Tuesday, April 29, 2025
Blog Page 945

Was Tuesday night really such an upset?

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As the results began pouring in to decide who would occupy the office that Americans like to style “leader of the free world,” my country collectively held its breath (except, presumably, those prognosticators who had assigned Hillary a greater than 99% chance of victory; they must have had better things to do than follow the actual results). By the end of the evening, they had all believed they had witnessed the most stunning upset of modern political history. But had they?

I should think not. To begin with, there are two ways to think about a politician doing better in a race than is expected. The first is as the candidate winning an upset, but the second is as the polls having a miss, and this latter interpretation is much closer to reality. Trump did not especially overperform, but actually received fewer votes than any Republican as far back as George W. Bush’s first run in 2000, which is especially pitiful considering that the pool of eligible voters grew by twenty million over the intervening span.

Rather, Trump’s victory came decidedly from Hillary Clinton’s weaknesses, which evidently were not sufficiently understood prior to the election. Perhaps some of the blame for this nearly nationwide myopia can be assigned to the prevailing model of political punditry, which seeks to explain polls with electoral factors, rather than using electoral factors to predict results. In other words, even many of our savviest talking heads tried to explain what was shaping the race by starting with the conclusion that Clinton was winning by several points, and working backwards from there to try and figure out why. Investigations into the minds of voters, the trends on the ground, and the actual issues at stake in the race all took second billing to running horse-race backup. Is it any wonder that they got it so wrong?

Having been disabused (rather suddenly and rudely) of the notion that Clinton had a secure lead, we can now more easily see the factors that led to the race being so competitive. They are not so mysterious; major warning signs presaged them and were ignored, including by myself personally.

One of the most obvious warning signs was Clinton’s ability to blow huge leads in Clinton in both the 2008 and 2016 Democratic primaries. Both times, she lost due to a lack of personal magnetism and an inability to capture the “change” vote. Perhaps we forgot at some point this cycle, but all one needs to do to realize the charisma gap between her and the last two winning Democrats, Obama and Bill Clinton, is watches clips of their speeches side by side. And Clinton’s being closely tied to the political establishment in the primaries presaged how many would feel about her in the general. Ironically, all her greatest strengths–mass support from politicians, financiers, and the media–merely served to emphasize that losing attribute.

Another warning sign was the shifts that white, less educated midwestern states had already undergone. Obama won Wisconsin in a landslide in 2008, but his margin fell by about 7 points in 2012, and Clinton’s margin fell by almost exactly the same amount four years later, handing Trump a narrow lead in the state. The same trajectory of improving Republican margins can be mapped out, if not quite as accurately, in Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. In the lower-turnout midterm elections of 2010 and 2014, Republicans won 16 of 21 of the senatorial and gubernatorial races in those states, an impressive three-quarters.

So the question could have been framed as, “will 2016 have turnout that’s higher or lower than usual?” The sheer negativity of the race helped settle that. With both candidates less popular than any since polling began, two-party turnout dropped dramatically, to 51%. It had been 57% in 2012 and 59% in 2008. With low turnout, Trump carried all of the previously mentioned 6, except Minnesota, where he lost narrowly.

The final warning sign was the enthusiasm gap in the Democratic and Republican primaries. Democratic turnout fell by a third from 2008, the last year there was a competitive primary. Republican turnout increased by half. In a bruising, dirty election with depressed turnout, it should have been clear that Republicans would be likely to stick around to vote at a higher rate.

But these are trends, not absolutes, and one would be mistaken to read them that way. At best, someone reading these trends properly should have deemed the race merely competitive, a toss-up. Predicting a Trump victory would have required getting the final tallies almost exactly right.

For Trump’s victory was incredibly slight. His “tipping point” state that won him the presidency was Pennsylvania, which he carried by only a 1.24% margin. In other words, had just two thirds of one percent of voters switched from Trump to Clinton nationally, she would have won, and all the analysis about what this election says about America would have been different. The winner-take-all nature of the presidency, then, really creates a false binary: only Trump advances to take office, but America remains cleaved very nearly in two, when it comes to the ballot box. There is likely truth–but not absolute truth–to many of the various claims and counterclaims: racial resentments drove buoyed Trump, as did economic grievance, and anger at liberal condescension. The Democratic claim to the progressive majority majority of the future also seems supported by Hillary’s slight popular vote victory, as well as improved showings in states like Arizona, Georgia, and Texas. There is no reason why these cannot all be true to a significant degree, each driving their own share of the final tally.

