Saturday 26th July 2025
Blog Page 932

A product of pointless nostalgia

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Declaring that musical reunions are merely commercial ploys for bands to top up as soon as they run a little low on their fortunes seems like an overly jaded stance to take. But in this capitalist world, where Take That’s Progress reunion tour earned the boy band over 180 million dollars, I cannot help but wonder if it’s an accurate one.

Shining a light on the staple Spice Girls reunion, however, invites the further question of whether bands reuniting after a prolonged hiatus is actually more down to the obsessively retromaniac nature of our society.

Usually what accompanies a huge reunion is a new release. Blur’s 2015 The Magic Whip is a recent example, which, in the moments when it does sound like a Blur album—and these are far and few between—at best seems somewhat forced. If reunions are predominantly driven by acute feelings of nostalgia, instances like these compel many to wonder what the point actually is.

Sure, there is the undeniable fact that through these get-togethers youths get to experience bands they thought they’d never get to see live in a way that far surpasses listening to any record, however good the sound system.

Thinking back to the euphoria felt by many of my friends upon seeing the Stone Roses during their massive comeback tour last summer quickly undermines any negatives. Yet what about all the veteran fans, and their feelings of a youth that is permanently lost directly tethered to Ian Brown and co. smashing it at these live shows—is there not a cruelty or sadness to these prolonged moments of nostalgia?

Then again, God help us all when One Direction suddenly decide that they all miss each other and would like nothing more than to spend the better part of a year learning dance routines and perfecting their lip-syncing skills together. Such a constant rehashing of the past is just not necessary and, I for one, believe that music needs to move forward—as far forward as is possible from the likes of One Direction at least.

With such high expectations almost always falling short, it seems that all that continually pushing for reunions amounts to is an ultimately disappointing search for bands who will never again reach the heights of their greatest hits.

Profile: Frank Gardner

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“When a young Saudi came up and said ‘Salaam alaikum—Peace be upon you’ and pulled out a pistol and shot me, that was a pretty bad moment.” The understatement in this is striking: Frank Gardner’s body was ravaged by six bullets from Al-Qaeda terrorists in June 2004, leaving him on the brink of death and partly paralysed in the legs. For a man who had been enthralled by the Middle East from a young age, and devoted his life to learning its language, exploring its lands and reporting its news, this left Gardner with a profound sense of betrayal.

“We’d come in peace. We were journalists and we were there to do a peaceful job,” he reflects as we sit together in Broadcasting House. His distinctive voice, crisp and elegant, is marked by a total absence of self-pity. “It took me a while to sort out in my head the difference between the people who had done this, and the rest of Saudi society and the Middle East.”

Yet his love for the region remained undimmed. A deluge of passionately sympathetic letters from Muslims all over the world played a large role in his emotional healing process, and he is at pains to “steer people away from the stereotypical view that the whole Middle East is up in flames, which it isn’t”.

The touchpaper of Gardner’s fascination with the Middle East was first lit at the age of 16 when he met Sir Wilfred Thesiger, a friend of his mother. Gardner was spellbound by the black and white photographs the explorer had taken of “camel trains receding into the dunes, of these haggard faces, of camel saddles and gourds and daggers.” His voice fills with boyish excitement as he describes this “window into another world”, which inspired him to read Arabic and Islamic Studies at Exeter University. Accustomed to travelling—the son of two diplomats, he lived in The Hague as a child—his degree took him on a “completely formative year” abroad to Egypt, where he stayed with a family in Cairo. He found it thrilling to be “living in a completely functioning medieval Islamic city”, where he could sketch the architecture, climb crumbling minarets and learn the language properly—“it’s just so singsong, so lively, so fun.”

He paints a vivid vignette of a laundryman in a cobbled backstreet “taking a swig from a bottle of water and spraying it out through his teeth in a fine mist to moisten the pair of trousers he was ironing”. Indeed, anecdotal treasures are strewn across the sands of our whole conversation, from his “horrendous” take-off from the deck of the USS Nimitz in a “diabolical device” called a COD—“you feel like you’re in a coffin and you know that you’re about to be catapulted off the deck”—to his alarming discovery after pretending to be a doctor to get accommodation in a Sudanese hospital. “In the morning I woke up and there were these buzzards and vultures wheeling above me—it was actually the morgue and there were people in white sheets there.”

After graduating, Gardner worked as an investment banker in the Middle East for nine years. This was a fascinating time, which, by his own admission, involved doing little actual banking. “It was all about opening doors, having late night meetings with sheikhs and merchants and getting to know them, and then I would bring in the real bankers from Hong Kong and London.” So what prompted his leap from this lucrative career to the uncertain world of broadcast journalism? “I was over-promoted to director back in London,” he recalls modestly. “I was bored stiff, and if you’re bored you’re not going to be good at it.”

