Sunday 5th October 2025
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The ICC’s neglect of Irish cricket

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March 2, 2011 should have been the turning point for Irish cricket.

Seen previously by one and all as a minnow punching above their weight with an occasional upset and regular participation at world tournaments, Ireland’s stunning three-wicket win over England in Bangalore in a World Cup group match was a seminal moment.

For despite years of neglect from cricket’s governing body, the ICC, Ireland didn’t just win, but they won professionally.

Even when under the cosh, Ireland’s fielding was athletic, and of a high standard. And whilst larger-than-life all-rounder Kevin O’Brien played the innings of his life, he was supported by sensible, cool-headed knocks by Alex Cusack and John Mooney, who manoeuvred the world’s best spinner at the time—Graeme Swann—into gaps and turned ones into twos. The Irish were no longer a team of plucky amateurs, but a professional outfit.

Indeed, since their St. Patrick’s Day win against Pakistan just over a decade ago, Ireland have grown their cricketing infrastructure from that of a minor county to an impressive, full-time set-up. They have 30 full-time staff, 19 central playing contracts, and an academy run with the support of a ten-year deal with an Indian business conglomerate. Participation figures have quadrupled since 2013, with the number of active players moving from 13,000 to around 52,000, and the domestic provincial tournaments played between Leinster, Munster and Ulster have achieved first-class and List A status this year.

Irish cricket is growing with the long-term future of the game in mind: chief executive Warren Deutrom’s goal is “to make cricket a major sport in Ireland.”

But on the pitch, things have not gone quite so well since that famous night in Bangalore. Since the 2015 World Cup, where victories over West Indies and Zimbabwe showed their credentials as a major cricketing nation, Ireland’s results have fallen off dramatically. Indeed, even at the Associate level—the competitions between the nations that the ICC considers ‘second-rate’—Ireland’s dominance has stopped, as Afghanistan assert their standing as the best side without Test status.

This has been the main obstacle that Ireland’s growth has faced.

Despite their results at world tournaments often seeming to suggest they are superior to Zimbabwe and Bangladesh, Ireland do not have the Test Match status afforded to full members of the ICC. As such, they are unable to play red-ball cricket—seen by most as the pinnacle of the game—against the biggest sides, or even any other full members.

Furthermore, the lack of regularity to fixtures outside of the major tournaments means that Ireland rely on other sides to gain exposure to top-level cricket. They have often been granted one-off fixtures against teams that tour England as part of a warm-up for one-day series, but it is rare for a major nation to afford them a stand alone series.

Therefore, last week’s two-match ODI contest against England should have been something of a ground-breaker. Fixtures at Bristol and Lord’s in early-season conditions gave Ireland the opportunity to perform in front of big crowds and a large global audience hoping to see England slip up in their Champions Trophy preparation.

However, without disgracing themselves, Ireland showed the extent to which they had stalled over the past six years. The ‘golden generation’ of Will Porterfield, the O’Brien brothers, John Mooney and Ed Joyce is on the way out, and the replacements, most of whom are slightly too old to have benefited from the current player pathway system, are lacking in skill and nous. Their defeats—one crushing, the other comfortable—served as a reminder about the ICC’s neglect of smaller nations over the past decade.

It is impossible to imagine in football, for example, FIFA actively trying to avoid growing the game, and giving only the best-developed nations in the world the opportunity to play each other. It is harder still to imagine a country receive 196 times as much prize money for a first-round exit than a last-eight finish by virtue of being a bigger nation, but that is exactly what happened in 2007: Ireland’s Super Eights finish earned them some $56,000 in comparison to the eleven million afforded to Zimbabwe.

Indeed, by taking as long as they have to recognise Ireland’s achievements and progress—it is expected that Test status will eventually be granted to them next month— the ICC have stalled development, and made mismatches in Ireland’s first few Tests much more likely.

Worse still is that this means that the incentive to give more Associates a chance at the top level will be diminished, as a poor early string of results will seem to justify their reluctance to give Ireland an opportunity.

