Saturday 21st June 2025
Blog Page 1129

A brief history of the not-so-humble shoe

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It’s a matter of personal expression. The legions of women in their knee-high Hunter boots avoiding the rain in the most fashionable of ways. Work boots, casually resting below the hipster’s cuffed jeans. Those beautiful brown leather loafers for the highbrow professionals. The immortal symbol of fashion and cool that are Chuck Taylors. If you want to make a statement, shoes are the way to do it. But this level of personal choice is not the universal story of footwear. Far from it, actually. For centuries, shoes were a distinguishing symbol of class; dividing society into neat, easily identifiable groups.

Looking back to prehistory, the best evidence suggests people shod themselves in leather or animal skins to keep their feet safe. The iceman Ötzi, an amazingly well-preserved hunter-gather believed to have lived around 3300 BCE, wore sophisticated, two-part shoes with leather and fur to keep his feet warm.

But civilisational change and domestication caused a paradigm shift. As social structure stratified and wealth became more concentrated, clothing became the easiest way to distinguish the classes. In Egypt, you had to remove your shoes around someone of better social standing than yourself, and only the elites could wear highly decorated sandals or, oddly, ones with upturned toes. Greece didn’t have the same amount of stratification, but the elites did wear more “For the working class, shoes remained a matter of utility” decorative and elaborate sandals than the commoners. Unsurprisingly, the destitute often went barefoot. Ancient Rome really caught its stride with social stratification in clothing: sumptuary laws meant slaves and senators, plebeians and patricians all wore different clothing. Red boots were for senators, basic shoes for the patricians, and wooden shoes for the poorest of the free people, while slaves predictably went barefoot.

As the Middle Ages took shape, social elites wore shoes of velvet, silk and myriad other beautiful fabrics, often adorned with class-defining gold and jewels. Peasants, because of law or poverty, wore simple leather shoes designed with nothing but the utility of safety and warmth in mind. Meanwhile, poulaines — long-toed shoes popular among the upper echelons of society — came on the scene, too, and by the Renaissance, this pointy piece of footgear was the standard for society’s elite. For those with a loftier fashion sense, chopines — platform shoes that rose 20 or 30 inches into the air — were so impractical that wearers often needed servants just to help them stand. In fact, these shoes destroyed the feet of the wearer in excruciating ways, serv- ing no purpose beyond displaying wealth and fashion. Yet, as if the uncomfortable nature of the shoes was not enough of a discouragement, the law in many places dictated that only the rich could wear them.

As wealth grew, however, the law became less and less necessary to directly force these classifications. We move from enforcing class divisions with sumptuary laws to simply seeing wealth limit the choices of the poor and expand them for the rich. De jure stratification becomes de facto. For the first time, however, we see an odd reversal with the rich investing in working-class fashions like the frock coat.

Still, for the working class, shoes, and clothing in general, remained a matter of utility. Work boots were not a fashion statement but a necessity of working the docks. A pair of cowboy boots wasn’t meant to be a mark of being southern or western but were legitimately the best possible way to ride horses and do hard ranch work on the plains of the United States.

Meanwhile, the elites slowly invested in less ridiculous, yet equally ritzy, footwear. While a pair of loafers or high-heels – yes, men wore heels for centuries – were nowhere near as impractical as those lovely poulaines, they still lacked the utility of working-class footwear. Loafers didn’t – and don’t – allow the business executive behind a desk to do their job any better than boots or sandals would have, but they denote the fashion of the day and showcase the ability of the executive to afford the shoe in the first place.

By now, the trend should be obvious: the poor have often had to wear shoes that fit their job requirements or their financial restraints, while the rich are free to care about fashion and public perception, disregarding utility. Where things become interesting is in the modern, post-industrial Western world. The United States, the UK and much of Europe have significant middle-class populations, most of whom work white-collar jobs — the type that require loafers, not cowboy boots. This would suggest that those blue-collar styles are disappearing in a sea of three-piece suits and topcoats, and yet the exact opposite is happening. Instead, workwear has been co-opted into what The New York Times Magazine calls the “ever-accelerating chic of ‘yesterday’s blue-collar brands’”.

