Sunday 26th April 2026
Blog Page 1066

Oxford’s Olympic Medallists: Andrew Triggs-Hodge and Constantine Louloudis

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Andrew Triggs-Hodge is a three-time Olympic gold medallist, including the men’s eight in Rio, and is formerly of St Catherine’s College. Constantine Louloudis is a two-time Olympic medallist, including a gold in the coxless four in Rio, and used to go to Trinity College. Both spoke exclusively to Cherwell about their student days, rowing at the highest level, and even had some wise words for anyone thinking about taking to the water.

How did you first get involved in rowing?

Constantine Louloudis: When I was at school, I was a decent swimmer and a decent-ish rugby player, but I’d never really excelled at anything. I got involved in rowing, and initially I kind of thought it was ok, a bit of fun in the summer; then I realised that it was something that if you worked hard at, you could be good at. I really enjoyed being part of a team and doing well and excelling, and seeing the fruits of my labour, seeing that if I worked hard I got better and better. I did it for my last three years at school, and it was a real no-brainer to carry it on when I came to Oxford: it’s such a part of the place, and it’s a really sociable thing to do as well. I got more and more out of it, and just never stopped.

Andrew Triggs-Hodge: I used to play rugby, and enjoyed playing for a club up in Yorkshire: great club, great atmosphere, run by volunteers and well organised. When I went to university, the rugby was just a fun thing for the students, nothing particularly well organised, and I wanted to keep improving my fitness. So I asked a friend after my first year what I should do, and she suggested I rowed, so I went down after Freshers’ Fair and there was a guy there who was enormously enthusiastic. He captivated my imagination about what I could achieve, and the rest is history.

Do you have any favourite memories of university rowing and the early mornings?

CL: The ones that stick out the most are winning the boat races, and they were fantastic. The best thing was that there was a new cohort each year, and so I made a new set of friends each year; I walk away now having done four years at OUBC and having four sets of life-long friends who I’ll meet up with certainly every year for a reunion back at the boat race. Apart from that, there were a lot of hard times as well, but training and sharing the experiences of friends was great.

I’m not really a morning person, but I sort of had to make myself one! In a way it was good for me, because otherwise I might have been one of those people who just languished in bed until ten or eleven and didn’t really get much done, so it was good to get myself out of bed early and get the training done and then get on with work. I didn’t enjoy the morning training, I just had to get it done, but you sort of get accustomed to having the routine and not thinking about it. Having the companionship, having friends doing it with you, that makes it a lot easier.

ATH: I started rowing at Staffordshire University before moving to Oxford, and there we had really early starts, because we used to train about thirty-forty minutes away from where we lived; we used to have to get the minibus over, and that was a real pain. We trained from this tiny little boathouse, which we shared with a local club in North Staffordshire, and them being old gentleman and us being students, we didn’t always see eye-to-eye. But we made the best of what we had, and that was the start of my introduction into club rowing, also the politics, but also the enjoyment of making not very much go a long way. If I could go back there I would!

Oxford was a different kettle of fish completely. It’s a high-performance programme, and it bears the same attitude as the rest of the faculties at Oxford, which are there to deliver the goods. That was a great example of how to build a programme to mould you as a team, and so I got a flavour of a very different angle to the sport. I loved every minute of it, especially the camaraderie. As students, you really buy into it and can find a freedom around it, so whereas we had our professional coaches and brand-new boats, there was still a free attitude about it: what can we make of this, how good can we get it? It was a really nice balance to have, and formed some of my best memories.

Any rowing disasters?

CL: I can’t think of any… maybe one or two in a single, which was probably my fault, because I wasn’t looking. I did crash into a crewmate and got a scar in my back, but nothing major.
ATH: We had a lot of fun, but nothing I can remember where it went particularly wrong. There must be something… I’m just an optimist, all those negative memories leave my mind!

What was it like to transition from university to national rowing?

CL: It was kind of gradual, because I’d done juniors, and then at the end of my first summer in Oxford that I made the senior team. I went along to the world championships in 2011 and started to become part of the team, and in 2012 I became full-time and took a year out. That was quite hard, because I didn’t know the team that well. I was also younger than everyone else and the training load was greater, or at least the intensity was higher, and so I got quite a lot of injuries. I didn’t enjoy that first full year at all, but after that baptism by fire it’s been great. I came out for the summers of 2014 and 2015, then went full-time in 2016 again, and by then I was much stronger physically and I know the guys much better, fitted in much better – that was much plainer sailing.

ATH: It is a very different set-up: the coaches at university understood that they’re basically dealing with students, so they had to make compromises around the programme so we can go to lectures, and they had to make some compromises because we were a bit younger, and therefore had a different angle on the sport. If I look at myself now, as a thirty-seven year old, and what some of my peers were like when they started rowing, the GB team is a lot more focused. It’s not a day job, there’s still a lot of passion involved, but it’s a little bit drier, whereas as students, we thrived on the idea of beating our opposition into the ground, being very vocal and passionate about it all.

