year had to change. “The plan for this year was to spend the year, holed up writing this novel, with maybe the occasional column about how Hillary Clinton wasn’t going far enough in her women’s rights agenda.

“That got tabled, and I’m very cross about that. It’s not the worst thing Donald Trump has done, but it makes it personal.” Her description of the current President of the United States in her book’s introduction, as “a craven billionaire real-estate mogul and reality television shyster” who was “elected to the presidency of the United States, swept to power by a wave of racist rage and violent populism”, is both amusing and terrifying. When we talk about Trump (neither of us are able to bring ourselves to refer to him with his proper title), Penny’s position seems to have mellowed slightly.

“There’s a sense that there’s been a dark shadow passing over and I feel like, not that it’s lifting, things are still really terrible, but I feel like the possibility is now creeping in that things might not be as terrible as we thought they were going to be.

“There’s this air, from last June onwards of, ‘oh my God, everything is terrible, the world is going to end’. And it’s not. It’s very important to be cautious, to be angry, but actually, you know, if you look at the turnarounds that have happened in Europe… the pushback is still happening in the US.

“And now in the UK… May might not get that majority… it sort of feels like there’s more, stuff is unwritten. The future is very unwritten. And I think that’s not necessarily the horror that it was, even a few months ago.”

For somebody who is so often labelled as angry, somebody who’s writing is often held up as a war cry against those who seek to oppress the weak, Penny is surprisingly optimistic about what’s to come. “Terrible, terrible things are always going to happen but I feel like, I don’t know, I feel like resignation and rage are not the only possible options.”

Perhaps there can be a little hope for the future after all. And what of the future for the
formidable but “fluffy” Laurie Penny?

“Fiction… fiction is what I’d love to do”.

Laurie Penny’s forthcoming essay collection, Bitch Doctrine: Essays for Dissenting Adults
is published by Bloomsbury and will be available from August. It can be pre-ordered now
from Amazon UK and all good book stores.

OxView: Best of Cannes

The Square

A satire on the world of high art, Ruben Ostlund’s The Square follows gallery director Christian (Claes Bang) as he readies his gallery for an exhibition (the titular Square) which intends to instil an altruistic disposition in the public. Meanwhile, Christian’s personal life collapses as he seeks to recover his possessions after an unorthodox mugging. While not originally tipped to be a winner, this satire promises to be, in the words of Guardian critic Peter Bradshaw, ‘thrillingly weird’.

You Were Never Really Here

Based on the novella of the same name by Jonathan Ames, You Were Never Really Here is a gripping yet deeply painful exploration of the morality of revenge. It follows veteran Joe (Joaquin Phoenix), a man paid by private clients to rescue children from sex rings. Director Lynne Ramsay (We Need to Talk About Kevin) delivers a film that doesn’t fetishize violence, but doesn’t shy away from it in connection to the depravity of revenge. Winning both best actor and best screenplay, You Were Never Really Here promises an emotional experience you’ll find hard to forget.

The Beguiled

Set during the American Civil War, Sofia Coppola’s The Beguiled follows the journey of John McBurney (Colin Farrell) an Irish Unionist soldier who finds himself a deserter and wounded in Confederate territory. Nursed back to health in a southern seminary home, John begins to draw the attentions of several of his female carers. Coppola, however, is careful to put a twist on the 1966 novel on which the film is based, adopting a feminist lens, and doing away with the sexualised fantasy of the original work. A feminist drama (which happens to feature a rather impromptu surgery with a hacksaw), The Beguiled is not to be missed.

Christ Church win Floorball Cuppers

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On Saturday afternoon, an extremely close Floorball Cuppers tournament took place at the Iffley Road Sports Centre.

A little-known sport, floorball is a form of indoor hockey popularised in Scandinavia and Central Europe. As many beginners who turned up soon discovered, the game requires an amount of coordination and stamina.

Despite this, Luke Shore, a beginner competing for the Christ Church side, thought the sport was surprisingly easy to learn. “It’s great! I really improved as the day went along,” he told Cherwell.

Having beat a strong Queen’s College team after a penalty shootout in their semi-final, the favourites Christ Church, who improved steadily throughout the day despite some inexperienced members, were placed against the wiley Wolfson College.

Christ Church took an early lead in the final, only to be denied by a late Wolfson equaliser. In the ensuing penalty shoot-out, Christ Church hero Dan Zaitsev calmly dispatched the ball into the top corner, and victory celebrations followed for Christ Church.