America, after all, contains multitudes, and though the Republican Party will start 2017 controlling the country more thoroughly than any party has in decades, it would do well to remember that.

Pembroke, Balliol and St John’s condemn High Education reforms

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Pembroke, Balliol and St John’s students voted to condemn current government reform to Higher Education policy at their General Meetings last Sunday. All motions criticise the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF), currently in its second year. Pembroke also crticised the Higher Education and Research Bill, currently progressing through the House of Lords.

According to a recent press release, the TEF involves the assessment of the quality of university teaching through “core metrics such as student satisfaction, non-continuation rates and employment data. It will also look at additional evidence submitted by providers”. Based on this assessment it will rank universities and award them with a rating of Gold, Silver or Bronze. From its third year, TEF rankings will affect student fees, with fees rising for universities ranked highly by the framework.

The government argues that the TEF assessments will aid student choice. According to Les Ebdon, director of the Office for Fair Access commented, “For disadvantaged students fair access is not just about getting in to higher education, it is about getting on too. TEF will ensure that higher education providers have to carefully consider about how to provide excellent teaching for all their students, whatever their background.”

Yet the Balliol motion denounced the University’s decision to participate in the framework “on the basis that it is a poor measure of teaching quality, and that differentiated tuition fees are detrimental to access”. It also condemned “the decision to raise tuition fees for on-course students”.

Pembroke students elected to donate £100 towards coaches for an upcoming demonstration on November 19, organised by the NUS and the University and College Union. Students will protest against both the TEF and the pending Higher Education and Research Bill. They will attack the government decision to allow universities “to increase their fees based on dubious assessments of teaching excellence”. The motion also criticises the Higher Education and Research Bill’s proposal of an “Office for Students”, which it argues would not include student representation.

According to the government summary, the Office for Students will supplant existing regulators “replacing the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) and the Office for Fair Access”. It will also have “an explicit legal duty to promote choice and consider the student, employer and taxpayer interest in all its regulatory and funding decisions. The OfS will be a non-departmental public body which will operate at arms length from Ministers”.

Iris Kaye-Smith, the Pembroke student who proposed the motion, said, “This bill, if passed, would give the government an unprecedented and undemocratic degree of control over academic institutions in the UK, and effectively close off higher education for thousands of students from backgrounds that are already underrepresented at universities, especially at Oxford.

“These proposals are not reforms, but dogmatic attempts to marketise education by forcing universities to put profits before students and competition before intellectual freedom. I think it’s our duty as current students to fight for the right of future generations to enjoy the same opportunities as we have.”

While it was not a unanimous decision, Kaye-Smith states that there was “broad” support for the motion. She also states that at the start of term, three-quarters of Pembroke students opposed fee rises, which is a key element of the government’s TEF framework.

The St John’s motion stated, “The proposed metrics for the TEF do not measure teaching experience and are therefore not fit for purpose”. It resolved to oppose the University’s adoption of the TEF and further increases to tuition fees.

On the information page about the planned demonstration against Higher Education reform, on UCU Left’s website, they mark “three key asks” . These are “to invest in our FE colleges and sixth forms and stop college mergers”. as well as “to write off student debt and stop private education companies profiting from student fees” and “to scrap the HE Bill, halt the rise in tuition fees and bring back maintenance grants”.

UCU Left added, “Free, good quality education is a right for all, regardless of ability to pay and more than at any time before we have to fight for that.

“FE colleges have been cut to the core, with huge job losses and course closures, and a desperate need for investment that simply isn’t being provided. In HE, tuition fees are rising and the government is forcing universities to run like businesses. Students are facing higher debt than ever before with maintenance grants and NHS bursaries scrapped, student loan terms changed and tuition fees set to reach £12,000 by 2026.”

NUS President Malia Bouattia commented, “The government is running at pace with a deeply risky ideologically-led market experiment in further and higher education, and students and lecturers, who will suffer most as a result, are clear that this can’t be allowed to happen.”

Motions are to be proposed in other JCRs, in conjunction with OUSU.

Students condemn failure to launch Orgreave inquiry

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Wadham College, OUSU and OULC have condemned Amber Rudd’s rejection of a public inquiry into the events at Orgreave in 1984.