Gardner took on an unpaid attachment to BBC World, where his extensive knowledge of the Middle East proved invaluable. His intrepid spirit was now given free rein: he purchased a video camera, which “allowed me to go off to places like Iran, Oman, the UAE, and shoot my own features, entirely self-taught, which I would then sell.” He became the BBC’s Middle East Correspondent based in Cairo, and was in the region for 9/11. He recounts with a mischievous laugh how he took advantage of his official placement on Blair’s plane tour in order to gain access as a journalist to Saudi Arabia. “Having got in, I then said ‘Bye, see you!’ and I disappeared off the radar for two weeks.”

His subsequent undercover reporting from Buraydah—“the spiritual heartland of Al-Qaeda”—attests to his fiercely daring nature; indeed, he demonstrates not a flicker of fear when describing his “fascinating” time in 2003 at the Shkin Firebase. “It was right hard up on the Pakistan border and was getting rocketed every night by the Taliban.”

It is not hard to see why Gardner commands such respect. His job is to analyse global security issues, often terror-related—so does he think that terrorism is the greatest threat faced by the West? “No I don’t. I really don’t,” he stresses. “First of all, I disagreed with what David Cameron said about a year ago, that ISIS represents an existential threat to us. No, it doesn’t. They haven’t got ICBMs. A country that has ICBMs does, in theory, represent an existential threat.”

But what of the Trump presidency and its implications for Muslims and the Middle East? We are speaking before the inauguration, and his response is measured. “We have got to distinguish President-Elect Trump from President Trump and judge him on his actions. People say things in campaigns for effect that they won’t necessarily put into practice.” Yet it is undeniable that Trump will play into the hands of terrorists.

“I have no doubt that extremists like ISIS will prey on every single comment they can wherever they see the opportunity to portray President Trump as being in some way representative of the West, of America. They will use that as a recruiting card. They definitely wanted him as President, he’s a much easier hate figure for them than someone like Obama.”

Gardner wears his prodigious intellect lightly, cautioning me against “hyperbole” when I refer to the monumental success of his debut novel, the spy thriller Crisis. Set largely in Columbia, a country that fascinates him—“Columbia is to Latin America as I see Egypt to the Middle East; it’s my gateway, my passageway in”—it follows the adventures of an MI6 agent seeking to foil a terror plot. Having written two bestselling memoirs, Gardner “wanted to have a bit of fun with this” and is now in the final stages of penning a sequel.

Gardner is captivating company, and from skiing to photography, and birdwatching to exploring remote corners of the world, there seems to be no end to his talents. He has refused to let his injuries hold him back and has always grabbed life by the scruff of the neck. With that characteristic stoicism, he reflects on his attackers. “I’m not into bitterness and vengeance. Do I forgive them? Absolutely not.”

A scientific justification for ‘man-flu’?

It is widely documented that more men than women die each year worldwide, even after correction for the fact that women have a longer average lifespan than men.

One of the top three causes for these sex differences in mortality rates is a difference in susceptibility to infectious disease: many viruses cause weaker symptoms in women than in men. Indeed, the cancer risk for men infected with human papillomavirus (HPV) is five times higher than that of women also infected with HPV. This phenomenon is known as sex-specific virulence.

For years, scientists have attributed these trends to slight differences between the immune systems of males and females. Females generally rid themselves of infections faster than males thanks to a stronger immune response that attacks and clears the virus. Sex hormones have been implicated as potential factors contributing to this variation by modulating the immune response.

However, despite the fact that humans begin to produce sex hormones during puberty, the imbalance in the severity of viral infections in males and females is not observable until almost a decade after puberty, casting doubt on this theory.

Researchers at Royal Holloway, University of London, suggest an alternative explanation: evolution. They say that natural selection may favour viruses with sex-specific virulence because of the differing routes that males and females provide for transmission of an infection.

Both sexes can transmit infections ‘horizontally’, passing it on to another individual in the same population. However, females can additionally transmit pathogens to their offspring during pregnancy, through birth, or by breastfeeding. This is known as vertical transmission. Females are therefore more valuable hosts for the infecting virus, as they are likely to spread it further than men will. As a result, there is evolutionary pressure on the virus to be less harmful to women so that the infection is passed on to more individuals.

For this to be feasible, a virus would need to have some way to determine the sex of the organism that it had infected. Currently, any mechanism for this remains a mystery to scientists, although Vincent Jansen, one of the researchers at Royal Holloway, argues that it is possible. He suggests that variations between male and female hormonal pathways could aid the virus. Indeed, there are already examples of such sex-specific strategies in other organisms, including certain maternally transmitted bacteria which kill male offspring exclusively.

Naturally, this development in studies of sex-specific virulence has implications for the treatment of such infections. Currently, sex-specific treatments are not administered because of the lack of understanding surrounding these viruses. In fact, many drugs trials fail to account for gender differences altogether.