Despite Christ Church’s relative inexperience, enthusiastic defender Jack Bara thought the secret to his team’s success was past experience of ALTS ice hockey, which requires similar stick-handling skills.

This marked to the end to a very successful day for Christ Church, who became Head of the River and also prevailed in Water Polo Cuppers.

Although competition for the Cuppers trophy was fierce, many had come to Iffley simply to try something new or to have a fun afternoon. Milan Fowkes, captain of the runner-up Wolfson side, was not only proud of his team’s performance, including nail-biting victory against Green Templeton in the other semi-final, but was also happy with how everyone played a part. “We all contributed along the way; it wasn’t an individual effort that stood out,” he told Cherwell.

Lucas Buzaglo, who played for Keble, emphasised the friendly atmosphere, but stressed his disappointment about the result. “Everyone was friendly with each other. That being said, all of us would have liked to take the Cuppers trophy home.”

How should you vote on the 8th of June?

Conservative

OUCA President William Rees-Mogg

It was tempting, on sitting down to write this article, to trot out a standardised collection of clichés. “Theresa May will provide strong and stable leadership”, “don’t risk a coalition of chaos”, etc. However, in the interests of the Cherwell readership, and of the unfortunate editor set to beat this prose into something readable, I will aim to avoid any such distressing buzzwords.

The case I’d like to lay out for voting Conservative is more subtle. It takes two forms. On the one hand, the concerns of students are obviously of greater relevance in a seat predominantly inhabited by students. On the other hand, there is the issue that this election, besides being an opportunity to select our local MP, is also an opportunity to set the direction of this country for the next five years (and arguably, given the divergence of all of the latest crop of party manifestos from the established political orthodoxy, the next 30).

One issue of particular importance to students is mental health. A YouGov Survey carried out in 2016 claims that over a quarter (27 per cent) of students suffer from a mental health issue. At Oxford, the figures are in all likelihood worse. This is why I’m delighted that our manifesto contains a promise to “break the stigma of mental illness” by introducing a new Mental Health Act (a full 35 years since it was last updated). This means that the system whereby treatment comes only grudgingly, either because of out of date guidelines or lack of resources, can finally be put right. Waiting lists can be brought down, and by training one million ordinary people in basic mental health awareness, we can ensure that people cease to suffer in silence, instead getting the help they need at the earliest possible juncture.

Another problem of great concern to students here in Oxford is the large size of the homeless population. Much is made of the cuts to homelessness provision in the city on the part of the County Council (although it is little mentioned that both the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats voted in favour of these cuts). This problem has been compounded by the City Council refusing to increase spending to compensate for this, despite possessing assets such as 900 acres of farmland which could be sold either for reinvestment for higher returns (and therefore greater resources to spend on the homeless) or to support directly the expansion of homelessness services. The Conservative Party will treat the cause, not the symptoms of homelessness by engaging in a house building programme on a scale reminiscent of the Harold Macmillan years, working to end homelessness by 2027 simply by providing more homes. Not only will this help some of the neediest people in our society, it will also in the long run save the government as much as £370 million a year. This will ensure that the homeless population does not become dependent on the funding whims of the city or county council, but can finally be given some dignity and security.

On a national level, the Conservative party will continue the good work it has done in the last six years. The deficit will continue to fall, but not at such a rate as to harm the economy even in the short term. A low rate of corporation tax will continue to attract businesses to set up in the UK, creating jobs and benefitting the economy.

Contrary to claims of a ‘hard Brexit’ we will seek to create a ‘deep and special relationship’ with the EU which benefits both us and our family across the channel. Increased expenditure on the military and intelligence services will help to keep us as safe as possible, despite the looming spectre of foreign hacking and terrorism. Most important of all, the creation of a shared prosperity fund will help to balance out the different regions and nations of the UK, ensuring that we remain one United Kingdom, despite the poisonous narrative of the Scottish National Party which seeks to tear us apart.

The tyranny of the word count prevents me from going into more detail on other matters, nor do I think it is necessary to sink to the level of attacking Jeremy Corbyn for his unfortunate links with nationalist and Islamist terrorists, or Dianne Abbott for her inability to grasp basic figures. Even if this has been a hallmark of election coverage for less reputable papers than Cherwell.

A vote for the Conservative Party is not a negative vote against Labour, it is a positive choice to support policies which are practical, and which will go a long way towards fixing problems which matter, directly or indirectly, to students.