The Wadham Student Union motion, passed on Sunday, was proposed by Pete Morgan. It resolved to “write to the Home Secretary – simply and concisely – condemning her decision to reject any form of public inquiry into the actions of police at the Orgreave coking plant on the June 18 1984 during the miners’ strike of 1984-5 and calling for her to reconsider.”

It continued, “Regardless of what the Home Secretary says, a judicial investigation into the military style policing used on that day is now long overdue and only a full public enquiry can adequately investigate this.”

The Orgreave clashes took place between pickets and police at a miner’s strike near Sheffield in which campaigners say thev officers drafted in to police the picketing used excessive violence. There have also been allegations of fabrication by the authorities during subsequent investigation.

Home Secretary Amber Rudd has claimed she is willing to appoint a lawyer next month to assess material relating to the violent clashes outside the Orgreave coking plant, but according to the times she does not want to push ahead with “something that could drag on for years”.

OUSU have also passed a motion in their fortnightly OUSU council meeting on Wednesday to, “write a letter to the Home Secretary condemning her decision to reject a public inquiry into the actions of the police at the Orgreave coking plant.”

Similarly, Oxford University Labour Club have passed a motion on condemning Amber Rudd’s refusal to launch an enquiry.

This news comes after the conclusion of the two-year Hillsborough inquests which ruled in favour of the victims’ families. This has caused calls for an offi cial investigation at Orgreave to gain momentum.

There were dozens of arrests and injuries at the trial but when 95 miners were prosecuted, their trials collapsed due to concerns over police evidence. Thousands of miners massed outside the Orgreave plant, met by around 6,000 police pulled from across the country.

Lucas Bertholdi-Saad, president of Wadham Student Union told Cherwell, “I think Wadham students recognise the historic solidarity that exists between the students’ and trade union movements; it is very obvious in the police responseswherever we try and organise or demonstrate.

“I am proud we passed this motion and I think it is timely with the home secretary’s rejection of an inquiry despite the 2015 IPCC report revealing evidence of major injustice.”

However, Altair Brandon-Salmon, a Wadham undergraduate told Cherwell, “Setting aside the merits of having a judicidal inquiry into Orgreave, the passage of this motion exemplifi es the worst traits of the Wadham SU, indulging in the kind of left-wing virtue signalling and self-aggrandisement which has made it notorious across the unviersity, when its chief priority should be undergraduates’ welfare.”

Government’s new benefit cap to affect a thousand Oxford families

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The government’s new ‘benefit cap’, introduced on Monday, is set to affect hundreds of Oxford families this winter. The move to bring household welfare payments down from £26,000 to £20,000 a year, outside of London, has been described by the government as “a clear incentive to move into a job.” It is estimated that the new policy will cumulatively cut benefit payments in Oxford by £1.1 million, and have an impact on up to 1,000 working age families.

The cap applies to welfare supplements such as Bereavement Allowance, Child Benefit, Income Support, Maternity Allowance, Jobseeker’s Allowance and Housing Benefit. Other benefi ts such as War Pensions, Disability Living Allowance, and Carer’s Allowance have been ruled out of the £20,000 calculation.

Opponents of the move have criticised the Department for Work and Pensions’ decision to include Housing Benefit in the cap. Despite the higher limit of £23,000 in London, Councillor Susan Brown said that the high cost of living in Oxford is “a fact not recognised at all by the government in their calculations.”

Danny Dorling, Halford Mackinder Professor of Geography at Oxford, told Cherwell, “If central government wanted to improve peoples’ lives, then rather than introduce benefi t caps it would introduce rent regulation. This would save government a huge amount of money by reducing the housing benefit bill. It would also save all private renters a great deal of money in future, including many students in Oxford. A few landlords would not be as rich as they currently are.”

“In much of Europe and many states of the USA rent regulations help keep rents low and government subsidies to private landlords are then much reduced. There is also less of a housing crisis where rent regulation exists. But some of the rich do lose out. The welfare bill is mainly as high as it is today because private rents are so high and there is now so little social housing—especially in Oxford.”

Damian Green, Work and Pensions Secretary, said, “We are ensuring the values of this government continue to chime with those of ordinary working people and delivering on our commitment to make sure work pays more than welfare.