The mismanagement of the ICC has been well-documented, but the administrators’ heads should be hung in shame regarding their management of Irish cricket: for the good of the game, Ireland’s chance should have come by now.

Analysing men, makeup, and masculinity

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In recent years, there seems to have been a noticeable shift in attitude towards male grooming. While once, a simple bar of soap would suffice, now many men boast skincare routines to rival the average woman. Encompassing nails, skincare, and hair removal, the male grooming market is growing rapidly, with sales worldwide predicted to top £15 billion this year. While nowhere near as mainstream, even cosmetics are slowly being incorporated into some men’s grooming routines, especially in emerging markets as disposable incomes rise. Celebrities such as Johnny Depp and Bradley Cooper have been photographed at premieres wearing definite traces of makeup.  However, this trend is not just reserved for stars, as Tom Ford and Marc Jacobs have both launched new male cosmetics ranges in recent years.

The now commonly used term ‘metrosexual male’, describing a man who devotes time and money to his appearance, was first coined in 1994 by the journalist Mark Simpson. In an Independent article, Simpson drew attention to how the taboo around men caring about how they looked was finally changing. Over 20 years later, being well presented is certainly considered a desirable trait, with an almost competitive edge. Well groomed men are thought to give a far better impression, both socially and professionally, than those who don’t make the effort. But where has this confidence to delve into those areas of beauty traditionally considered feminine come from? And when did male grooming products transition from a frivolity to an essential basic?

With political agendas in the late 20th century breaking boundaries, male and female fashions began to merge for the first time, and the resulting punk movement produced an androgynous generation. Then, with the rise of social media after the turn of the century, along with the influence of the porn and fitness industry, new standards of physical beauty focusing on perfection began to emerge. In a ground-breaking move last year, Covergirl featured James Charles, a YouTuber, as the first man to be the face of any makeup brand; and earlier this year Maybelline followed suit, choosing Manny Gutierrez to front their ‘Big Shot’ mascara advertisement. In a statement, Covergirl said they were aiming to “redefine what it means to be beautiful”, an honourable move showing how global companies are slowly realising the power of diversity.

However, not all brands are quite as progressive, and the reality is that there is still a long way to go with respect to the advertising approach of most companies. While male grooming no longer has the stigma attached to it of previous years, there’s still a sense that beauty needs to be considered a masculine activity in order for men to buy into the idea. It is interesting to note that male-targeted products are referred to as ‘grooming’, a term usually applied to horses or dogs, whereas women’s are ‘beauty’.

This dichotomy has become critical to the marketing of male products, which are generally covered in dark, ‘masculine’ colours and are always clearly labelled ‘for men’, reminding the customer that their manliness has not been compromised by purchasing a facial cream (despite the high chance that the content is identical to those marketed to women). In fact, for one of the deodorant brand Axe’s more memorable advertising campaigns, they decided on the horrifying tagline ‘if you help her choose the clothes someone else will tear, she’s seeing you with braids’—with the suggestion that the body spray in question would make these poor ‘friendzoned’ specimens into ‘real men’.

Gendered products seem to be a clever way of extracting more cash from consumers, but they also help subtly promote the age-old stereotypes of gender we have been trying to leave behind. Adverts targeting men often tap into the traditional view that masculinity is associated with strength and dominance, promising men that this particular moisturizer will help their sexual prowess and financial prospects. Ironically, this means that an industry giving men access to traditionally ‘female’ products, which surely should be helping to broaden our understanding of masculinity, has ended up in some ways actually reinforcing the idea that men should distance themselves from anything ‘feminine’.

Beauty hasn’t always been considered exclusively feminine property. To the ancient Greeks, appreciating beauty was inherently part of the masculine, and Eros—as the god of desire—embodied this idea. Yet somehow we seem to have largely lost that concept. Understandably, brands are eager to tap into this lucrative growing industry, which for many years was only open to half of the population.

However, as agents of popular culture, cosmetics companies have a platform, and arguably responsibility, to inspire positive social change. Men are freer now than ever before to transform themselves in whatever way they want, embracing habits once dismissed as strictly female territory. Our understanding of gender is undergoing a renaissance in the 21st century, and perhaps it is about time that companies saw this diversification of masculinity as something to be celebrated.