Labour

OULC Co-chairs, Hannah Taylor & Tom Zagoria

Trinity term, exam season, and it’s very easy to get caught up in the student bubble. But let’s not pretend we can’t see out of it. Every day when we walk through Oxford we witness the effects of a government that has neglected, for the last seven years, addressing the problems of rising poverty and inequality, instead looking to the interests of a privileged few. Here, in one of the wealthiest places in the country, the effect of draconian centrally imposed cuts to public services and the highest house prices in the country has seen a dramatic rise in homelessness in the last few years.

Oxford is not unusual, as across the country there has been a catastrophic rise in the number of people reliant on food banks and a doubling in the number of rough sleepers since the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats took power in 2010. This is merely the tip of the iceberg—the most visible suffering caused by a government that has been intent on the ideological choice of austerity, regardless of the costs to our society.

Rising inequality and a country being run in the interests of the wealthiest will affect all of us. After we graduate (with thousands of pounds of debt), we will enter a workforce whose real wages have fallen by over ten per cent since the financial crisis, joint bottom of the OECD with Greece (by comparison, Germany’s has risen by 14 per cent and France’s by eleven per cent). One in six are in insecure work conditions. We will have to rely on public services which have been drastically cut across the country, and an NHS which no one can seriously deny is systematically underfunded: we spend significantly less per head on healthcare than Germany or France, or about half that spent in the United States. We will have to find a place to live in a country where housing affordability is on the decline. And, finally, we will have to live in a society where the rates of hate crime have increased by 41 per cent in the months after Brexit, and a world in which temperature rises and loss of natural resources will increase instability and migration, not to mention the threat caused by the dominance of nuclear-armed strongmen like Trump and Putin.

There is in this election a clear and viable alternative. Since Labour’s manifesto has been released, the massive narrowing in the polls has made it ever more clear that Labour can win. A Labour victory would not mean more of the same. Our manifesto offers hope with radical, costed solutions. In order to make sure everyone can go to uni, Labour will abolish tuition fees and bring back maintenance grants. A Labour government will ensure that no one is left sleeping on the streets, by earmarking housing association homes specifically for homeless people through the Rough Sleepers Initiative. We will ensure that everyone is paid at least a £10 an hour living wage, and we will end insecure and exploitative zero hours contracts for good.

The NHS may not last a further five years at the current rate of underfunding, so Labour will commit to over £30 billion in extra fund- ing over the next Parliament by increasing tax on the top five per cent of earners and on private medical insurance, as well as reverse recent moves toward privatisation. By building at least 100,000 new council homes per year and introducing rent controls we can ensure that everyone has the opportunity for a secure home. As rising national debt shows, austerity is a failed experiment, so Labour will invest in an environmentally and socially sustainable economy through a National Investment Bank.

Be under no illusions about this Tory government. Former UKIP leader Nigel Farage recently marveled at how Theresa May was running on “exactly the same ticket” as he had. Against a Tory party that prioritises scapegoating immigrants, fox hunting and a hard Brexit, there is only one possible alternative government.

So on the June 8, vote for a fair and inclusive society. Vote for wealth and power to be in the hands of the many, not the few. Vote for a cheeky nine grand saving off your next year at uni. There’s now a real chance for positive change, so seize it. Vote Labour.

Liberal Democrats

OULD President Lucasta Bath

The Liberal Democrat position on Brexit is often misunderstood or misrepresented by the media. To clarify: we are not seeking to simply stop Brexit in its tracks. Instead we want to oppose a hard Brexit which would see us withdrawing from numerous treaties and agreements with the EU, as well as most crucially the Single Market, a move which economists predict will cause damage to the UK economy in the region of £65 billion. If part of the next government, the Liberal Democrats will also push for a second referendum on whether or not to accept the final, negotiated terms of the Brexit deal. This will allow the public to make a decision with more substantial knowledge of what precisely they are voting for, rather than simply presenting them with the vague and often distorted facts and figures thrown around during the last referendum campaign.

An area in which the Liberal Democrats have a particularly strong record is mental health. In the coalition government, the Lib Dems invested over a billion pounds in young people’s mental health services, and also introduced the first ever waiting time standards. Now, we are proposing an immediate 1p rise on the basic, higher and additional rates of Income Tax to raise £6 billion additional revenue which would be ringfenced to be spent only on NHS and social care services. We want to further reduce waiting times for people of any age experiencing mental health issues, and we additionally want to see mental health being given the same level of funding and priority as physical health. We recognise that the NHS is experiencing severe funding issues, and we want to ensure that these issues are addressed properly without impacting quality or level of care in any way.