“I think people recognise there’s something wrong about families able to get more on benefits than the average family can earn by going out to work.”

A Downing Street spokesmen made clear that the cap will not rise either with inflation or otherwise before 2020.

Rehana Azam, national secretary for the GMB union, said: “Food prices are going up—and the evidence shows that single parents were already skipping meals to provide for their children, even before this latest attack.”

Debbie Abrahams, Shadow Secretary for Work and Pensions, said, “Despite Theresa May’s warm words on the steps of No 10, when she said she wanted to help families who are ‘just managing’, she is allowing the reduction of the so-called ‘benefit cap’ to go ahead.

“She talks the talk, but when it comes to it, this is the same old Tory ideologically driven agenda that hits the poorest in our society to pay for their failed austerity plan.”

The Oxford University Labour Club opposes the new benefi t cap, and told Cherwell, “These changes will save money whilst meaning that those who require the most support are no longer able to receive it—it makes vulnerable people worse off without making anybody better off .” The cap will also affect single people without children, reducing their annual payments to £13,400 a year outside of London.

Oxford’s Welfare Support Team can now be contacted at 01865 252755.

The Oxford University Conservative Association and Oxford East Conservatives were contacted for comment.

College heads condemn Trump victory

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Speaking exclusively to Cherwell, seven heads of Oxford colleges and a range of other prominent university voices have responded candidly to President-elect Donald Trump’s victory in Tuesday’s US election. Leaders of Brasenose, Hertford, LMH, Magdalen, Mansfi eld, St Anne’s and Wadham have variously described Trump as a “violent sexual predator”, “a bully, a braggart and a con-man” and a “bluecollar billionaire”, while OUSU VP Orla White expressed concern that Trump’s victory “may further legitimise racism and sexism”.

Trump’s victory this week came as a surprise to both pollsters and many students, with one student on election night describing “ a huge shock” and “an extremely disappointing night”.

Yesterday, speaking to Cherwell, LMH Principal and former Guardian Editor in Chief Alan Rusbridger said, “I think it was one of the most unedifying elections of recent times, and to young voters it must have seemed that there was a campaign bereft of any inspiring vision of the future.

“It was particularly dismaying that there was no mention of climate change on either side. Once the result was known, you’re left wondering about Trump policies in so many areas, especially in foreign policy. It’s very diffi cult to work out what a world under Trump will look like. There are many reasons to be afraid.”

Baroness Helena Kennedy QC, Principal of Mansfield College, said, “I am numb with shock at the outcome of the US election. Donald Trump is everything your parents brought you up not to be – everything I believe our students abhor. He is a bully, a braggard, a con man, a racist and a man who abuses and denigrates women.

“As a human rights lawyer, I am alarmed at what he has said about wanting to re introduce waterboarding and expand torture, keep Guantanamo open and add to the numbers there, deny women’s reproductive freedom and right to abortion, stack the Supreme Court with right wing judges, illtreat immigrants, bar Muslims from America; the list is long and shocking and hard to exhaust.”

Robert Chard, Acting Principal of St Anne’s, told Cherwell, “A confirmed climate change skeptic in the White House could have disastrous consequences for the rest of the world. “We will all be watching closely to see what happens to higher education policy in the USA. I know nothing of what Trump has in mind for this area, but given his overall predilections I am not optimistic.”

Lord Macdonald, Warden of Wadham, said, “It is obviously alarming that the American people have elected as President a man with a consistent record as a violent sexual predator, who has deliberately proclaimed a racist immigration policy, and used a public platform to mock disabled people”.

Will Hutton, Principal of Hertford College and journalist, said that Trump’s election “signals the end of the international trade and security framework that has worked so well since 1945, heralding a new era of protection, nationalism and forms of inter-state conflict. Global efforts to contain climate change will be stone dead.”

Magdalen President David Clary said “People should not forget that the American Election was an extremely close race”, while Brasenose Principal John Bowers said, “I think the result surprising, and hope it does not excite further divisions in the US”.

A number of student societies have organised events based on the result. The Oxford Forum’s event ‘Democracy in Crisis?’ is scheduled for Saturday of Fifth Week, while The Neave Society is hosting the debate ‘This House Believes Hillary Clinton is the reason Donald Trump won the US election’.