What was it like rowing in Rio?

CL: The water could be really rough, and the schedule of racing was changing every day; that was actually really off-putting, because it meant that six out of seven days we woke up thinking we were going to race. That’s pretty mentally draining, because you’ve got to get yourself up for it when it’s race day, and it affects your sleep the night before. It’s also pretty hard rowing in such rough conditions, and it can have quite a mental effect, because you build up this day in your mind – it’s an Olympic final, it’s all going to be really smooth, and then it ends up being a bit of a s***-show. We dealt with it well, though, and everyone was in the same position; you’ve got to play the hand you’re dealt. It’s worth saying that it was a beautiful venue; it was also right in the heart of the city, where rowing can often be on the outskirts, so I think it was worth the trade-off.

What advice would you give to freshers?

CL: It depends what your ambitions are. If you just want to have fun, then go out with friends and do it as long as you’re enjoying it. Ok, the early mornings out on the river are not always fun in and of themselves, but as a thing to do with friends, look back on and have the odd race, it’s really rewarding whatever level you do it at. I would really encourage people to give it two or three weeks, then assess whether it’s something you really want to do. If you want to be high-performance, try to go to one of the university boat clubs or anything like that, then I’d say be prepared to work hard, and don’t fixate on short-term goals.

Strong criticism from OUSU after University confirms fee rise

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Oxford University has announced that for UK and EU students undertaking their first undergraduate degrees, 2017 tuition fees will be £9,250 and rise in line with inflation.  Similar to previous years, UK students can still access loans from the government for the full tuition fee amount, however government maintenance grants are no longer available.

Oxford University Press Office claimed the rise was necessary and the extra fees would fund additional admissions work. A spokesperson told Cherwell, “Oxford University’s decision to increase fees in line with inflation was taken after full discussion in Council. University fees in the UK were previously linked to inflation but have been frozen for the past four years. Like many other institutions, Oxford faces increasing costs to deliver our pre-eminent tutorial system of education. The increase in fee income will also go to fund our essential admissions outreach work. We already spend more additional fee income on this than almost any other university in the country and we are committed to increasing and extending it to give ever more students the best possible chance of an Oxford education.”

These changes follow approval by Parliament of plans from higher education minister Jo Johnson that universities meeting expectations under the new teaching excellence framework (TEF) would be able to raise them from September 2017.

Johnson argued in July this year, “The £9,000 tuition fee introduced in 2012 has already fallen in value to £8,500 in real terms. If we leave it unchanged, it will be worth £8,000 by the end of this parliament. We want to ensure that our universities have the funding they need and that every student receives a high-quality experience during their time in higher education.”

The increase is linked to the inflation measure known as RPIX – the ‘retail price index excluding mortgage interest payments’, which reached 2.8% in January 2014.

Oxford University Student Union condemned the rise, claiming it would discourage students from poorer backgrounds to apply to Oxford. They told Cherwell, “At OUSU we are exceptionally disappointed by the University’s decision to increase fees. We participated in discussions about whether or not fees should rise at University Council (the University’s highest decision-making body) and strongly opposed this move. However, the decision was made by Council to raise fees despite student concerns.

“All existing evidence focusing on access to Higher Education highlights that debt aversion disproportionately affects prospective students from the least socio-economically privileged backgrounds alongside other underrepresented groups when applying to university.”

“Though only a small consolation, we would like students, and particularly those most concerned about finances, to know that we are working with the University to ensure the least detrimental implementation of this policy possible,” the statement continues. In particular, we have been reassured that better bursary support will be available to students in financial need and we have been working hard to represent students on these matters to secure the best possible packages. From our involvement, we feel confident that the Student Fees and Funding department are at least working to make the application process for hardship funds more accessible.”

Oxford University rejects May’s grammar school policy

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Along with Teach First, King’s College London and others, Oxford University has warned that the government’s grammar school plans would abandon many secondary school students to a “second rate” education.

The announcement comes just days after the release of Prime Minister Theresa May’s plans to create new grammar schools while allowing comprehensive schools to apply for a permit to begin merit-based admission. Under current law, it is impossible to create new grammar schools, but May claims reversing this would improve social mobility and help the “hidden” hardworking families that were “just getting by”.

The Fair Education Alliance, made up of 70 education advocacy groups and universities including Oxford, has called on the public to sign a petition against May’s plan.

“This is the right ambition, but the wrong policy”, the group said in an online statement. “We share the government’s ambition and passion for social mobility but experts are unanimous that an expansion of grammar schools would lead to worse outcomes for the majority of children, especially the poorest.