A third key issue for us is housing. For years, governments have failed to build enough houses to adequately meet demand across the country. The Liberal Democrats pledge to build 300,000 new homes a year, in order to curb the soaring costs of rent, and make home ownership an achievable goal for everyone. We are particularly aware of the issues faced by students and young people in this area, many of whom feel that they simply will not ever be able to afford a home. We will therefore crack down on unscrupulous landlords and ban letting fees, which disproportionately affect students. We will also stop the sale of council housing, which forces many young people into homelessness, and we will reverse the current cuts to housing benefit for 18-21 year olds.

Another main point of focus for the Liberal Democrats is the unequal distribution of wealth across the nations and regions of the UK. The loss of £8.9 billion of European Structural and Investment Funds is likely to hugely exacerbate this problem. In order to combat this the Lib Dems are planning to invest hugely in capital infrastructure in the North of England and Midlands. We see greater devolution to the regions, especially in fundamental economic areas such as housing, transport and skills education, as key to allowing higher rates of regional growth. We believe in providing special assistance to areas of the country that are disproportionately reliant on fossil fuels, such as the North East of Scotland, in order to allow them to diversify away from those industries, thus ensuring that the UK as a whole will be able to cut its carbon output.

To end on a more Oxford-specific note, the constituency of Oxford West and Abingdon is currently being held by Nicola Blackwood MP, who at the previous 2015 election had a majority of approximately 9000 votes over the Liberal Democrat candidate, Layla Moran. Labour meanwhile trailed in third place with around 19,000 fewer votes than the Conservatives. Clearly the constituency is a two-horse race between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats—a vote for Labour will most likely result in the election of a Conservative MP. Significantly, the Green Party has recognised this and stood down in the constituency, expressly in favour of the Lib Dems.

Blackwood has been a consistently poor MP. Under her aegis, Sure Start centres across the constituency have been closed, she has frequently voted against bills to promote equality and equal rights, and she has failed to engage adequately with students in the area. I would therefore urge students, even those who are not habitual Liberal Democrat voters, to consider voting Layla Moran for the only real opposition to the Conservatives in Oxford West.

 

Cliché of the week: “Transfer saga of the summer”

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After Arsenal’s victory in the FA Cup last weekend you may think the season has ended.

But for people like myself, the real excitement has only started.

That’s right, it’s transfer season.

Already we’ve had an amuse-bouche in the form of Bernardo Silva’s impending mega-money move to Manchester City, with the City board prudently wrapping up their first signing before the window even officially opened on 1 June.

But where’s the fun in that? Where’s the excruciatingly drawn-out string of back page gossip-column headlines? Where’s the incessant reels of Sky Sports News updates for every million pounds closer the desiring club get to the coveted player’s buy-out clause?

What I want is a transfer saga.

The transfer saga, as we all know, is the pinnacle of any transfer window. It’s what gets reporters’ pens flowing. It’s what gets devoted fans down to the gates of the club training complex to harass and harangue any pundit trying to cover the story.

Every summer has their defining saga: 2016’s was Paul Pogba’s long, sought-after return to Manchester United. 2014 saw football’s ravenous enfant-terrible Luis Suarez deliberate for months before making the incredibly difficult decision to swap Merseyside for sunny Catalonia. And no-one can forget 2013, the transfer saga to end all transfer sagas—Tottenham’s seemingly interminable negotiations with Real Madrid over Gareth Bale for a then-world record fee, which almost caused Jim White to wet himself with excitement in the studio.

Who will it be this year? Antoine Griezmann seems to be playing all the right mind games for a will-they-won’t-they nail-biter this summer, but we will have to wait for the mystical crystal-ball that is the Sky-Pad, the fount of transfer knowledge, to reveal everything come 31 August.

And for this writer, at least, that moment surely can’t come soon enough.

Old and new fuse in ‘Twin Peaks: The Return’

As the credits to the premiere of Twin Peaks: The Return rolled, the audience at Cannes arose to unanimous applause. It has been a long 25 years—the 1992 Cannes screening of Twin Peaks: Fire Walk With Me was met with boos and jeers.

In the second episode of the new Twin Peaks, the vengeful demon, MIKE, asks Dale Cooper “is this future or past?” While this may have a context within the plot, perhaps it is a more self-referential question. Where does the new season of Twin Peaks fit in the history of TV? Will it be a look back to what made the original series so great or will it strike out new and unknown territory?

Much of the new series does look back to the original series but not in a derivative sense. The premiere is sparse in story but this sparseness is filled by our anticipation. Uneventful scenes are given weight by the memories of the original series. The moments with Catherine Coulson (who plays ‘The Log Lady’) are particularly tender considering her passing. Each reveal of an old character is filled with emotion and nostalgia.