A voice for the evidence of the refugee crisis

“It’s the usual suspects that attend these things”, observes Julia Katarina, an accomplished musician and founder of Music for Refugees, having just succeeded in leaving us on the edge of our seats after a consummately beautiful rendition of a refugee Syrian love song. Christ Church’s one-off exhibition, Art and Awareness: A Showcase in Solidarity with Refugees on 12 May, which saw a score of varied and talented performers and artists take to the stage in solidarity with refugees, hoped to tackle a sense of the desensitisation and numbness towards humanitarian crises that is so prevalent today.

It is a sobering thought that, out of the world’s official count of 21.3 million refugees not only are over half of them are under the age of 18, but more embarrassingly, among the areas in the world that host the world’s displaced, Europe hosts but six per cent of them. We ourselves cough to the fact that, prior to this exhibition, this harrowing statistic had neither come to our attention nor been within our contemplation, reinforcing the main premise of Julia’s concern: the veritable lack of awareness as to the extent of the refugee crisis, and a pressing need to use the medium of art as a conduit to inspire awareness, urgency and action.

Commencing the showcase with poetry and spoken word was Aleppo-born Smir Darwish, who sought refuge in the UK as an asylum seeker in the Second Gulf War. His poem comprised a response to what he described as the most divisive of questions universally faced by refugees and asylum seekers upon entry at their final destination: where do you come from? The answer to this question, he tells us, dictates the success of a refugee’s struggles, sacrifices and sorrow—a ‘wrong’ answer diminishing these efforts to an exercise of futility, cancelling out the pain and effort endured by mere virtue of their birthplace—a simple geographical accident.

The voice afforded to Amir and the collective message he transmitted through his poetry—of the ‘bullet-wounded’, of ‘hungry stomachs’, of ‘single mothers’—elevated his role as one tantamount to a spokesperson for the silenced and the suppressed.

Another contribution derived from the photography of Gideon Mendel, whose prolific works have spanned decades and delved into issues such as apartheid and climate change, but more recently the refugee crisis. The nature of his address was twofold: first, it constituted an exhibition of his photography of the refugee crisis specific to the Calais Jungle, and second, his ruminations on the role of the artist.

One aspect of the exhibition was a series of photographs presenting his findings in the ‘art of collecting’—namely, a hotchpotch of objects discarded across the dismantled migrant camps that he acquired during his time spent there. The vestigial remains of a burnt shirt, the remnants of children’s clothing, a tally of used toothbrushes, a Sudanese sandal, and most poignantly, an array of filth-laden toys and story-books—minus their owners. The photograph of ostensible plant pots which, upon closer inspection, are tear gas canisters painted by children in the Jungle nursery, tells a story of the destruction of innocence. These artefacts of destitution, as Mendel told us, act “almost like evidence” of the suffering endured for the public to inform themselves with. Mendel’s unique style of photography in the Jungle, prior to his archaeological stint, lies in the idea of him giving the refugees use of the cameras, so that the point of view of the actual victims themselves could inhere in his work, rather than that of the comfortable photographer, giving the refugees an activity, a platform, and as he put it, a “space to find a photographic voice”.

His eventual transition in the Jungle from photographer to collector, he told us, lay in a confrontation about how there are “so many photographers, so many photographs made—the people resented it and you felt like the enemy”. The conflict of interest between the photographer having to make a living and the need for immediate humanitarian help, he opined, amounted to an almost “destructive force” behind the excess of photographers, when married with the complete lack of immigration lawyers in the Jungle, for instance. The art itself used rebelliously here, as a medium to convey the truth of the refugee crisis, and the discourse had between the artists and the audience attempted to distinguish a positive contributor from an officious bystander when cataloguing the horrors of a phenomenon such as that of the Jungle.