“Grammar schools select only a tiny proportion of children for the best education, leaving others with a second-rate choice”, it continued. “Even with quotas, poorer children will have a harder job of getting into these schools. And for the overwhelming majority of children who don’t get in, the evidence is clear that they get worse grades and a worse education.”

May defended her policy in a public statement on Friday.

“It is not a proposal to go back to the 1950s, but to look to the future, and that future I believe is an exciting one…It is a future in which every child should have access to a good school place”, the PM said. “And a future in which Britain’s education system shifts decisively to support ordinary working-class families.”

Grammar school students do not account for a massive percentage of students at Oxford. Only 89 of the 1,404 UK acceptances to Oxford University from state schools came from grammar schools in 2015, according to Oxford University Press Office.

 

Keep off the Grass: Clubbing in Oxford

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Clubbing is seen by many as an integral part of student life, and this is no exception in Oxford, as we love to club as much as anyone else! There is a wide variety of clubs situated in different areas of the city, with different vibes, sizes and musical genres; regardless of what you might have heard of Oxford’s nightlife, they all have the potential to be the location of a great night out with your friends. Each place appeals to different people, so if clubbing is your thing, do try and experience as many of the clubs as possible to get the real experience of Oxford’s clubbing scene.

Lola Lo’s

Lola’s night is Tuesday. This Hawaiian-themed club appeals to people by having a different themed night each week, and serving extremely cheap drinks. Beyond that, the Hawaiian décor doesn’t really add to the experience and the club has a lot of inconveniently-located steps which you can easily trip down if you’re not paying careful attention. Lola’s is well worth checking out if the theme of the night is something that you’d be up for, but otherwise don’t expect too much from the crowded dance floor and gloomy lighting. It seems that many keen first years visit in freshers week, and are hesitant to return once they’ve seen what else is on offer.

Park End

It may be called “Atik” on the outside, but Oxford’s biggest club will always be known as “Park End”, after the street it is on. Located near the station along with the other major Oxford clubs, Bridge and Wahoo, Park End is the one which caters to as many tastes as possible. Downstairs is the Cheese Room, and upstairs, there are two rooms; a large main room playing electronic music and a smaller, underrated, RnB room playing predominantly hip-hop and urban tunes. With a further VIP area and a small bar and lounge, most people find somewhere in Park End which they can enjoy.

The club’s main night is Wednesday. It is the first big clubbing night of the week and also Oxford’s sports night so expect to see the university sports teams, especially the blues, turn up together, often dressed in their blazers unaware of how ridiculous they look to everyone else. As with most of the clubs in Oxford, the drinks are cheap and most people there end up with a couple of VKs in each hand as they enjoy Oxford’s least-grotty club. Avoid if you hate being crushed by people as, especially on the Cheese Floor – it can get very packed very quickly. Although much the same can be said about any of Oxford’s clubs.

Bridge

Thursday night’s main event is Bridge, a club which polarizes opinion: for some people it’s an
institution which they seldom ever miss out on, while others refuse to set foot in the place after they’ve been just the once. It consists of two main floors: the downstairs floor features amusingly bad music transitions and a regular crush of people as groups try to get from one end of the floor to the other; while the main dancefloor upstairs feature loads of flashing lights, electronic music and a struggle to find your friends.

Bridge is different to Oxford clubs in that it has clear strengths and weaknesses. For instance, the cheese floor is more of a wide corridor than a floor; the toilets can make you feel sick at even the thought of them; and the music often has no coherent genre or style as they sometimes attempt to accommodate everyone’s different tastes. On the other hand, their guest DJs can be fantastic, and there is plenty of room outside to enjoy a hot dog, introduce yourself to people who catch your eye or just chat with your friends whilst taking some time out from the busyness of a club.

Wahoo

Friday night is Wahoo night in Oxford, the most popular night of the week in some colleges but one that doesn’t even get considered as a real night in others. Wahoo is a club next door to Bridge, both just out of town over towards the station, and in the daytime and on other nights often masquerades as a sports bar or an American grill. But on Friday nights the two floors are open for clubbing, with both floors playing remixed chart music. Downstairs is slightly larger, with a bar and, bizarrely, a small platform for people to go up if they prefer dancing once they’ve gone up a few steps. Wahoo’s upstairs room has no real distinguishing features except for a bar, a rather low ceiling and a few flashing lights and artificial smoke. As a club, Wahoo neither stands out nor disappoints but has the potential to serve up a great time if you have a good group of your friends going out with you. Unfortunately, 2016’s fresher cohort only have until the end of Michaelmas to enjoy Wahoo – make the most of it!

Plush

The Plush Lounge, located beyond Bridge and Wahoo near the train station, is Oxford’s biggest dedicated LGBT+ club and hosts LGBT+ nights every Saturday and Tuesday that are among the most popular nights in Oxford for all students. Plush has the reputation of being one of the best clubs in Oxford, and given that it’s got a podium and a pole, plays non-stop “camp club classics” and has some of the cheapest drinks in Oxford, are you surprised?