In an online statement, the Oxford Students Women’s Equality Party said, “The election of Trump is a dark day for women across the US. In an election where an overwhelming majority of African-American and Hispanic women did not vote for their country’s president, where the elected candidate has a track record of defending and trivialising sexual assault and well as fabricating explicit lies about processes of abortion and basic female rights, there is no cause for celebration at the announcement of the result. Trump’s ascent to power is also a dark moment for women who have sought to shatter and break the glass ceiling. Clinton was imperfect, flawed, and fundamentally not a saint – but to expect her to be anything but the above three (or, to expect any political candidate) would be a foolish belief or self-deception and illusionary anti-realism”.

Mansfield location for ‘On Chesil Beach’ film

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Mansfield College was used as a location to film several scenes for the upcoming film On Chesil Beach.

On Monday November 7, it served as the setting for a 1960s activist meeting for the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. As well as the cast, many of the students appeared in scenes.

Expected to be released sometime in 2017, On Chesil Beach is a film adaptation of a novel written by Booker Prize-winning author Ian McEwan that follows the honeymoon of a young couple at Chesil Beach in 1962.

The film is being directed by Dominic Cooke, and the leading roles are being played by Saoirse Ronan, who previously starred in Atonement and Brooklyn, as well as the actor Billy Howle. In addition, more than a dozen students from Mansfield were given the opportunity to serve as Supporting Artists in the film.

Alex Oscroft, a Mansfield student who appeared as an extra, told Cherwell, “Besides having to wake up at 5:30am and standing out in the cold for hours between takes, it was a really fun experience that will put Mansfi eld on the map.

“We were given 1950s/60s costumes to wear, and it was interesting how few weird looks I got walking through town. A lot of the filming was quite similar to my average day too, with a lot of walking purposeful past the Radcam and going down the passage to the Turf – it was pretty representative!”

Each of the students in the film were chosen to be supporting artists through an online, e-mail application process and, according to Mansfield College’s Domestic Bursar Lynne Quiggin, each student was “paid a normal, background artists’ rate applicable to their role”.

Student Margaret McGuirk who served as one of the extras in the film, said, “We were acting as a crowd of activist students. We were given costumes so that we looked like students from the 1960s and we meant to create a sense of energy in the scene.”

The students who took part in the filming were also able to watch the professional actors and film crews at work. Margaret said, “it was really cool to see what goes into making a fi lm…and how much detail and work go into a scene that ends up being only about a 3-minute clip!”

Visiting student Charlotte Hayden told Cherwell, “It felt like we were in a period piece. The area around the Lecture Theatre was filled with hardware, props, and people and it was all really exciting…there is an intensity that goes into making something look authentic.”

Kat Collison, also an extra, commented, “The whole thing was a really good laugh and I’m sure I’ll really appreciate the small talk with Billy Howle when he makes his big break. However, I have to say that being filmed walking across a road multiple times, for several hours in the freezing cold made me decide not to continue the pursuit of an acting career.”

Dominic Cooke has previously worked in theatre and television. He most recently directed the second series of the BBC Shakespeare adaptation The Hollow Crown.

Boiling blood and four years of fear

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The gripping sensation in my chest has yet to dissipate.

I am betrayed. I have betrayed.

Two years before 9/11, a young Muslim couple arrived in Queens, New York. They flew all the way from Bangladesh with their son of two years to establish a foothold in a country where they stuck out with their copper-tinged skin and fragmented English.

I am where I am today because they suffered and were willing to endure such pain as they were so sure that son of theirs would achieve some level of stability and identity in this nation.

My duty is to ensure their remaining time spent in the United States is joyous, peaceful, filled with pride.

With naivety, I failed. I cast my ballot with the hopes that citizens would weigh their priorities, cast aside their prejudices, just for this one moment, so we can at the very least prevent the rollback of progress and emboldening of bigots. I expected my humanity and citizenship to be acknowledged.

Should’ve known better.

I am already accustomed to the Otherization of my kind. I appreciate the fortune of living in the Northeastern blue state bubble where the likelihood of experiencing bodily harm due to Islamophobia is diminished.

Now, however, I feel the same as I do during Eid and during the anniversary of 9/11. On both days I am drenched in fear, anxious about my parents in public spaces, regardless of whether or not they were wearing their traditional garb.