So what next? Looking for differences in the gene expression profiles between pathogens infecting males and females may indicate how they determine the sex of their host and would raise the possibility of manipulating viral genes and decrease their virulence. If successful, such treatments would have the potential to reduce the mortality rates caused by these infections.

Mrs Dalloway: A novel in cinemascope

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Picture the classic moment of any superhero movie—when the people’s protector flies over the city, and the camera focuses in on various bemused faces gazing in amazement at the heavens. However thorough histories of this trope may be, I doubt many of them reference Virginia Woolf’s famous novel Mrs Dalloway.

Yet, unexpected as it may be, Woolf’s novel is heavily influenced by cinematography, complete with its very own ‘Is it a bird, is it a plane…?’ scene: “All down the Mall people were standing and looking up into the sky”. This aeroplane skywriting scene flits between characters’ perspectives: Mrs Coates, Mr Bowes, Mrs Bletchley and more. The Times Literary Supplement at the time even commented on “the cinema-like speed of the picture”. Perhaps that critic was reminded of George Pearson’s Reveille (1924), released the year before Mrs Dalloway was published, which contains a similar moment of what we could call communal individual thought.

In the movie, the striking of Armistice time (eleven o’clock) is highlighted by eleven shots showing the film’s characters in different locations, all at the same moment. Woolf’s skywriting scene echoes this: “In this purity, the bells struck eleven times”. If we count Mrs Coates’ baby, there are also eleven characters glimpsed in her passage. Woolf is imitating the cinematic montage in literature—basically creating the literary equivalent of all those people dramatically removing their Guy Fawkes masks at the end of V for Vendetta. The masks, like Woolf’s aeroplane and armistice time, have both an obvious public significance and can mean something different and personal to each individual.

Mrs Dalloway’s cinematic quality is unsurprising, as the Bloomsbury Circle was deeply involved with the London Film Society. Woolf’s own personal opinions of the creative possibilities within the medium were expressed in an essay on ‘The Cinema’ (1926): “We are peering over the edge of a cauldron in which fragments of all shapes and savours seem to simmer”. Mrs Dalloway is heavily influenced by the idea of these unknowable, unfinished, fragments. During this period of silent film, where voiceovers weren’t possible, and spectacle was prioritised over introspection, it was particularly difficult to get to know a character intimately in film. As she wrote in her notes for Mrs Dalloway, Woolf’s characters “must be seen by other people”. The novel zooms in on characters, and then draws back before we fully know them, imitating the camera’s ever-present third-person gaze.

Mrs Dalloway’s setting is equally filmic. Reflecting the avant-garde cinema of the twenties, Woolf creates a ‘city symphony’ of London, as James Joyce does with Dublin in Ulysses. Nowadays we have the celebration of Los Angeles in La La Land or of New York in just about any chick flick ever: in 1926 there was Walter Ruttman’s Berlin: Symphony of a City. Mrs Dalloway translates this tribute into poetry-prose. The growth of these cities was itself crucial to both cinematography and Woolf’s writing. As Ezra Pound wrote in 1922, “The life of a village is a narrative… in the city the visual impressions succeed each other, overlap, overcross, they are cinematographic”. The focus on busy city life—where you can glimpse a person only once and then never see them again—changed the way literature was written. Just comparing the village life of Middlemarch to the multiplicity of voices in Woolf’s “Murmuring London” makes this clear.

Cinema’s uninterrupted set running time also distinguishes it from the serial novels of a century past. It has a chronological continuity which novels only gained with the emergence of Modernism. Nineteenth-century novels like Bleak House span over years, even decades. Mrs Dalloway takes inspiration from cinema’s temporal parity and situates her narrative in a continuous present, over the course of a single day, a ground-breaking decision at the time. The persistent chimes of Big Ben throughout the novel highlight the difference between what Henri Bergson termed ‘historical time’ and ‘psychological time’: the former never stops whereas the latter is flexible. This combination of relentless continuity and yet seemingly endless imaginative time is intensely cinematic. It’s the reason that the cinema can be such a heady experience, leaving you bewildered by the real world after a mere hour and a half absence.

Mrs Dalloway doesn’t actually mention the cinema all that much. The only time the “pictures” are brought up in the book is when “the young people” talk about their plans for the evening. We see, then, the cinema being linked with youth, newness, and innovation: everything Woolf was trying to achieve with her (pardon the pun) novel writing style. She took inspiration from a new art form and used it to revolutionise an old one. It is this kind of dialogue between the arts that should encourage anyone who fears that the book will be overtaken by film, television, gaming, and the new virtual reality headsets.

Oxford unites to condemn Trump ban

Oxford Muslim groups, along with the University’s Chancellor, students and senior academics, have joined a worldwide condemnation of Donald Trump’s executive order signed last Friday banning immigration to the US from seven Muslim-majority countries.

Mirroring widespread protests across the UK, 2,500 people took to the streets in Oxford on Monday night.