Emporium

Emporium is Saturday night’s club, located down St Ebbe’s Street just to the south of the town centre, right across the road from Pembroke.The host of the official afterparty for all of the Oxford events that take place on a Saturday throughout a year (normally Varsity or rowing-related), on those nights the club gets packed and can be host to a great night! However, on a normal Saturday night, Emporium often can be a little empty as most students prefer to go clubbing throughout the week and, by Saturday, have exhausted their clubbing stamina. Despite that, with a couple of floors and a unique circular layout, Emporium can still be a great place to take some friends from home who’ve come to visit for the weekend and want to sample something of Oxford’s nightlife!

Cellar

The clue is in the name: this independent venue is little more than an underground room, fitted with the bare minimum to make it a club, a bar and a small dance floor. Cellar has no specific night each week, but hosts different special events throughout the year: rarely does a week go past without an event at Cellar. Each event has a different style and approach to it, but Cellar has built up a reputation as being a place for the many fans of Garage and UK Grime. Cellar itself, despite being the sweatiest and most cramped place in Oxford, as well as discriminating against anyone over 6’ 4” due to the height of the ceiling, is one of Oxford’s most popular clubbing spots and is the source of many a great night! It’s located just off Cornmarket, Oxford’s busiest shopping street, and so if you’re out and about Oxford’s city centre at 1am, chances are you’ll see the people spilling out of Cellar out onto Cornmarket.

Other venues

Down Cowley Road is the O2 Academy, a dedicated music venue for concerts and gigs by recognised artists; chances are that during your time at Oxford there’ll be concerts there which you’ll want to check out and enjoy! Just down the road from the O2 Academy is the Bullingdon, a club which hosts different events throughout the term and is especially popular among students who live outside their college. Purple Turtle is a dingy underground club next to Cellar that is owned by the Oxford Union; its only main draw is the fact that it has a different shot for each Oxford college. JT’s Cocktail Bar, formally known as Rappongi’s, is a small underground room that is popular due to just how ridiculous it actually is to go there; Thirst is a small bar with a dance floor right opposite Park End, where people go if they get turned away from Park End; Babylove is an LGBT+ club that changed location a year ago and has not been anywhere near as popular since. Maxwells’ is an American diner that becomes a club at night and is popular among postgrad students.

Italy’s alternative constitution: The state-Mafia treaty

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“Italians have little trust in the state because they live in one that doesn’t deserve their trust.”

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Driving a moped in Naples is particularly dangerous – and not just due to Italy’s notoriously daring drivers. An unwritten code, devised by the Camorra, the Neapolitan Mafia, overrides the official law obliging motorcyclists to wear a helmet. The Camorra asks that people do not wear helmets on mopeds in Naples; headwear is reserved not for the safety of riders, but for mobsters on call. Helmets are thus rarely seen: to wear one is to give the impression that you are part of the Camorra, and risks provoking violence against you.

Today the Italian Mafia does not manifest itself as flamboyantly as it did in the late stages of the 20th century; many “big bosses” are now imprisoned and reaching old-age. It is a far cry from the commonplace and unsurprising stings and massacres. However, the submission of politicians to organised crime is largely responsible for the detachment many Italians feel towards the state. Organised crime continues to be an active force in the economy, and the so-called “treaty” between the state and the mafia remains a force of corruption.

Giuseppe Pipitone, a Sicilian investigative journalist who specialises in organised crime, is very well versed on the power of the Mafia. We discuss the history of this unique relationship between the Mafia and the Italian state. Pipitone explains that organised crime pervades the state from small bribes taken by policemen up to government ministers actively undermining the ’41 Bis’ (a law that condemns individuals for activities related to organized crime) by granting “an unofficial immunity” to certain Mafiosi for various prosecutions. He concludes that “Italy is a state that concedes sovereignty to a criminal organisation under threats.”.

According to Pipitone, January 30th 1992 is the most significant event in the history of the state-Mafia complex. That day, the Judiciary, led by attorneys Giovanni Falcone and Paulo Borsellino, broke an existing “pact” of immunity between Cosa Nostra (the Sicilian Mafia) and the state. They confirmed the sentences of the ‘Maxi Trial’ (the greatest criminal trial against the Mafia) and gave life sentences to the notorious Cosa Nostra bosses, Bernardo Provenzano and Salvatore Riina. This prompted an unofficial “war” between the state and the Mafia, culminating in a series of bombings designed to force the state into submission. They were successful. Falcone and Borsellino had been murdered by the summer. A new pact was formed between Cosa Nostra and Marcello Dell’Utri, former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s senior adviser and co-founder of his party, Forza Italia. This move in reverse was marked by countless corruption scandals: the Naples Waste Management Crisis in 2008; Berlusconi’s Prostitution Scandal in 2014; the ‘Mafia Capitale’ scandal in 2015, where funds dedicated to city services in Rome were misappropriated to organised crime, are just a few examples.