How the ensemble superhero film became king

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4 May 2012 was a day that changed the landscape of cinema. Joss Whedon’s Avengers Assemble, the climax of the first phase of the Marvel Cinematic Universe, was an epoch-making, trend-setting, earth-shattering event, the apotheosis of Marvel’s shared universe project. Still one of the best—and most successful—superhero films of all time, it laid the groundwork for a new age of team-up films. But how has Marvel managed to remain king of the genre, despite renewed assaults by Fox’s X-Men and the DC universe?

Many have pinned Avengers Assemble’s staggering success on the work that had already been done to build up its universe; the sixth film in the MCU, each of its predecessors teed up one of the major players. Such a foundation enabled Marvel to offset many of the major problems which tend to plague ensemble films: instead of being forced to watch cyphers fail to interact in any meaningful way, or endure hours of bland hollow shells going through the motions, they come together fully-formed, the audience understanding their motivations, histories, personalities, and drives.

And yet, it is untenable to argue that this is the only road to success, not least because 2014’s Guardians of the Galaxy was a smash hit which introduced a largely unknown cast of wacky characters. It made excellent use of Chris Pratt’s Peter Quill as a way into its ensemble cast, allowing the audience to get to grips with its universe one alien at a time. Its triumph is rooted in the regard it displays for each member of its cast: they all get their minute to shine, are all imbued with history and inner life, are all constantly forming opinions on the other characters and the group and then reforming them in the light of new circumstances.

This is the thread that links them all, the cloth from which all ensemble films worth watching are cut. Avengers Assemble, despite inheriting a pre-established cast, lets character dynamics play out organically: the ideological tension between Iron Man and Captain America, the science-based bonding of Tony Stark and Bruce Banner, the animosity felt by the team towards Fury’s secrecy all feel like natural consequences of these characters colliding. This is not a team composed of vapid symbols and vacuous icons, devoid of humanity, separated from comprehensible group dynamics in favour of trite iconography.

Marvel’s productions have notable (and well-noted) flaws: their villains are often plot devices where a character should be, their soundtracks rarely do anything more than exist, and the television-side of their universe has entirely failed to reach the heady heights of their silver-screen epics. Nevertheless, their unique character-driven formula has allowed for the creation of the best superhero ensemble films ever made. X-Men eat your heart out.

Getting to grips with the adult cartoon craze

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Bojack Horseman. Archer. Rick and Morty. All of them are big-name shows, finding huge adult viewerships. All of them are worthy of the praise and attention lavished upon them. And, most intriguingly, all of them are cartoons. However, despite finding success within a few years of one another, each of them has carved out its own niche in this increasingly crowded sub-genre.

Archer hews most closely to what one might expect from an adult cartoon: a ridiculous, raucous, raunchy spectacle of anarchic violence, the show succeeds thanks to the quality and variety of its comedy. It is a masterclass in the modulation of various comedic disciplines, sometimes dabbling in gross-out humour, always replete with quick-fire dialogue, and perennially bursting at the seams with recurring gags. In fact, the show has developed such a rich tapestry of recurring jokes—be it Sterling shouting “Lana,” or the inevitable refrain of “phrasing” that follows every innuendo—that all it has to do is stitch them together in new ways to produce quality content.

This approach, this drive towards the distillation of pure comedy, is entirely distinct from those taken by Rick and Morty and Bojack Horseman, shows which marry their surreal hilarity with darker, more mature themes.

Rick and Morty, for instance, returns time and time again to Rick’s abusiveness, his oscillation between affection for his family and absolute disregard for their fates, between unlikely hero and vulgar villain. And yet, despite this interlacing of mature drama and madcap comedy, there’s something reticent about Rick and Morty. For all its off-the-wall humour, idiosyncratic gags, and wild plot twists, it seems somewhat unwilling to deal with the full ramifications of its darkest moments.

For me, at least, this is why Bojack Horseman stands above Rick and Morty and Archer. Bojack is, at its core, an exploration of the darkest recesses of the human experience. It is as much tragedy as comedy, as much a tale of depression as it is a colourful cartoon populated by anthropomorphised animals. While Rick and Morty might still have found great success if it had excised its forays into genuine drama, it is entirely impossible to imagine an iteration of Bojack devoid of the strain of sadness that runs throughout it.