On top of that, changing economics means the trend isn’t just for the rich anymore. With copycat manufacturing and growing wealth, “Working-class garb of yesterday is to- day’s biggest trend” large swaths of society have the money to follow high fashion trends, and in a strange turn of events, they’re choosing to spend that money on clothes with a working-class origin like chambray shirts and selvedge denim. Unlike recent history, in which the poor tried to dress like the rich, people all over the class spectrum are following the trend introduced by those Industrial-era gentlemen: the working class garb of yesterday is today’s biggest trend.

The odd class-blindness of the trend reveals an underlying classism. Leather, blue-collar-style shoes are outlandishly pricey – just look at a pair of work boots from Redwings. Even in this age of fashion over utility, the wealthy can distinguish themselves through the brand names of their fashion choices, while others hunt for knockoffs and bargains. So, though the trends can be followed by anyone, it’s the quality and the label that remind us all where those age-old divisions lie. Class lines drawn not with poulaines and chopines but with Polo and Jimmy Choo

Home or Roam: Brooklyn, heart of NYC

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Brooklyn is one of the five boroughs of New York City. Only three and half of the boroughs are really worth mentioning: Manhattan, Brooklyn, The Bronx and West Queens. Staten Island shouldn’t be a part of the city. In fifth grade my friends and I made a petition with everyone in my class to remove Staten from the New York City name. We wrote a really aggressive letter to the mayor of New York City. He responded, assuring us that he “valued our suggestions and would consider them as soon as possible, as New Yorkers make the city, the city doesn’t make the New Yorker.” Even as a ten year-old, I knew that was total bullshit. Brooklyn definitely made me. But today, Brooklyn has no idea who the fuck I am.

There are many parts of Brooklyn that are too pretentious for even an English student to mention. Yes, grown men ride around on skateboards and vegan food does indeed outweigh normal food. Today, the street I grew up on has three different coffee shops: The People’s Republic of Brooklyn, Blue City coffee and Flying Intellectuals. They weren’t there when I was growing up. Brooklyn wasn’t cool enough then. Brooklyn is the Shoreditch of New York City. It can be a parody of itself. Regardless, I believe there is something in Brooklyn which resists the armies of gentrification with their cycle studios and smoothie shops. Unlike Shoreditch, Brooklyn continues to be the place to be. Like a phoenix, at points it appears to be at the precipice of eternal destruction. But just as its swansong begins to play, Brooklyn emerges victoriously in a guise packing more punch than the last. It’s a place which has the ability to reinvent itself, whilst somehow retaining the same allure that brought people here in the first place.

In my opinion, it’s the unique charm and character that allows it to get away with these facelifts. Maybe it’s the detention centres and prisons that happen to be placed all around the borough. Maybe it’s the slight smell of aged brie and urine, or the plastered gang signs and one dollar pizza restaurants. Brooklyn and New York City as a whole is not how it is in the movies

The people are rude, the city is perpetually dirty, there are more rats than people, and we get the worst extremes of each season. But I think this is what makes New York what it is. The city wouldn’t be the city if you didn’t occasionally get blasted by a suspicious wave of hot steam from the ground which smells of raw fish, or if a Satan-worshipping group didn’t stalk you down the street for three blocks trying to hand you one of their mix tapes. Brooklyn is undeniably aggressive and forward.