Pipitone enlightens me on the state of the treaty in 2016. “The  “military” guise of the Mafia no longer exists – the Judiciary dismantled the power structures behind the terrorist attacks of 1994. The Mafia is no longer simply a force that “controls turf”. Furthermore, we find a level of state corruption that might be less tangible, but is truly superior to the times of the First Republic. Today’s Mafia is revitalised as soon as the state grants the opportunity.” He quotes Palermo’s Chief Attorney, Roberto Scarpinato, who theorises that it’s a network of ‘occult’ powers that offer illegal services in response to high demand. To Pipitone, “that’s where the mafia becomes important to the state.”

It seems to be easy for Italians to lose faith in a state so fraught with corruption. Pipitone agrees almost instantly: “Italians have little trust in the state because they live in one that doesn’t deserve their trust. And it is essentially the state’s ignorance that allows the Mafia to flourish. Cosa Nostra proliferated in Sicily for 150 years because Sicily was effectively devoid of a state. In this case, the state had simply delegated control of the territory to organised crime.” Yet with an “occult” Mafia that is far more elusive in comparison to the aristocratic Mafia that dominated the First Republic, I ask whether such a clear relationship between state and Mafia is still valid. Pipitone corroborates immediately with the superlative: “Validissimo”.  

Pipitone recounts how even the former President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, an individual who is supposed to be politically neutral, and the person responsible for safeguarding the constitution, dabbled freely in organised crime. Napolitano successfully destroyed four intercepted phone calls between himself and Nicola Mancino, a Senator who asked for his ‘protection’ during an inquiry on relations between the state and Mafia in 2012.Was the Italian media not outraged? I raise the Panama Papers Leak, and recount how David Cameron, under considerable pressure from the British press, eventually conceded to publish his tax summary.

Pipitone sighs: “You can’t compare the UK to Italy. Such scandals are the norm. During Marcello Dell’ Utri’s trial (for complicity with the Mafia in 2004), it emerged that Berlusconi had paid Cosa Nostra for its services in the seventies and employed Vittorio Mangano as a ‘gardener’, at his villa in Arcore – needless to say, Mafia member Mangano wasn’t employed for his green fingered ability. Dell’ Utri and Berlusconi then created a political party, Forza Italia, which won the majority vote in Italy for twenty years.”.

If corruption on this level can occur without much outcry, is it possible to cut the chord that ties the Mafia to the state? “Nothing is impossible”, Pipitone responds with a suddenly ardent tone. “In any democratic system there exists one resource, the vote, that can bring about progression.”

His answer doesn’t convince me. The incumbent centre-left party, the Partito Democratico, was recently involved with the ‘Ndrangtheta (the Calabrian mafia) where PD candidates in the North of Italy struck deals with the criminals in exchange for votes If parties across the spectrum have been complicit in collaborating with organised crime, it seems unlikely that the symbiotic state-Mafia relationship can be undermined by political parties. Pipitone admits that the solution “is not so clear-cut. You can’t vote for any party purely on the basis of addressing the Mafia. The ‘antimafia’ is more of a professional, or a legal, affair than a partisan one. But if you vote for a party that tackles issues of economic inequality and redevelops deprived areas, you can undermine the Mafia in those ways.”

Investigative journalism in Italy is said to work well in exposing organised crime and motivating communities to take action against mafiosi. The celebrated author Roberto Saviano achieved recognition from his eloquent exposure of the Camorra in his book Gomorrah (2008), which sold millions internationally and was critical in prompting the arrest of key bosses in the Neapolitan Casalesi clan. Yet Saviano paid the price by living with an armed guard and travel between secret locations for the rest of his life. The two editors of Pipitone’s paper, Marco Travaglio and Peter Gomez, and the journalists Michele Santoro and Gianni Barbacetto, are also significant in exposing state-Mafia ties in a field dominated by Berlusconi’s media empire, which purports to be comfortably ignorant of the issue. They received a written death threat in 2011, containing four bullets – one for each journalist.

Nevertheless Piptone appears to be drawn to his career precisely because it is dangerous.  “Investigative journalism has changed a lot and can still do a lot more. I wouldn’t even say that the risk of death threats is a drawback.” However, Pipitone underlines that aside from investigative journalism and judicial action, what is needed to counteract Italian crime will be found on a more personal level. “You need a prise de conscience, a widespread burgeoning of awareness. I think that’s been developing in the past twenty years. Note that now, Cosa Nostra’s bosses are all over seventy and in prison. The new bosses are old.”