Each of these styles has a place within the expanding territory of adult cartoons, and it would be entirely incorrect to suggest that Rick and Morty or Archer have somehow made a mistake by adopting different styles. Bojack Horseman, however, is a masterwork, an effortless blend of comedy and drama, and a series that deserves its place amongst the great shows of recent years, be they animated or not.

Cliché of the week: “Where’s the cue ball going?”

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Where indeed is the cue ball going, John Virgo?

Is it really heading directly for the pocket, or have you merely chosen to remind your listeners of your single amusing moment in the hope of cheap laugh?

What once, and I mean once, was genuine and amusing has now become hackneyed and stale, trotted out for any loose white or misjudged safety.

Even worse, his time in the commentary booth is now spent waiting for just such an occurrence. No matter how fine the pot, how tight the safety, the audience knows that John Virgo is secretly disappointed that the white did not rattle the jaws.

Indeed, John Virgo no longer contains his catchphrase to the white ball.

Cries of “where’s the yellow ball going” and “where’s the black going” now echo through the halls of the Crucible. They haunt even the greatest players with their sheer mediocrity.

Yet Virgo seems somehow not to realise what any comedian will tell you—he is overdoing it and it is no longer funny.

You can hear the arena ripple with exasperation while Willie Thorne purses his lips as the words slip from Virgo’s.

Please, John, it is well and truly the right time to give up the ghost, because quite frankly it’s killing us.

Not Wong: Dissecting the BNOC phenomenon

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We’ve all seen at least one of them during our time in Oxford. Walking down Cornmarket dressed as if they belong in the 18th century, strutting down the hallways of the Union, plastering their names all over the most viewed articles across the most prominent newspapers in Oxford. The BNOC is a mythical creature, who straddles the line between the ordinary and the extraordinary, the infamous and the famous, the average Oxonian and a character who defines and shapes the landscape of the university.

Yet, what—if any—are the attributable causes of the BNOC phenomenon? Why do BNOCs exist, and for whom are they ‘big names’? Why do we care, after all, about the life of someone who struggles with largely the same tutorials, readings, and difficulties that any other university student would face during their time in Oxford? There are multiple plausible explanations, but there is an underlying thesis that is recurring and apparent—the BNOC phenomenon is the product of the hyperreality negotiated by power structures and relations amongst students. In less academically pretentious terms, it’s an innate and inevitable part of the Oxford bubble.

Firstly, BNOCs are BNOCs because of the projection of our sense of self-importance. There may be celebrities out there in the public domain, but there is something unique about the nature of BNOCs within Oxford—for many, they represent the counterparts and resistance towards the ‘imposition’ of external celebrities. We accord ourselves an imagined level of sophistication, maturity, and importance associated with the so-called membership of the ‘top university in the world’, and project this imaginary on to characters that we perceive to be—in some way or another—functionally equivalent to celebrities who exist outside Oxford. To us, these individuals are big names, because an ecosystem is deemed important and sustainable only if it, too, like the external world, can turn out individuals who are big names in their own right.

More importantly, the obsession some have over the antics of often eccentric, bizarre characters is an apparent manifestation of Oxford students’ desire to reject the cultural hegemony. To the extent that liberalism is seen by some to be taking over the ‘outside world’, reactionary figures who openly champion bitter, anti-liberal ideals are celebrated as BNOCs.

Alternatively, to the extent that the dominant culture encourages a discursive culture of tolerance and moderation, the Oxford community projects its BNOC candidacy on to those whom it deems to be firebrands, and those who are unafraid to voice their concerns. And truth be told—there’s absolutely nothing wrong with that. Every community has its own aesthetic method of arbitrating importance, and if certain individuals do pass the ‘BNOC test’ in Oxford, kudos to them for somehow climbing this ‘meaningful’ social ladder of recognition, built as a way of reinforcing the Oxford bubble of self-importance.