This was followed by another protest on Wednesday against Trump’s immigration policy and Theresa May’s refusal to openly condemn his travel ban.

The “diversity and inclusivity” displayed by this week’s protests were praised by the President of the Oxford University Islamic Society.

Younes Saidani commented: “We at the Oxford University Islamic Society were proud to come together with local community groups to oppose the Muslim Ban. At this time it is vital that solidarity is shown with the Muslim Community, and Oxford responded to the call in unprecedented numbers.

“We’d like to thank everyone who turned up, who stood for more diversity and inclusivity, and against walls, bans and hate.”

Chancellor of Oxford University Lord Patten exclusively told Cherwell: “On the seal of the United States itsays ‘E pluribus unum’ – Out of Many, One. This serves as a reminder that America was founded to create a home for refugees fleeing the mosthorrible tragedies around the world.

It is a wonderful country created out of diversity and what this appalling travel ban does is spit in the face of that diversity. It raises the deepest anxieties for the coming months and it sheds light on atrocities to come.

The best aspects of American society are being tested. I am very proud of the fact that Oxford students have made their voices heard.”

At the protest on Monday, thousands of people assembled around Carfax Tower, before marching down the High Street. There were chants of “No Trump, no KKK, no fascist USA” and “Theresa May, hear us shout, Muslims in, racists out”.

The protest gained support from organisations across Oxford. Oxford Student’s Refugee Campaign, which says it seeks to “turn Oxford into a safe haven for refugee students” by increasing university funding for asylum seekers, said: “Trump’s policies go in the opposite way, making it difficult for great universities in the U.S. to offer similar programmes.

“To appease the effects, universities outside the US should step up and support the great scholars Trump is turning down. It is in moments like these that grass roots campaigns like ours become even more important. Trump’s policy on refugees rejects the very spirit of a country built on the hard work and knowledge of refugees: from the early Pilgrims to the genius of Einstein”.

Trump’s ban triggered protests in major towns and cities across the UK, with a further ‘Day of Action against Trump’ is planned to take place in Oxford on 20 February. In the US, activists gathered at airports to demand authorities release detained nationals from the affected countries.

A spokesperson for the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies told Cherwell: “One of the fundamental objectives of this Centre is to encourage dialogue between people from different cultures and traditions and to bring them together in an atmosphere of cooperation and mutual respect. Any actions that make this more difficult, or run counter to the whole principle, are obviously a matter of great concern.

“The humanitarian implications, and unfairness involved in the treatment of so many individuals, are also deeply worrying.”

Further to their president’s comments, The Oxford University Islamic Society, which represents over 800 students, said it was “deeply concerned” about the implication of Trump’s executive order on its members.

The group told Cherwell: “It affects some of our members, who have dual-passports, or simply the wrong nationality. For no fault of their own, their travel, study and career plans have been thrown into doubt at the stroke of a pen. Muslims already worry about travel to the United States, and this can only add to the anxiety and precarity of the experience.”

They described the policy as “symptomatic of a wider trend across the West,” saying: “Not only has there been a huge spike in Islamophobic hate incidents since Brexit , but a raft of measures such as Prevent – implemented by the University here in Oxford – have been designed to curtail Muslim rights. We call for solidarity with Muslim communities around the world at this time.”

Solidarity against Trump’s policy has also been expressed by the Jewish Society, who told Cherwell: “Whilst the timing of the announcement, being on Holocaust Memorial Day is unfortunate and misguided, it is important that this does not distract from the main issue here. It is our values, both Jewish and secular, which instill in us a drive to accept refugees and form a religiously tolerant society. We stand in solidarity with Muslims, refugees and others who are being oppressed as a result of this policy.”

An online petition calling for the state visit of Donald Trump to the UK to be banned has attracted over a million signatures.

The protests gained support from a range of groups and political societies. One demonstrator held a sign reading “Oxford Conservatives against Trump’s Muslim Ban”, with “Even We’re Protesting” written on the reverse.

OUCA declined Cherwell’s request for comment.

Oxford University Labour Club (OULC) told Cherwell they were “very proud” of Wednesday’s protest, which was organised by an OULC member. They said: “so many people came to show their solidarity in opposing the normalisation of Trump’s racist politics.”

Mansfield JCR rejects changing Champagne and Chocolates to ‘Carlsberg & Chips’

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Mansfield College last week voted on whether the college should rename its ‘Champagne and Chocolate’ (C&Cs) event ‘Carlsberg and Chips’, over “elitism” fears.

The motion was heavily rejected in the college’s JCR meeting, while its proposers insisted it was inteded to be “ironic”.

The motion stated: “Champagne is a drink which is commonly associated with privilege, elitism and exclusivity; values which are fundamentally opposed to Mansfield’s founding ethos”.

It argued that the event, while being a “Mansfield institution”, went against the college’s “proud tradition of inclusivity and egalitarianism.”