There’s no point trying to explain Brooklyn as a whole. Constantly changing, it defies description. Brooklyn is different to each person who dares to cross its busy streets. My Brooklyn is the corner deli where they sell coffee 50 cents cheaper before 7am unless it’s a machine-made cappuccino. My Brooklyn is the cobblestone streets, the Dutch brownstones, and the huge prison which you can see the top of from anywhere in South West Brooklyn. The inmates would go on group jogs and pass my house. I became friendly with a couple of them. Some of them waved to me while I was planting vegetables in my front garden. My Brooklyn was my elderly Greek neighbour who brought over homemade moussaka. My Brooklyn was the fi re escape where my friends and I would eat greasy, take-out Chinese food and drink stolen red wine. New York can be annoying and sometimes I just want to punch it in the balls. But thousands of miles away, its clammy grasp still has a hold on me.

Blavatnik donation lambasted

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A group of Oxford graduates and Russian human rights activists have written to the Guardian calling for Oxford University to reconsider a £75 million donation it accepted from billionaire Leonard Blavatnik in 2010 and review “The Award for Excellence in Foreign Investment in Russia,” an annual award given by the Saïd Business School and Alfa Bank.

The letter calls for the university to “carry out new and independent due-diligence investigation,” for “politicians and other prominent public figures who endorsed the BSG [Blavatnik School of Government]…to withdraw their support” and for a “vigorous public debate that involves students, alumni, tutors, NGOs, political dissidents and industry experts”.

Blavatnik, a Russian-born businessman living in London, provided the donation to fund the construction of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government (BSG), which is now moving into a new, permanent facility on Walton Street.

It is in light of BSG’s move that the letter’s signatories, which include Soviet dissidents and some non-Oxford academics, hope to draw attention to what they perceive as corrupt business practices by Blavatnik and a group of other Russian billionaires, like Mikhail Fridman and Pyotr Aven, both of whom are involved with the Alfa Bank.

The petition states the three men “belong to a consortium of Russian billionaires called Access-Alfa-Renova (AAR). The consortium has long been accused of being behind a campaign of state-sponsored harassment against BP. In 2008-09 dozens of British and other western managers were forced out of Russia. These corporate abuses took place in Russia with active official support.”

A university spokesperson told Cherwell, “Oxford University has a thorough and robust scrutiny process in place with regard to philanthropic giving. The Committee to Review Donations conducts appropriate due diligence based on publicly available information. The University is confident in this process and in its outcomes.”

“Generous philanthropic donations help make [our world-leading work] possible, supporting outstanding teaching and research discoveries of worldwide benefit,” the spokesperson added.

Professor Ngaire Woods, Dean of the BSG, stated, “Leonard Blavatnik is a philanthropist who has given to many British and American charities and Universities. He has made Oxford’s School of Government possible by stepping up to the plate as the first major donor to the School.”

However, Ilya Zaslavskiy, an Oxford graduate and former head of the Oxford alumni society in Moscow, who was responsible for organizing the petition, told Cherwell, “Oxford’s response reminds me of a broken hurdy-gurdy that repeats the same empty words which hardly any of those who took decisions on cooperating with oligarchs genuinely believe or practice.

“The press service can continue pouring phrases like ‘thorough and robust scrutiny process’ into the ears of the majority of Oxford Congregation [the University’s governing body] who sadly have little clue about actual human rights abuses in Putin’s Russia.

“This is not what should be expected from the leading global institution that teaches good governance and states high ethical norms in its own regulations as a goal.”

He also claimed that Professor Woods compared the positive effect of Blavatnik’s donation to that of Cecil Rhodes and told him in 2010 “that, while Blavatnik may not be an angel, he is better than other oligarchs”.

Zaslavskiy went on to say that “Putin’s oligarchs have essentially colonized Russia in the worst traditions of the nineteenth century.”

Teetotalism on a Thursday night

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It’s a Thursday night and with what appears to be most of the student body of Oxford University, I find myself standing on the overcrowded, dimly-lit dancefloor of Bridge. Like everyone else, I’m screaming along to a song with no discernible lyrics. Like everyone else, I’m awkwardly twisting my body, attempting to “cut shapes” and vainly hoping that my spasmodic movements are somehow correlating to the rhythm of the infectious beat. Except unlike what appears to be everyone else, I’ve not had a drop of alcohol. Supposedly one in five adults is teetotal, but looking around at this thronging army of students celebrating the fact that they got past deadline day, it doesn’t feel like it. 