In spite of the disgust and horror felt towards mafiosi, there remains a certain Godfather fascination. Mafiosi still achieve a curious celebrity status; in April 2016, the son of Salvatore Riina, the Cosa Nostra boss who engineered a brutal bombing campaign in the 1990s, appeared on a popular talkshow, Porta a Porta, to discuss a new book and defend his father. Pipitone agrees with the atmosphere of cult celebrity: “There’s still a lot to do [to raise awareness of the problems]. But it isn’t your average Italian that gives into the Mafia in this way. The Mafia is most powerful where there is poverty and ignorance; no awareness of one’s own civil rights; no culture. It’s always been like this.”

We return to discussing Naples and the Camorra’s ‘ban’ on wearing helmets on mopeds. The state-Mafia relationship is effectively an alternative constitution. To repudiate it, Pipitone believes “an army of teachers is far more useful than an army of police.”

If there is one thing fraying the chord between the state and the Mafia, it is simply talking about it. Education will tie a new one between the state and the Italian people.

US Election 2016: A Third Way?

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When observing the farce that is the 2016 US Election campaign,  I couldn’t help but be reminded of CS Lewis’ remarks in Mere Christianity:

“I feel a strong desire to tell you-and I expect you feel a strong desire to tell me-which of these two errors is the worse. That is the Devil getting at us. He [the devil] always sends errors into the world in pairs—pairs of opposites. And he always encourages us to spend a lot of time thinking which is the worse. You see why, of course? He relies on your extra dislike of the one error to draw you gradually into the opposite one. But do not let us be fooled. We have to keep our eyes on the goal and go straight through between both errors. We have no other concern than that with either of them”.

As unsettling as it may be, the 2016 US Presidential Election will be contested between the two most reviled candidates in recent history. In the blue corner is a politician who has come to epitomise the untrustworthiness and cynical self-advancement that has incited record levels of public revulsion at modern politics. In the red corner, of course, is Donald Trump.

Recent surveys show that as many as 40% of Americans have a ‘highly unfavourable’ opinion of the Democrat candidate Hillary Clinton, a figure topped only by the Donald himself (who scores a mighty impressive 44%) since World War II. Whichever of the two is elected on November 8th this year, America will most likely inaugurate the most hated President in its history.

It’s not hard to identify the source of such discontent. Trump’s maniacal ramblings require no introduction. Making Mexico pay for the wall; insulting the family of a deceased veteran; making lewd and somewhat sinister comments about the attractiveness of his daughter. Countless more examples exist. It seems Trump can’t manage to go a news cycle without blurting out something deeply offensive, deeply stupid, or deeply unhinged. No wonder Republican Congressmen and Senators are falling over themselves to distance themselves from him.

His opponent should, without question, be targeting a landslide victory of the scale that Reagan achieved in the 1984 and 1988 elections. Yet such an outcome this year seems highly unlikely. To put it simply, Americans don’t trust Hillary Clinton. Many believe she belongs in prison. Almost half of surveyed Americans believe that she willfully misled the families of the four Americans who died in the Benghazi massacre as to the precise facts whilst she was Secretary of State. She is increasingly viewed as personifying the kind of heartless and self-centered politics that has left Americans feeling worse off.

Selecting the least-worst option has become something of a theme of recent US elections (2008 being an exception before the rhetorical hysteria over Obama evaporated during his first term), and this should be a cause for considerable concern. Are these two characters really the best candidates a country of 330 million people can put forward for the most powerful job in the world?

Thankfully, there may be such a way between the two Clinton and Trump shaped errors. Loitering on the verge of the election hysteria that has engulfed the nation, Libertarian Gary Johnson has been quietly and calmly setting out an alternate vision for America, and has been gradually climbing in the polls as a result. Johnson needs to score 15% from the five certified polling agencies in order for the US Electoral Commission to allow him take part in the Presidential Debates, the first of which will air on 26th September. Currently he’s polling in the region of 8% and 12%. In April he was at less than 2%. Last week he secured the endorsement of the Richmond-Times Dispatch, Virginia’s staunchly Republican second most popular newspaper.

Johnson served as the Republican Governor of the traditionally Democrat state of New Mexico from 1995 till 2003, and scored the highest approval ratings of any Governor in office during this period (from both Republican and Democrat voters). He prides himself on a fiscally conservative and socially liberal platform. He wants to abolish the federal income tax, and he proposes the legalisation of marijuana and the creation of a path to citizenship for ‘undocumented workers’ (Johnson’s preferred term for illegal immigrants).

Indeed, his policies on almost all issues can be summarised by the following quote from his campaign website: ‘Governor Johnson’s approach to governing is based on a belief that individuals should be allowed to make their own choices in their personal lives’. This is reflected in his pro-choice policy on abortion, intention to abolish the death penalty, and belief in stronger Internet privacy protections from government. In international affairs, he describes his approach as ‘non-interventionist’.