I tell them not to take my brother with them, if possible. I tell them to stay in large crowds and not to drift around too much. Just this year Eid -ul-Adha fell very, very close to September 11th, I was not inclined to leave home. Even when the NYPD was there to assure the neighborhood gathering wouldn’t crumple under a hailstorm of bullets from a demented and vengeful attacker, I felt a gripping sensation in my chest.

Miles away from my parents’ house, when I found out the man who, among an array of unpleasantries and threats, endorsed violence and vitriol and mistrust directed towards people of my race and heritage, was now President. My chest tightened.

It’s still tight.

There’s no comfort in knowing Clinton won the popular vote. Even had she won, I would’ve feared the backlash. Now that fear is heightened exponentially. Even after a few days, bigots are empowered, they have already committed violence against minority groups with the knowledge that the current government might look the other way. These individuals might have always had these tendencies and beliefs, but now they are imbued with courage.

So now, it seems, we who are threatened must do the very same.

After the results, I have been told to ‘get over it’ and be more optimistic. I say no.

At the point where my brown body is no longer my own body but policed, under surveillance, then I’ll use it as a vessel of rageful activism.

I am frustrated and tired with reaching across the aisle to bigots, asking them to recognize my humanity when they won’t even look at me. I am drained with being expected to appreciate my seat at the table when nothing I say is heeded. I am weary of being the teacher to the oppressor when the oppressor will not carry the favor.

And I most definitely am not the only one who holds these sentiments, if anything, I am infinitely grateful of the privilege to voice this anger. Grateful for my campus space where even with a majority white student population, I feel safe. Grateful that my socioeconomic status grants me and my family a certain level of security, no matter how tenuous.

Grateful for each shade of brown lighter I am, granting me invisibility.

And at the same time, so heartbroken, reading stories of Muslim women afraid to wear their hijabs outside their home, gay couples hesitant to display their affection, people of color not wanting to walk alone at night. All of these are reminders of a necessary perseverance, of requisite dialogue and asserting our rights through prominent force, done with care.

For each morsel of empathy the other half of the population lacks, I will exude. Buckling down under the fear will only benefit them in the long run.

So no, I am not over it. This isn’t your milquetoast Republican in office, this is a man whose platform – easily accessible to read, by the way – has made it very clear how he will frame policy for the years to come. Turning a blind eye to that is rendering yourself complicit in the violence. As for optimism, I know my personal optimism has rendered me oblivious to the reality of the United States’ misguided, fucked up priorities. I knew racism was entrenched, what I didn’t know is that the country was very willing and eager to cut off its nose in spite of its face.

Now I know better.

And I will give a hug to anyone need of one.

 

Richard Burton’s well trodden boards

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The Burton Taylor studio is an integral part of Oxford drama. A place where budding Oxford actors make their mark and start their careers. Yet while we regularly pass it, enjoy art in it and perhaps even perform in it, we rarely realise why it stands there.

While Elizabeth Taylor has no explicit links to the university, Richard Burton most certainly does. Both his father and elder brother saw education as Burton’s route out of his turbulent childhood, so Oxford became the end goal for him, the first member of his family to ever go to secondary school. As part of a six-month RAF scholarship scheme that combined his studies in aviation with work in English and Italian, he entered Exeter College after excelling at his exams.

Burton had already shown himself to have a knack for performance as a child, he truly discovered his talent on the stage at Exeter.

In 1944, before an audience packed full of West End heavyweights, he played a complex, sexually tortured Angelo in Measure for Measure. By all accounts, Burton commanded the stage. His acting peer and friend Robert Hardy described it, “There were moments when he totally commanded the audience by this stillness. And the voice which would sing like a violin and with a bass that could shake the floor.” He received a standing ovation.

Whispers abounded among the stars present about employing Burton as a professional actor should he seek it as a career after finishing his work with the RAF. Happily for the history of stage and screen, he did.

Two decades later, he kept a promise to his tutor: one day he would return a star. He and Taylor, who was at that time the highest paid actor in the world, starred in an OUDS production of Doctor Faustus, directed by his former tutor Coghill, at the Oxford Playhouse.

Then, in 1966, Burton directed money toward the Burton rooms, a space where actors could read and rehearse in (relative) comfort. Soon, these rooms began to be used more and more for both rehearsing and full blown productions, transforming them in to the Burton Taylor studio: the launch pad it is today. The name was given in honour of the working class Welsh lad who wrote his name into the annals of the history of the stage and whose theatrical presence stunned Oxford into silence.