Furthermore, Lynch looks to his wider filmography for themes and imagery to reference. The howling soundscape is more similar to Eraserhead than the kitsch lounge music of old Twin Peaks. The Manhattan scenes echo Rabbits in their setting and Lost Highway in their obsession with surveillance. Curiously, actors and even supernatural beings from Mulholland Drive make reappearances.

However, the premiere doesn’t only look back but strikes new ground too. The decision to set much of the story outside of Twin Peaks, with new, seemingly unrelated characters, is a bold one but piques interest. Stark imagery of behemoth skyscrapers reminds viewers that what happens in Twin Peaks is part of a greater world.

The digital effects expand his imagery to new mind-bending levels while remaining as convincing and unsettling as his usual practical effects.

Lynch also gives nods to standout shows from today’s golden age. The goofy and colloquial conversations set in the Midwest seem cut straight out of Fargo. The use of smoke to conjure up spectres reminds one of Lost. The decision of the youths to watch a glass box to “see if anything appears inside” could be Lynch commenting on our generation’s paralysing love for TV boxsets. Lynch may simply be reclaiming the ideas that modern shows took from him, but it is more like he is paying tribute to those who kept the TV warm while he was gone.

Overall, Lynch succeeds in straddling the past and the future. He convincingly reminds us of the original series, giving us our dose of nostalgia and general Twin Peaks plot, whilst offering fans a glimpse into his other films.

Lynch sets out new ideas, stories and imagery without departing from the original themes and feelings too much. Reviving such an old show was always going to be tricky, but artistically Twin Peaks: The Return is a triumph.