It also said: “Champagne (or rather Cava) is an acquired taste and is also known to lead to sensitive teeth for those who do not use Sensodyne toothpaste”.

Those proposing the motion stated that “the college-funded consumption of Champagne is a vestige of a bygone era in which Oxford was a nishing school for the publicly educated.”

Highlighting Mansfield’s 74 per cent intake of state-school students, the highest of any Oxford college, the motion said: “as an advertisement for Mansfield College, C&Cs is likely to detract from Mans eld’s image as a college which is open, friendly and welcoming to all.”

The motion proposed to “replace C&Cs with ‘Carlsberg & Chips’, redirecting the Entz budget for champagne and chocolates to the purchase of Carlsberg and chips, respectively.”

The motion’s proposer, Joe Seddon, told Cherwell: “The motion was supposed to be ironic, and draw attention to a glaring hypocrisy which pervades student politics at Mansfield (and Oxford in general): namely, that politically-active students all too often employ a ‘do as I say, not as I do’ attitude to political issues.”

Seddon added: “The very same students who (mis)use college JCRs as a forum to vituperate about cultural appropriation, minority representation and extraneous political issues (condemning various bodies and public gures) are all too happy to quaff champagne and revel in the ‘privilege’ to which they claim they are opposed.

“They are, quite literally, Champagne Socialists.”

He added: “Also, as an aside, Carlsberg &Chips would obviously be far superior to Champagne (or rather Cava) & Chocolates.”

Mans eld JCR President Joe Inwood informed Cherwell that 8 people voted in favour of the motion and 37 people voted against.

Inwood told Cherwell that he had no comment other than “fake news”.

Laura Worman, a Mansfield second year, told Cherwell: “It was a pathetic attempt to derail an innocent and much-loved college event by a pair of hypocrites who clearly relish the unlimited alcohol and have never before expressed intent to boycott the event.”

‘Champagne and Chocolates’ are held after formal hall in the college. They are organised by the Entz officers alongside bops, open-mic nights and charity auctions.

Fight for OUSU committee commences

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OUSU election campaigns were officially launched this week, with the first of two rounds of hustings held at Somerville College on the evening of Monday 30 January.

Nominations for positions closed at noon last Thursday, with campaigning officially beginning the next day.

The event—held at Flora Anderson Hall—was well attended, in part thanks to the free pizza and prosecco on offer.

Several different slates were represented, each with a different policy agenda, and each with differing views on the current state on the NUS.

‘Stand Up’ advocate for combatting harmful government impositions and seek the existence of a plurality of student voices.

‘#takeACTion’ are running for “an Accountable, Consistent and Transparent sabbatical team that works for every one”, according to their individual candidate profiles on the OUSU website.

These are the only two slates fielding candidates for President of OUSU.

Kate Cole, founder of OUSU campaign for suspended students SusCam, is running for president with ‘#takeACTion’.

She told Cherwell of a “mix of nerves and excitement” when describing her emotions before the event.

Cole said: “This has been a year and a bit in the making, so it all coming out is pretty exciting.

“[There’s a] first time for everything, so this is definitely a first for me. We’ll see how it goes.”

Meanwhile, Vivian Holmes, former chair of the OUSU LGBTQ Campaign, is running for the presidential position with ‘Stand Up’.

Speaking to Cherwell about the campaign launch, Holmes described themselves as “slightly stressed, slightly excited.” They added: “I think my thesis supervisor is slightly more stressed than I am, but I’m okay.”

The most overtly partisan husts were for the position of NUS delegate, which sees three competing slates. There are six positions available.

Ellie Dibben, Ellie MacDonald and Niamh White are running for the position under the ‘Stand Up’ banner. They made clear their support for remaining affiliated to the NUS last summer, and now wish to see a positive and constructive relationship with the organisation in the wake of Oxford voting to remain a member.

Lucasta Bath, Baruch Zev Gilinsky, Adam Hilsenrath and Thomas Turner are running on the ‘Wake Up NUS’ slate, seeking to hold the NUS to account and to force structural change after the defeat of the ‘No Thanks, NUS’ movement last year.

Standing on the smaller ‘Count On Us’ slate are Sean O’Neill and Aliya Yule. They describe themselves as running “for welfare, for education, for liberation”.

Kathryn Walton and Andrew Peak are running as independents, with Walton using the hashtag #fightforrights.

As with the candidates for other positions, the potential NUS delegates were largely united on their opposition to PREVENT and the Teaching Excellence Framework. However, the topic of NUS President Malia Bouattia’s potential re-election was more divisive.

A question from the oor asked the NUS Delegate candidates if they would categorically promise to vote against any potential re-election. All four ‘Wake Up NUS’ candidates vowed to vote against, or to vote to re-open nominations if no suitable alternative candidate stood for the position.

There were vocal concerns about Bouattia’s alleged anti-Semitism, while Baruch Zev Gilinsky went as far as to describe the NUS President as “abhorrent”.