Conjuring some museum magic

An eighteenth century “Hand of Fatima”, made in Hyderabab, encrusted with rubies, diamonds, and pearls, is a symbol of the Prophet Muhammad’s daughter and is one of the most ubiquitous amulets in the Islamic world, meant to ward off an Evil Eye. Is it a devotional object, like the Cross of Christ in Christianity, or a superstitious talisman which exists in parallel to strict theology? In truth, it is both, and the intersection of religious and supernatural beliefs is at the core of the Ashmolean’s new exhibition, Power and Protection.

As such, the exhibition tries to trace links between Islam and supernatural beliefs diachronically and geographically, ranging from Turkey and Egypt to India and China, attesting to the diversity of cultures in the Muslim world. Split into three sections, “Interpreting Signs”, “The Power of the Word”, and “Amulets and Talismans”, it attempts to off er an overview of the ways Islamic cultures made sense of the world: astrology, geomancy, bibliomancy, practices also familiar to European cultures.

Astrolabes, illuminated manuscripts, astrological charts, and more are covered. The exquisite artistry, the manipulation of material by the finest craftsmen from continents united only by a shared religion (but not necessarily branch—the divide of Sunni and Shia Muslims is acknowledged but not tackled), is frequently astonishing and fascinating. The Perfect Calender by Yusuf ibn Hasan al-Husayni and the charts of Iskander Mirza’s workshop fuse astronomy and astrology together, taking Ptolemy’s Almagest and combining it with Arabic astronomical findings, so that religion and science cannot be separated.

The exhibition stresses that such a dichotomy, similar to the Islamic versus supernatural divide posed in its title, is a false one. Instead, the mystical and the religious cohabit and intermingle, influencing Persian, Egyptian and Indian societies, bearing fruit in objects like magical-come-medicinal bowls, which span continents but have clear formal structural and symbolic similarities. We really see both the global nature of Islam and its local manifestations on display here, in only two small rooms.

However, the way Islam intersects with other cultures, such as its dialogue with Christian Europe, is neglected. The Seal of Solomon, which appears in an eighteenth century Turkish collection of passages from the Qur’an, with its long association with Judaism, could have offered a way into exploring the overlap between Abrahamic cultures and the importance they attach to objects with “supernatural powers”. Power and Protection also virtually ignores the role of these talismans in contemporary Muslim society. It is impossible to go to Jordan or Tunisia or Egypt without seeing the Hand of Fatima or decorated Qur’ans. A small display of fridge magnets, CDs and key rings, meant to bring good luck or protection to their owner, show a line from the past to the present which could perhaps off er insight into the modern world. Yet due to constraints on the exhibition’s size and purview, it only glances at this potential avenue.

If the scope of the exhibition can at times be frustratingly restrictive, then what is on display is of unimpeachable interest and quality. The “Power of the Word” section is probably the most enthralling, as it roots the supernatural powers of the written word in Islamic theology. As Power and Protection explains, one strain of thought in Islam is that ‘the universe is thought of as an immense book waiting to be read and deciphered’, and as such, there is a tangible power ascribed to words. Islamic metaphysics, resting on a religion where a text, the Qu’ran, has central authority over all people, is thus translated into items of practicality. Holy words are inscribed on tunics, swords and banners to protect those in battle. A particularly well preserved set of twelfth century Persian armour demonstrates the life and death power granted to text. Calligrams (images made of words) dominate in the final room, where talismans and language become one and the same. One calligram, from 1866, is of a ship with the Dutch flag, as it was made in Indonesia, a colony at the time. It raises a whole raft of unanswered questions: did these talismans undergo a change during the colonial era, and if so, in what ways? Instead, the exhibition only ruefully recognises this crucial aspect of Islamic history and moves on.

It is true that Power and Protection often raises more problems than it solves; we are left wanting more by the huge scope of the exhibition, a desire which can never feasibly be satisfied. Indeed, maybe it is no bad thing that it might send some of its audience into the library to read further on the many cultures which subscribe to Islam, and the wealth of beautiful, intriguing objects on display is a testament to the skill and talent pervasive in Middle Eastern and Asian cultures, expertise all too often bundled into “oriental anthropology”. It is a major exhibition and worth seeing, even if we should be alert to the areas it does not, and cannot, cover.