In interviews he comes across as calm, considered and, astonishingly for a politician in the modern age, a genuinely honest and reasonable man. This makes a welcome change from the painful condescension Clinton aims at everybody bar the Wall Street banks, or the self-aggrandising megalomania that pervades any utterance ejaculated seemingly at random by the Donald. A couple of weeks ago Johnson was pictured playing chess on his campaign bus with his vice-Presidential candidate Bill Weld, a sign of a reassuring intellect and composure that seems totally absent from the candidates of the two main parties.

The Electoral Commission will determine in the next couple of weeks whether Johnson will be allowed into the debates. In fact, the polls that will determine his participation or lack thereof are most likely already in the field. It must be conceded that his hopes of crossing the 15% threshold are disappointingly slim. Even if he does manage to scrape into the debates of course, his hopes of actually winning on November 8th are almost miniscule.

Yet this writer for one will be rooting for him. Wouldn’t it be refreshing on 26th September to see up on that debate stage, along with the two candidates America has grown to so detest, a reasonable individual proposing a program of government in which he actually believes and is ideologically invested?

Johnson may not be a perfect candidate, but his commitment to individual liberty and thoroughly personable nature leave him head and shoulders above the gruesome twosome. Clinton and Trump, like the Devil’s errors in Lewis’ analogy, should be avoided at all costs. Here’s to hoping for a third pulpit on that stage later this month.

Why we need to have a conversation about race

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It’s no secret that Oxford has a diversity problem: only 13% of accepted applicants in the 2014 admissions cycle were BAME students and, according to statistics collected by OUSU’s Campaign for Racial Awareness and Equality (CRAE), around 59% of BAME students at Oxford reported feeling unwelcome or uneasy due to their race or ethnicity.

Why then, you ask, should we even bother having a conversation that makes all of us (read: some white people) uncomfortable?

When I came to Oxford as a Fresher, enamoured by the diverse faces lining the glossy pages of college prospectuses, I misguidedly believed that the quad of my college, too, would be littered with a similar assortment. Boy, was I wrong: (a) nothing ‘litters’ Oxford quads unless it’s Trinity term, in which case, croquet away and (b) more or less everyone was white.

At first I thought there’d been some mistake: maybe all the BAME students were hiding in a closet somewhere; surely I just hadn’t discovered them yet. But as the weeks passed by I realised that this really was it – Mansfield wasn’t big enough to hide in anyway. Even at my lectures, where students from other colleges would also be present, I struggled to spot another brown person amidst the sea of white faces.

While I listened to my friends in the US and other universities in London talk about their international or BAME friends, I came to accept that most of my peers at Oxford were white, and that if I wanted to fit in here, I’d have to swallow my difference as if it didn’t exist.

The danger of under-representation at places like Oxford is that it can create a sense of comfortable homogeneity for the majority of its students. If you hardly ever come in contact with BAME students, you’re more likely to remain comfortable in your own assumptions about the world and are able to turn your head the other way when it comes to issues of race. It is only when we are confronted with the daily reality of issues surrounding race, such as micro-aggression, that we are forced to think and talk about them. In this ‘Oxford bubble’, it’s easy to think that these issues “don’t affect us”. Yet, it is perhaps all the more important to have this conversation in the places where BAME students are the least visible: to remind our peers, and ourselves, of the challenges that we face. To remind ourselves of the legitimacy of these challenges, and to remind our peers to respect them.

This is a conversation that we need to have, because it is a conversation about living as a community. A community where there exist inequalities which need to be acknowledged, rather than swept under the carpet and hidden like some dirty secret. This is a conversation, not about fear and blame, but about understanding. More importantly, this is a conversation that strives to give the small and scattered BME community in Oxford a voice which, due to lack of numbers, is yet to resound. Perhaps the first step in ensuring that these voices are heard is convincing our JCRs and MCRs to participate in Race 101 workshops run by CRAE. As a responsible community of students, the least we can do is let the conversation begin.

Oxford sixth in QS World Rankings

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Oxford University has come sixth in this year’s QS World University Rankings, the same place as last year. This places it second among UK universities, behind Cambridge.

For the first time since the league table began in 2004, US universities hold all top three positions of the QS World University Rankings. Whilst the University of Cambridge remains the UK’s top ranked institution, it has dropped from third to fourth position. The 13th edition of the rankings puts Massachusetts Institute of Technology as the world’s best university for the fifth consecutive year. In second place, up from joint third in 2015 is Stanford, and down from second place to third is Harvard.

University College London and Imperial College London made the global top 10 in seventh and eighth place respectively. The University of Edinburgh joined the top 20 and the University of Manchester entered the top 30.

The QS World University Rankings is an annual league table of the top universities in the world compiled by the QS Intelligence Unit in consultation with an international advisory board of academics. The QS World University Rankings are based four key criteria; research, teaching, employability and internationalisation.