However, O’Neill and Yule of ‘Count On Us’, argued that it was too early to determine their vote.

Yule argued that Bouattia had issued a further apology for her alleged anti-Semitic comments, and thus could not be discounted off-hand.

Hustings were held for the positions of President, Vice President Access and Academic Affairs, Vice President Charity and Community, Vice President Welfare and Equal Opportunities, and Vice President Women.

Also speaking were candidates for the six NUS Delegate positions and for the three Student Trustee positions. Two candidates for Student Trustee were not present, although one did submit a prepared statement.

Only two positions are unopposed. Thomas Barringer is the sole candidate for Vice President Charity and Community, while Catherine Canning is running alone for Vice President Access and Academic Affairs.

There were no nominations for the position of Vice President Graduates. Nominations will be re-opened for this position at a later date. The final hustings are to be hosted at Keble College on Thursday 2 February, before voting opens on Tuesday 7 February. Polls close on Thursday 9, with results announced that evening.

Wadham SU buys Iffley artwork

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Wadham College Students’ Union have voted to purchase a piece of artwork produced by a former resident of Iffley Open House this week.

More than 30 students of the college voted unanimously for the motion, which was proposed by Wadham’s Arts Officer Samuel Dunnett.

Wadham SU Vice President, Ellery Shentall, told Cherwell: “The SU has been looking at good ways to decorate the JCR for a while now, and there was consensus surrounding the importance of showing our support both to Iffley Open House and the painter himself.

“We agreed on an amount to pay him for the painting, including a suggestion that although he wanted the money to go to Iffley Open House, we wanted to suggest that some of the money was to go to him directly.”

Amber Stewart, a second-year Magdalen undergraduate commented: “I think that it’s a warming example of the student community coming together to try and help the homeless situation in Oxford in a productive way.”

Natasha Burton, a representative of the Edgar Wind society, the Oxford University Society for History of Art said: “This is a truly fantastic initiative from Wadham SU. It is always a pleasure to see art having a positive impact within our own community, and I’m very pleased this artist in particular has received some of the recognition he deserves.”

Jeevan Ravindran, Chair of the OUSU ‘On Your Doorstep’ homelessness campaign, praised the decision, stating: “It’s great to see Wadham students showing uncon- ditional support for Iffley Open House and encouraging the work of its residents, in spite of Wadham’s current stance. Oxford’s homeless people have so many talents, and these could be truly nourished if they are given a place to stay.”

Mr Ravindran went on to de- scribe the current situation regard- ing the Iffley Open House campaign as “quite volatile”.

The Midcounties Cooperative, who currently lease the property from Wadham, have agreed to allow residents of the shelter to remain until April. But the college argues that pre-demolition work must begin at the end of February if the building of new student accommodation is to be completed by September 2019.

The building in question was originally purchased by Wadham in 2015 and has been occupied by Iffley Open House since New Year’s Eve, with an estimated 36 people currently sheltering there.

The sale of the piece of artwork comes as the squatter group starts a range of initiative to support its residents.

The group have been running volunteer induction days to train local residents and students to vol- unteer at the centre.

They had planned on opening an ‘Occasional Cafe’ this weekend, to serve tea and bicsuits to members of the public.

However, according to the group, the event had to be cancelled after the Midcounties Co-op refused permission for the group to allow in members of the public.

Kevin Brown, Group General Manager for Specialist Services, at The Midcounties Co-operative, told Cherwell: “We are very happy for the Iffley Open House Group to continue to use the site as a homeless shelter until we are legally required to hand the site back to our landlord, Wadham College.

“As part of our agreement with Iffley Open House Group we put certain conditions in place to ensure the health and safety of all occupants. It is an essential part of that agreement that the property is only used as a homeless shelter and therefore our expectations are that the conditions agreed will be strictly adhered to, and that the property will not be used for any other purposes.”

Oxford accepts fewer state school pupils than five years ago

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State school pupils were less likely to be accepted into Oxford University in 2015 than they were five years ago, new figures reveal.

Data released by the Higher Education Statistics Agency show that 55.7% of Oxford’s 2015/16 intake were from state schools, compared to 57.7% in 2010.

This comes as other UK universities have a smaller privately educated intake over the same period, meaning Oxford has the smallest proportion of pupils from state schools in mainstream universities.

In contrast, figures show that the proportion of students accepted from state schools at Cambridge rose from 54% to 62% in the last decade. Cambridge now has more state educated pupils than Bristol, Durham and St Andrews.

Sir Peter Lampl, chairman of the Sutton Trust, an educational charity promoting social mobility, said the figures provide “further worrying evidence of the substantial access gaps that still exist at our universities, especially at our top universities.”

Universities minister Jo Johnson said the statistics show that “there is more to do at some universities, where there are still too few students progressing from the most disadvantaged backgrounds.”

Dr Samina Khan, Oxford University’s Director of Undergraduate Admissions and Outreach, insisted that the university was working to increase its intake from under-represented backgrounds.