Secondly, BNOCs tend to be important figures or leaders who represent some form of power or factions of power. Let’s be very clear here—power is neither purely materialist nor entirely culturally embedded. Neither is it explicitly tied to only structures and associations (if anything, BNOCs rarely tend to be people who are seen to have sold out to the legendary Establishment, whomever the Establishment may be). BNOCs may rise to ‘fame’ by being representatives or leaders within particular societies and associations. Or they may rise to ‘fame’ on a tide of populism, a tidal wave that sweeps across societies and percolates through the cracks of particular organisations. Power could be understood here as multi-dimensional—some gain their power from the collective mobilisation of others (e.g. ‘voting’, cough), whilst others acquire their power from the implicit consensus of others (e.g. ‘internal nomination’, or ascent through organisational hierarchies). Still others derive their power from the ideologies that effectively emanate from their capillaries. Note—the academic nature of Oxford lends itself nicely to a substantial volume of performativity when it comes to ideological preferences.

That’s how certain BNOCs can rise to fame by riding on controversial and reactionary viewpoints e.g. celebrating Trump, glorifying Nigel Farage and the alt-right, and/or practising disingenuous campaigning. The bottom line here is that BNOCs should not be interpreted as individuals who ‘stand out’—they are merely puppets controlled by systems of power (and/or anti-power). And even when they characterise themselves as ‘anti-establishment’, they are merely a component of an alternative power structure that seeks to displace the entrenched one—and replace it with its own.

Lastly, perhaps a cautionary note and a caveat. Some BNOCs build their entire careers around the pursuit of fame (or infamy). But many others, in fact, contribute a substantial amount towards the Oxford community, with or without fame.

Despite all of the above, there are certain inspirational elements to be found in many BNOCs—some spend all their time hacking at night clubs and threatening the employment prospects of club bouncers, others spend more time on their second/third/fourth careers than their studies, and still others come to dominate particular scenes of art and culture in Oxford. The bottom line is clear: being a BNOC is a value-neutral identity. Some BNOCs are utter tossers, others are not—but the litmus test ought not to be whether they are famous, but what they are famous for.

The Oxonian hyperreality is one of intricacy and deep confusion. When you put a large number of confused young adults together, after all, you shouldn’t be surprised that there exists an innate desire to project the Kardashians and Trumps on to characters in this community. But there’s also much more to many BNOCs—not everyone is a contrarian, certainly not everyone is an alt-right edgelord, and, whilst ultimately everyone may be a manifestation of underlying power structures, BNOCs can do good—too.

But let’s not pretend that they are saints or holier than thou. Because they really aren’t.

Armed police stationed outside the Rad Cam

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Thames Valley Police have told the public to be “alert but not alarmed” as armed police officers have been stationed outside the University’s Bodleian Library and other key sites in Oxford.

Last night, the Prime Minister raised the national terrorist threat level to ‘critical’, meaning an attack could be highly likely.

Police have stressed that there is no intelligence to suggest a specific threat to Thames Valley, but said that overnight additional armed and unarmed officers have been stationed at “crowded places, including transport hubs and shopping centres”.

This included two armed officers with rifles patrolling outside the Old Bodleian Library and Radcliffe Camera, with other officers understood to be stationed outside the Ashmolean Museum.

It comes less than 48 hours after a suicide bomb attack at Manchester Arena on Monday which killed 22 people and injured 59 others.

“I would like to reassure you that the move to critical is something that we prepare for. We will continually review our deployments and take all possible steps to keep people safe within Oxfordshire,” Deputy Chief Constable John Campbell said.

He urged Oxford residents to remain calm: “At this time we need everyone to remain alert but not alarmed.

“We need your help to help us protect our communities and disrupt those who seek to harm us. I would urge you to contact the police straight away if you believe that someone is acting suspiciously.

“Our officers and staff will continue to provide a visible presence in our communities and we have the specialist resources in place to respond in an emergency.”

Oxford stands in ‘solidarity’ against terror at Manchester attack vigils

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Hundreds of Oxford students joined faith leaders and local residents on Tuesday evening to remember the victims of Monday’s horrific terror attack in Manchester which claimed the lives of 22 concert-goers, many of them young children.