An interview with Armando Iannucci

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The creator of The Thick of It is probably used to being ushered through the corridors of power. We, however, are not. So when we sit down with Armando Ianucci in a secluded corner of the Union’s Gladstone Room, it’s fair to say we feel a little out of place.
Benn: Were you a member of the Union when you were here?
“Well I wasn’t a member of the Union when I was an undergraduate, but I came here when they had a comedy club down in the basement in what was then called the Jazz Cellar—I don’t know if it’s still called the Jazz Cellar.”
Benn: Now it’s called ‘Purple Turtle’
“Oh of course it is”
Benn: They made that obvious leap. It is notoriously the worst club in Oxford.
“Well I remember at the time it was a terrible room to play in—very long. So that’s where Herring used to perform, and Al Murray. It was interesting.”
John: Is there a reason why you think Cambridge seems to be the dominant force in comedy now?
“Actually, I felt that even then—in my year the Cambridge Footlights were taking off with Fry and Laurie, and here [in Oxford], it was Radioactive and Rowan Atkinson and some of Monty Python. And that was it. Maybe some Beyond the Fringe—I don’t remember.”
John: Do you think satire is dead or just slightly unwell?
“I don’t think it’s is unwell but I do think that it’s going through a bit of a rethink. As I’ve said many times Trump is his own joke. He distorts what he says and turns it into laughable exaggeration. So what do you do? And it’s interesting, it seems the people who seem to be getting through are people like John Oliver who have traditional journalistic resources—they’re saying, ‘Well, let’s look at the facts’. He’s doing all the fiction stuff, so let’s look at the facts.”
John: Do you think the scrutiny, or that level of coverage has actually helped him?
“I worry that the media haven’t quite realised that it has a kind of duty if it’s under attack. It has to abandon, ‘Well we mustn’t say anything too controversial’. Obviously you’ve got to be careful but I think the media has to start from a position of ‘Okay, let’s examine the truth, and if the truth is unpalatable: well I think we need to be able to broadcast that’. And at the moment I think they’re a bit nervous.”
John: So do you think there’s anything off limits in comedy?
“No, no, well obviously that doesn’t mean you can just say anything without having thought about it. Do you know what I mean? Just insulting or offending or swearing for the sake of it, I don’t think is funny. There has to be a kind of line of either thought or argument behind it.”
John: You must think swearing is a bit funny though?
“It is a bit funny—but in context. In context it’s fucking funny.”
Benn: Yes, of course. You said that you ‘think your comedy through’, but do you write for different audiences? So let’s say you’re writing for an American audience with Veep, versus a British one?
“No, no, you’ll never write your best stuff if you’re writing what you think someone else is going to laugh at. You’re already downplaying—limiting yourself. And I always say that especially to first time writers who want to write comedy, always write what makes you laugh, not what you think will make some 45 year old programme controller laugh. That’s not a guarantee of success, but it will at least mean that you’re writing your best stuff. And when we wrote stuff like Veep we just wrote what we thought would be funny—we went out and researched it, and found the characters. So you’re writing for those voices but fundamentally you’re writing for yourself. And also it ties into the idea that, well, comedy is universal—and if you find it funny then chances are someone else will find it funny.”
Benn: And do you build a particular character around a particular actor? So was Malcolm Tucker built around Peter Capaldi?
“No, well, it’s a two-way thing. With someone like Steve [Coogan], we evolved Alan Partridge having already started with Steve as it were. For Malcolm Tucker we wrote the character but he wasn’t Scottish in the first script. You audition people, you cast people. Peter came, he was great, suddenly Malcolm’s Scottish. And so you write for Peter, you write for him—for how he channels Malcolm.”
John: And do you think the world of comedy needs Malcolm Tucker more than ever, especially now that he can travel through time and things like that?
“Yes. I think maybe you’re confusing some different genres, characters.”
John: Yes, maybe. I’m an irregular viewer. Well, what about Alan, do you think Alan speaks to anything essential in human nature? Is that why he’s proved so enduring?
“It’s so funny—everyone knows an Alan. No one admits to being Alan themselves.”
John: But some of them are Alan, there are some out there…
“Yes, exactly… it’s like in Veep. There’s this character, Jonah, who’s the least ‘pleasant’. And everyone in Washington always says they ‘know a Jonah’, but again it’s not them, but someone else.”
Benn: And have you watched anything of The Trip? How do you think Steve the actor compares to that Steve?
“Well, these are exaggerations: I mean Steve can be a bit detached if he wants to be, and Rob, well, Rob can be a bit boisterous, too. But they know—I remember Steve telling me that when they do these improvised bits where they insult each other, and they actually say extremely true things about each other, and at the end of the tape they kind of look away all embarrassed.”
John: Would you describe yourself as misanthropic?
“I kind of, bizarrely, I’m a bit of an optimist really. Maybe it’s the British comedy tradition—you know, we like people who haven’t quite succeeded or we like flawed characters. Whereas in America most of the characters seem to be successful, good looking, but a bit wacky. Here we like people with ambition…but whose ambition is never quite met.”
John: And do you find your taste in comedy has changed as you’ve grown older, written more?
“I don’t know, I still like silly stuff—I still like Toast of London, and Amy Schumer’s funny. Bojack Horseman—”
John: BoJack’s so depressing!
“I know, I know.”
John: It’s too true to life—even though he’s a horse…
“Yes, he is a horse. I tend to watch a lot of drama now. Maybe it’s because I’m doing comedy during the day that I just want to not think about joke. “
John: Do you ever feel like you can’t muster ‘the funny’?
“Yeah, yeah, if you’ve been spending all day, especially watching on screen, if you’re editing. you want something else that’s different.”
Benn: Am I right in saying you started a DPhil in Milton? How did you make the leap from that?
“Well it wasn’t a leap. I mean I never finished it, because in those three years I did a lot of comedy”
John: You might have to return to it now that satire’s dead
Benn: Would you?
“No! I did a programme on BBC2 about Paradise Lost and I got a very nice note from my supervisor saying “consider the thesis complete”. But the truth was I stopped after three years because I thought, ‘I’m not doing it, and I’m doing the Oxford Revue and one-man shows and stuff like that’ and I thought, ‘Clearly this is the direction we’re going in and we’re not going in that direction’”
Benn: So you don’t think there’s anything of Milton’s Satan in Malcolm Tucker?
“No, although for this BBC2 documentary we suddenly realised that Milton himself was Oliver Cromwell’s spin-doctor. He was called ‘secretary for tongues’, and his job was to justify the republic to the European courts—the royal courts of Europe. He had to write in French or Latin or whatever, defenses of republicanism—so he was Milton’s spin-doctor. [thumps the table] So there you go, that’s interesting isn’t it?”
John: Do you think comedians are quite weird in general, not you, but others?
“No, obviously I’m very normal—but all of the rest of them are—definitely. No, some are and some aren’t. For some, that’s just how they are. That’s their personality.”
John: Is there anything compulsive about the need to make people laugh… a substitute for love?
“Well certainly standups—who do that kind of three or four gigs a night thing, you know, and then when they’re off they’re just reciting their lines to you and how well the laugh went. You just think “Stop that—I don’t read out my overnight ratings to you, so why are you telling me which part of the audience liked which line”…
John: Are you going to vote Lib Dem in the next election?
“If pushed I’d advocate that people try and stop Theresa May’s majority going into the billions by voting for whoever’s best placed to supplant her. So in my constituency that would be a Lib Dem, in other constituencies that would be Labour…”
Benn: Do you every wish you’d written a character like Jeremy Corbyn?
“I think that would get a bit bored. In fact, I’d probably start crying.”
John: Do you ever feel any kind of nostalgia for the New Labour days?
“Well the sad thing about Blair is that take away the whole Iraq thing and it was a pretty good record, do you know what I mean? It’s a shame it wasn’t a bit more daring, but it was pretty good—the health system, the education system was in pretty good nick. And then the Iraq thing just made you completely question how politics works—that people can do that without any sort of check in balance. And how much actually did we spend on that war? How much is the state of our economy not actually partly a product of how much we must have spent on propping up a government in Iraq as well as the invasion. It’s unquantifiable.”
John: Who do you think between Malcolm and Alan Partridge is more morally upstanding?
“That’s interesting.”
Benn: I was going to ask who’d win in a fight…
“Well I think Alan’s been taking some martial arts lessons. So you never know. Whereas Malcolm probably thinks he doesn’t have to practice—its an instinct thing. So Alan might surprise him, might take him down, with a sort of wrestling move. I think Alan watches a lot of wrestling, and practices at home.”
Benn: So we’re obviously a newspaper, a pretty rubbish one, but a newspaper nonetheless…
“It’s one of the oldest and finest!”
Benn: … but one of your The Thick Of It episodes focuses on a kind of mock Leveson inquiry—do you think that the way in which the media presents politicians has changed?
“No I think it’s kind of getting worse. I mean look at it now, Theresa May won’t debate but she will go on The One Show with her husband—that’s the debate—that’s the standoff: her and her husband and The One Show presenters. And Jeremy Corbyn’s events are very controlled as well. So this ‘let’s ask the people’—well, you haven’t really asked us anything yet, because you’ve only invited your own members, you know. Nothing, we’ve not been allowed to ask anything, and that’s what depresses me. And yet at the same time, I’m trying to encourage young and first-time voters to register to vote. It will only get worse, the fewer and fewer of us who vote, it will only get worse—because it means there’s fewer and fewer people for politicians to be scared of you know.”
John: Which living politician do you most admire?
“Roy Hattersley! Oh, living politician. You see I always a huge fan of Charles Kennedy, who sadly died. and you know, he was one of the only party leaders right from the word go to say no to the Iraq War, to say ‘No! What are we doing! This is madness—this will all end in tears’, and he was absolutely right. All the best ones have died… Robin Cook, Mo Mowlam—what’s going on? [Suspiciously] What’s going on there?”
John: They’re all dying! When you were young you harbored ambitions of becoming a Catholic priest. Where did it all go right?
“I went to university, and found that more interesting”
John: But it could have been different!
“… Could have been very different.”
Benn: I’ve met some very funny priests [stares into the distance]
“Yeah, funny ‘ha-ha’ or …”
Benn: Well I went to Catholic boarding school…