We are constantly working to increase our intake of students with academic potential from under-represented backgrounds,” Dr Khan said.

“Figures released last month by UCAS show that our offer rates for students from low-participation areas are outperforming the rates that would be expected given predicted grades and subject choice.”

“Having made more than 59% of our offers to state-educated applicants for 2016 entry, we are also expecting to retain this increase in 2017. However, we are aware that there is still progress to be made, and we will continue to work hard to encourage more successful applications from under-represented groups.”

The figures on a national level show the highest level of state educated pupils studying at universities, with 89.9% of young, full-time undergraduates coming from state schools, up from 88.9% five years ago.

The campaign for curriculum decolonisation in SOAS

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“You have a colonial institution that, you know, has, arguably, coloniality still embedded within this institution. And then it’s the 100th year [since SOAS’ founding]. You have students saying, ‘Well look, we need to critically assess the history and not let it be some celebrations.’” Mohamed Zain-Dada (Co-President of Activities and Events, SOAS Student Union, 2015/16), in a video published in December 2016.

When I first met Sarah in real life, whose name has been changed to preserve her anonymity, it was at a café close to the Vernon Square campus of SOAS, where she offered to take me on a brief tour over the course of the day as I visited the campus. Whilst the physical visit never materialised, the conversation that played out allowed me to gain some unique insight into the ongoing campaign for curriculum decolonisation. Sarah was not a part of the official student movement, but felt strongly about defending its reputation against what they perceived to be “unrepresentative attacks made by media outlets”. Her close ties to the participants in an ongoing social and academic movement that has attracted supporters and critics from across the globe give her valuable insight into the nature of its demands.

Students at the London School of Oriental and Asian Studies (SOAS) have sought to lobby for an active ‘decolonisation’ of their institution. ‘Curriculum decolonisation’, applied within an academic or intellectual context, has been defined by a SOAS scholar as challenging the “huge debt and a body of knowledge which has reinforced the assumptions, experiences and limitations of past generations of scholarship” in the context of university education; by a professor working in Rhodes University as “[…] introducing well theorised scholarship emerging from, and underpinning by, the African local experience.”. They have attracted criticism from academics and university administrators including Sir Roger Scruton and Sir Anthony Sheldon, and been rejected as “ridiculous” by the head of the SOAS Religion and Philosophies department.

Sarah said it was about “calling out the Whiteness of the epistemic lenses of British universities”, and that “the system needed some shaking”. Decolonising the curriculum – as a concept – appears to be a contested and innately political idea, for which the ability to define and control its purpose and essence is instrumental in locating its relevance in the ongoing movement under the SOAS Student Union. The Union has aggressively lashed out at media coverage it describes as a “gross misrepresentation,” in a statement from January 9 that called for examining the representation of minority thinkers, increasing the number of BME faculty and cutting fees for students who had been “affected by class, racial and gender inequalities.”

The movement has published a list of its objectives on its official webpage, found here, as follows:

  1. To hold events that will engage in a wider discussion about expressions of racial and economic inequality at the university, ocusing on SOAS.
  2. To address histories of erasure prevalent in the curriculum with a particular focus on SOAS’ colonial origins and present alternative ways of knowing.  
  3. To interrogate SOAS’ self-image as progressive and diverse.
  4. To use the centenary year as a point of intervention to discuss how the university must move forward and demand that we, as students of colour, are involved in the curriculum review process.
  5.  To review 10 first year courses, working with academics to discuss points of revamp, reform and in some cases overhaul.  
  6. To make sure that the majority of the philosophers on our courses are from the Global South or it’s [sic] diaspora. SOAS’s focus is on Asia and Africa and therefore the foundations of its theories should be presented by Asian or African philosophers (or the diaspora).
  7. If white philosophers are required, then to teach their work from a critical standpoint. For example, acknowledging the colonial context in which so called “Enlightenment” philosophers wrote within.

 

In particular, students have focused on campaigning for significant expansion in content within the BA World Philosophies course. Hawthorne affirms the views of the students, by noting that, “BA World Philosophies at SOAS is a unique programme that has been developed to promote philosophical dialogue between ‘East’ and ‘West’”. An initial examination of the course structure appears to show a wide range of existing modules available to students incorporating non-Western philosophy – the Year 1 outline mandates that students study two out of five options in ‘Traditions of Philosophy’ (featuring ‘Buddhism’, ‘Hinduism’, ‘Judaism’, ‘Islam’, and ‘Religions of East and Central Asia’).

At the suggestion that such options were adequate, Sarah laughed with a conspicuous tint of irony. According to her, the problematic features of the Status Quo pertained more to the implicit tendencies of course outlines and lectures to favour discussing Western philosophers as the basis of exploring the more general categories of philosophical study – e.g. the ‘Comparative Ethics’ and ‘Philosophies of Language’ components of Year 2.