Around 100 students attended a vigil outside the Radcliffe Camera, organised by OUSU, to “stand with Manchester”.

Several students, some wearing “I heart Manchester” t-shirts and visibly emotional, spoke at the event, which took place less than 24 hours after a suicide bomber detonated an improvised explosive device at an Ariana Grande concert at the Manchester Arena.

They had come to express their “love and solidarity,” as Katt Walton, a Christ Church student who is from Manchester, said in a speech outside the Rad Cam.

“(We’re) sending out our condolences to the people who have lost loved ones, friends and family, especially as it was an event which was supposed to be a really fun night (and) a lot of younger kids went,” she later told Cherwell.

“It’s really important to remember that this wasn’t a godly act, it isn’t down to Islam, and that this isn’t a time for Islamaphobia to come out of the woodwork. (Terrorism) aims to divide and conquer and the best thing we can do is stand together,” Walton added.

In a further vigil on Cornmarket, faith leaders from the city’s major denominations — Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu — gathered to send their “prayers for Manchester”. Candles were lit and around 50 people took part in a minute silence, remembering the victims of an attack which the Prime Minister Theresa May has described as “cowardly” and “sickening”.

“We hope to show unity and solidarity, and that no terrorist can divide us,” said Dr Sheik Ramzy, Director of the Oxford Islamic Information Centre and a member of the Muslim Council of Britain.

Dr Ramzy, holding a sign reading “We stand with Manchester”, told Cherwell: “We are all together as one family, one British family, to stand against any terror, and we shall win.”

Dr Sheik Ramzy holding a sign reading “We stand with Manchester”. Photo: Phoebe Freidin/Cherwell

Addressing the crowd outside the Carfax Tower, Bede Gerrard, Ecumenical Canon of Christ Church Cathedral, said: “We are here as human beings, as citizens of Oxford and as citizens of this country. We want to be a country where peace is sovereign.”

“As people of faith we should embrace our diversity,” he added, speaking to Cherwell.

“Religion is so often put forward as something that divides people. And it can do, but it’s not meant to. I think we’re trying to show that together we are stronger than apart.”

The two events follow a major vigil in Manchester’s Albert Square on Tuesday evening to remember the victims of the atrocity. Outside the Rad Cam, students — including finalists wearing full subfusc, and others in their religious dress — stood in silence for a minute to show their defiance to terror.

Students add personal messages in remembrance of the victims of the attack at Manchester Arena. Photo: Phoebe Freidin/Cherwell

Orla White, the OUSU Women VP, told Cherwell: “We were hoping to show solidarity with Manchester, and to be led by students who are from Manchester, to provide a space for people to come together and respond to a really horrible tragedy.”

As the vigil ended, the crowd sang a rendition of the Manchester band Oasis’ song ‘Wonderwall’, reading the words from lyric sheets handed out by student union organisers: “And all the roads we have to walk are winding / And all the lights that lead us there are blinding”.

At one point, an irritated student stuck his head out from a Bodleian Library window above to shout: “Don’t you realise you are right outside a library?”

The crowd, with tears and smiles on their faces, sang louder.

@_jackhunter

Sir Roger Moore 1927-2017

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Beloved actor Sir Roger Moore, best known for playing the third incarnation of super spy James Bond, has died aged 89.

Sir Roger played Bond in a total of seven films, including Live and Let Die (1973), The Man With The Golden Gun (1974), and The Spy Who Loved Me (1977), alongside stars such as Jane Seymour, Richard Kiel, and Sir Christopher Lee.

Announcing the sad news on Twitter, Sir Roger’s family confirmed that he had passed after “a short but brave battle with cancer”.

Outside of Bond, Sir Roger found fame as the face of TV’s The Saint, while his wide-ranging career saw him win a variety of accolades including a Golden Globe and a Saturn Award.

Although best known for his acting, Sir Roger’s knighthood was given for his extensive charity efforts, including his work as a UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador.

A statement from Sir Roger’s family released on Twitter read “The love with which he was surrounded in his final days was so great it cannot be quantified in words alone”.