With that, our time was up. Benn bottled his nightmares back up, and we were kindly, if forcibly, ushered out of the Union’s inner rectum—I mean sanctum.

Polemic, platitudes, and empty rhetoric

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The chance to see Vermont senator Bernie Sanders is one that cannot be passed up lightly. In the current political climate a politician that seems to explicitly understand the youth and issues facing the future, a man with genuine principles unhampered by the slickness that seems inherent in the worldwide political system, is incredibly hard to come by. However, the hour or so that he spoke for was unconvincing and depressing, a disappointing charge to level at the man described as “America’s most popular politician” by Baroness Helena Kennedy when introducing him.

Speaking to Oxford less than 24 hours after Trump withdrew from the Paris agreement, Sanders’ tone immediately snaps to one of anger, that which he has become famous for over the past couple of years. So far, so justified, and after thanking his brother Larry for introducing him to the stage he launches into a fluent and passionate diatribe about the issues facing the climate. By tapping into the fears that most rational and climate-aware people share regarding the future of the planet, he makes it clear that he is still the candidate of the youth. Candidate is the key term here, with much of his speech feeling as though he is trying to sell himself to the audience, rather than to capitalise on the momentum his presidential campaign created and throw himself into new future projects. While his words on the environment are up to date, they feel rather more like an addendum to provide some deviation from what subsequently veers dangerously into stump speech territory. The whole speech felt like a campaign rally rather than the launch of the paperback copy of his 2016-published book, Our Revolution: A future to Believe In.  