Whilst the SOAS curriculum appeared to be diverse and inclusive, the practical divergences in teaching methodologies across courses meant from her perspective that students often struggled to comprehend the works of ‘non-conventional’ philosophers rarely taught and with publications scarce and few in the library. The SOAS union reiterated this perspective in its January 9 statement, emphasizing that the goal was for thinkers across sociocultural spectrum “to be studied in their appropriate contexts and for our curricula to encompass perspectives which reflect the diversity of the world we live in.”

More generally, students have also called for the prioritisation of marginalised philosophies in the Global South, and the situating of white philosophers from the Enlightenment Era within a ‘critical standpoint’ that highlights the colonial backgrounds of their works. Leaders of the movement cite the underrepresentation of non-European thinkers and the contributions of Oriental and African philosophies within European intellectual history as the primary justification for systemic reforms.  Commentators have suggested that the works of Immanuel Kant may perhaps be taught with a greater emphasis upon its underlying connections to conceptions and visions of race reflective upon Kant’s times and within Kant’s works. It was exactly this kind of proposal that raised the ire of some of the proposal’s critics, however.

““If they think there is a colonial context from which Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason arose, I would like to hear it,” Sutton said in his comments to the Telegraph.

Alternatively, the philosophical contributions of Enlightenment philosophers may also be recast in light of their involvement with colonialism – in both the actual (as per endorsing or providing the ideological basis for it) and ideological senses. Dr. Meera Sabaratnam adds that, “If we think that there is some kind of a relationship between position and perspective on an issue […] we need to diversify the sources we engage in our scholarship.”

The movement for intellectual decolonisation appears to be located within a wider wave of anti-colonial resistance embedded within the SOAS student consciousness. In the video released by the Student Union, Zain-Dada remarks that, “[…] you have a very particular type of student politics aimed towards a very particular type of students […] but a lot of the direct action and protests seem to be done by the white students.” It is hoped that with a greater range of intellectual ideals and ideas incorporated into the regular academic dialogue, SOAS could become a more socially inclusive and cohesive institution in which philosophical concepts from all around the world are given their fear hearing – independent of their geographical origins.

There is not, however, universal consensus in SOAS that the union’s demands as formulated are worth pursuing. Harper is a friend of Sarah’s that I came across in the very same café. Harper, unlike Sarah, finds the ongoing campaign “redundant” and “couched in unnecessarily politicised terms”. Whilst the underrepresentation of non-Western philosophers is an empirically verifiable stance, Harper noted, it is unclear to them why the deprioritisation of individuals who “simply have added less to academic philosophy” ought to be stigmatised and rejected. Harper further added that they found the politicisation of the curriculum by the Student Left a “bizarre” and “redundant” move.

The movement so far appears to have generated moderate traction amongst the teaching staff, with senior figures such as Dr. Deborah Johnston (Pro-Director (Learning and Teaching)) affirming the importance of the protests as promoting “informed and critical debate and discussion about the curriculum we teach”. Harper has expressed that whilst they were ambivalent as to the ultimate objectives of the ongoing campaign, they were “glad” that the movement has “opened up a new space for productive dialogue and discourse about an often neglected but important component of the SOAS identity”. The more curious observation, as noted by Harper, is that it appears that the movement has yet to pick up substantial traction within the student populace.

The movement itself has been subject to polarised and mixed reactions, with criticisms that it has participated in the “rekindling of racial politics” and “keeping with a poisonous new identity politics grabbing hold of campus radicals and the left more broadly”. Alternatively, more positive reception has been found in those who praised the movement for highlighting much-needed pedagogical and academic inadequacies in an institution that is traditionally renowned for its expertise in engaging with African and Oriental studies. Some SOAS faculty have celebrated the movement’s capacity to spark dialogue that transcends limited cultural perspectives. Prof. Sian Hawthorne (one of the two Convenors of the BA World Philosophies course) responded to the public backlash by observing that, “[…] decolonisation is fundamentally about the practice of dialogue; it is […a…] working towards what Hans-Georg Gadamer called ‘the fusion of horizons’ by which understanding across boundaries becomes possible.”

Curriculum decolonisation is a multi-faceted, complex, and contentious issue that has provoked vigorous reactions (both positive and negative) from both sides of the de-colonisation debate. Even as sympathetic articles cropped up in national newspapers, contemporaneous editorial coverage advanced the characterization of student activists as immature, coddled and unready for the adult world.

Whilst complete removal of Western philosophers from the SOAS curriculum appears to be neither the expressed wishes of the movement nor a realistic outcome, the ongoing discussion at SOAS may prove to be a pivotal watershed moment for future critiques of the intersection between higher education and social justice. Whether or not these activists merit the label “Special Snowflakes”, or are the precursors to a progressive reform in the curriculum of SOAS – remains to be seen.

*Names have been anonymised for the sake of privacy and confidentiality.