However, this is the worst performance in QS rankings from British institutions in recent years; 38 of the United Kingdom’s 48 top-400 universities dropped down in the 2016-17 rankings. Although the United Kingdom retains its position as the world’s second-best country for higher education, evidence suggests Asian universities are gaining ground.

Of the 48 UK universities in the top-400, only 6 have risen (12 per cent), compared to 78 US universities, of which 47 per cent have risen, and 74 Asian universities, of which 68 per cent have risen.

Ben Sowter, Head of Research at QS, observed that uncertainty and long-term funding issues have impacted negatively on the UK’s performance. For the second year running, China, which continues to benefit from generous state research funding, has more universities in the top 100 for citations per faculty than the UK.

Sowter argued, “uncertainty over research funding, immigration rules, and the ability to hire and retain the top young talent from around the world seems to be damaging the reputation of the UK’s higher education sector.”

73% of the UK’s top-400 universities have seen a drop in both academic reputation and employer reputation, whilst 58% have seen a fall in international faculty numbers. Although the EU referendum took place after the survey, it added to this uncertainty. Sowter also highlighted reduction in real terms funding from the government for research in higher education as a contributory factor.

QS also pointed out, however, that the 2016 position of UK universities is redeemable, “the Chancellor’s pledge to guarantee EU-funding levels for research projects signed before this year’s Autumn Statement is a good step to tackle both issues. More measures along these lines would go a long way to help the UK retain its global excellence.”

Planned Michaelmas relaunch of ‘No Offence’ magazine

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In a post in Oxford’s most notorious online discussion group, Open Oxford, admin Jacob Williams has announced plans to relaunch his controversial magazine No Offence, which debuted in Michaelmas of 2015.

The magazine, which was initially planned to be distributed at last year’s Freshers’ Fair, was banned by OUSU for being “offensive”. 

Williams recently posted some “news for next term”, in which he revealed plans for “a new edition of No Offence and a real life discussion group”. He described last year’s magazine as containing “student-authored articles on a range of controversial subjects”, and proposed that the new edition “take on board some of the criticisms made of the previous one”, some of which ended in a police seizure of its copies. The new editors will “apply common sense judgement to ensure we cause no more offence than is necessary for the publication’s purpose”.

The post was accompanied by a Facebook poll, which attempted to gauge interest in writing for the magazine and attending a new “debate/discussion group” with “‘edgier’ or more politically incorrect motions”. At the time of writing, thirty-two members of Open Oxford had expressed an interest in writing for a new No Offence. 

According to an OUSU statement, the 2015 magazine contained “a graphic description of an abortion, the use of an ableist slur, a celebration of colonialism, and a transphobic article”, and was banned from Freshers’ Fair.

Speaking to Cherwell, Williams said, “it should be quite possible to express controversial ideas in a respectful way and that will be the goal of the new edition”.

“‘Politically incorrect’ is just Newspeak for ‘unorthodox’. Challenging orthodoxy ought to be the whole point of a university. If an idea can’t stand up to the challenge it shouldn’t be orthodox.”

The Facebook post suggested that Williams was waiting for an uptake from Open Oxford members before going ahead with the magazine. He told Cherwell that “plans are not yet finalised”.

Toxic mould forces student to leave St Antony’s accommodation

Accommodation in St Antony’s is in such poor quality that it is threatening the health of its residents, according to one student.

After three years living in a room which became gradually mouldier, a DPhil candidate at St Antony’s college was forced to evacuate the accommodation on August 8 and is seeking medical treatment following painful symptoms in the skin and respiratory system.

The student, who wishes to remain anonymous, claims to have endured three years living in a room with spreading mould on a wall, water leakages and faulty windows. This continued despite multiple maintenance requests and complaints to college staff with supporting photos. Although the first report was made in October 2013 and a series of emails were exchanged in an attempt to solve the problem of the broken window, the student explained that no effective action had been taken.

The DPhil student has recently written a letter of complaint to the college which alleges a number of breaches of the accommodation agreement. Their contaminated room on Woodstock road was classed as grade B on St Antony’s price categories which range from A+ to D, costing the student £130.06 per week.

Other residents have also noted large patches of mould in a bathroom, and a group of students were given a rent discount last year after finding that they had not been informed of the construction work for the new Middle East Centre next door.

“Mould can become a serious problem because of the health risks associated with mould spores,” the student told Cherwell. “This whole situation is causing me to spend a lot of time seeking medical treatments, bringing the complaints to the college, and looking into seeking help externally.  All of this is an impediment to my academic progress and performance.” Commenting on the piece of wood which served to keep the broken window open, they added, “People can hardly believe these incidents would happen in a college at Oxford University.”

St Antony’s warden Margaret MacMillan responded in a statement that she was aware of the issue, assuring that it had been taken very seriously by the college. She added that college staff are working with the student to help manage the consequences.

St Antony’s GCR president Azfar Anwar have been contacted for comment.