Trump is naturally given prominence in Sanders’ speech, a vast polemic that covers fake news and the media, the President’s pathological lies, this week’s disastrous budget proposals, and the state of healthcare in the United States. This first part is informative, and serves nicely as an introduction to the rest of the talk, which considers how America ended up in the position it is in now, post-2016 election. This is where Sanders’ populist rhetoric is most expanded. Inequality (which Sanders considers to be the biggest issue facing politics), massive poverty rates, as well as the flaws of the Electoral College, are used to explain why the Democrats lost last November. However, these arguments, while powerful in the sheer force of their anger, didn’t feel like the rallying cry Sanders clearly intended them to be, but rather a rehash of the same miserable politics we see every day on our Facebook news feeds, discussed between friends over dinner, or in the pages of broadsheet newspapers. His analysis of the causes of what Trump so ominously called “American carnage” was certainly interesting, but is so present in our current political discourse that it doesn’t need repeating— everyone is already painfully aware of them. The question of how to solve them was hardly touched on.

Sanders jokes that his wife tells him that people need tranquilisers at the end of his speeches. So, he attempts to end on a high note, addressing hope for the future and telling young people to get involved in politics. It is certainly rousing, but somehow falls flat at the same time. Given the long tirade coming before it, the juxtaposition of an attempt to inspire leaves a sour taste in the mouth. All in all, the speech feels somewhat incomplete, focused almost entirely on a depressing forecast for the coming years under Trump’s demagogy and very little on how to actually enact change and solve the problems of inequality in America. If this had been a campaign rally, the negativity would have been followed by an upswing—an imperative to vote for Sanders to solve the problems. Instead, the audience was left with few policy prescriptions beyond promises to break up the big banks, attempts to rebuild the Democratic Party to be one of the working class and of young people, and of a movement coming together against Trump. How are these lofty aims going to be achieved? Platitudes alone are insufficient for the kind of revolution that Sanders is trying to inspire.

An issue that is conspicuously absent until the very end, in a short question and answer round, is that of Hilary Clinton’s success over Sanders in the Democratic primaries. When asked whether he would have won in November, having been chosen as the Democratic candidate, it feels like the elephant in the room has finally been addressed. Diplomatically, he answered with a refusal to engage in counterfactuals—and rightly so. The fixation of the liberal left with the ‘what ifs’ of a Sanders candidacy is today still far too prominent in post-election rhetoric, rhetoric which is now stale, seven months on. Had Sanders come to beat Trump last year, I suspect many of the same problems that Trump is currently experiencing when trying to pass laws through the House and the Senate would be experienced by Sanders (albeit without insidious Russian interference).

It is easy to understand why Sanders’ populist doomsday tones captured the unrest felt in the American youth, particularly in the face of Clinton’s veneer of control and party-political machine behind her. Sanders felt real, and truly on the side of the people. But there were no coherent policy proposals and acknowledgements of an inefficient legislature in his speech, an attribute of Clinton’s that has sorely been overlooked. Politics is a game, and an institutionalised system, and a workhorse like Clinton would have ten times the positive gains in DC because of her intimate knowledge of the system, not despite of it. Clinton has emerged from her loss with plans for a new political action group ‘Onward Together’, with plans to fund groups that train women to run for representative positions and groups fighting for criminal justice reform. Sanders is still aiming at the same targets he has always done.

The Clinton comparisons serve to highlight what seems to me, as a cynical politics student, a large oversight in the dominant narrative of politics among my peers. Often the way to enact actual change is going within the system rather than against it. Populists like Sanders in the US, and Jeremy Corbyn in the UK can only create so much momentum until they tire out. Sanders’ liberally abrasive style, combined with his almost empty rhetoric, exposes the rational limits of populism. Political parties cannot be built around a populist, because things start to rapidly fall apart around them: the centre cannot hold. Even where populists do have policies (like the Labour Party manifesto), they are often idealistic rather than efficient and effective in reaching their stated aims—the promise of totally free higher education for all is one contemporary example. Those wanting to avoid the mistakes of 2016 in the upcoming June 8 general election should be wary of this when thinking about their vote.

America’s most popular politician? Perhaps. The audience seemed to think so, lavishing Sanders with applause and giving him a standing ovation at the end. But the rhetoric seemed to be stuck: the politics of progression ironically unable to move forward from the place of anger we are at right now. Anger is good, but it isn’t enough to actually change anything.