 I’ve been teetotal for most of my life, barring a few brief flirtations with beer, and one disastrous attempt at a vodka and coke. Don’t get me wrong, it’s not that I particularly have anything against alcohol. My teetotalism isn’t born out of any moral or religious issues, I just don’t do drinking. In actual fact, I have a profound respect for alcohol. Alcohol brings my friends to life and turns the quietest, most timid Maths student into an affectionate, overly-emotional John Travolta wannabe, and let’s be honest, none of the best stories start with “Well, we’d all had a bit too much tea!”

So it’s Thursday, and once again, I’m the only one of my group that hasn’t hit the wine. Yet I’m here, I’m dancing and I couldn’t be happier. That is, until my drunken friend staggers up to me and shouts “I don’t know how you do it! I’d never have fun if I was sober!”

Ah, this statement! Every night out I’ve ever been on, I’ve heard this statement, normally more than once, and usually by the same person. Where did this idea come from? When did we decide that we can’t enjoy parties? Okay, I’ll admit it, sober clubbing can be annoying. You find yourself hot and suffocated, you are acutely aware of the sweat-drenched clothing stuck to your skin and the fact that fifteen strangers have just touched you in the past minute. None of this really bothers me though and neither does the embarrassment of dancing. Once you realise that no one looks graceful dancing along to Mr Brightside, performing shocking dad-dancing in the middle of the floor becomes something of an exhilarating stress relief.

Yes, okay, clubbing is annoying, and part of me doesn’t blame my friend for wondering why I put myself through it. At two o’clock in the morning, when I’m dragging someone home as they alternate between singing Disney songs and being sick, I start to question it myself. At the end of the day though, I do it because it’s fun. Not only is it considerably cheaper when you’re buying lemonade, not vodka and cranberry juices, not only do I wake up the next morning feeling fresh and cheerful, but it’s honestly good, clean fun. There’s something oddly charming about a night out, the kind of atmosphere that you just don’t get anywhere else. From pre-drinking in someone’s room, trying to ignore that slight fear of getting Deaned when the tenth person comes into the room, to the long walk to Wahoo (though to be fair, as a Brasenose student, anything that’s not in the centre of town is considered a long walk), the whole thing can still be fun without having a drink.

Through it all, two things stand out, and it’s these two things that drag me out again and again, even after I’ve promised myself I’ll take a night off and tackle that Hardy novel waiting on the bedside table. The first is the memories. For some reason, so much happens on a night out, not just big things like who got together, but little conversations whilst taking a breather in the smoking area, the opportunity to marvel at the dance moves your inebriated friends think are cool and the unending pleasure of watching your best friend acting smooth and trying to pull. What’s more, you remember everything in the morning and there’s nothing quite like the awkward conversation over brunch as everyone wonders exactly what you remember them doing the night before. More than this though, there’s the most important thing about a night out, the one levelling factor that unites the drunk and the sober alike and the one thing that makes the whole ordeal worth it, time after time. What else but the mighty and illimitable post-night out Hassan’s?

 

Ready, Set, Row

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The start of Michaelmas term, for many athletes at Oxford, means the start of yet another rowing season. Rowing continues to be an intensely popular team sport at Oxford, boasting incredibly high numbers at both a University and college level, as well as earning recognition at multiple international regattas. OUBC is coming off an incredible and historicseason, a streak that the captains are hoping the club will continue. At last year’s Varsity face-off, both the men’s and women’s crew teams led Oxford to a decisive victory in the 161st Boat Race. The day also marked a victory for the Oxford reserve crew team, rounding out the impressive feat of sweeping Cambridge. This is an immense source of pride for the University, as well as an indication of great things for the current season.

The Dark Blue’s 2016 Boat Race campaign began at the Fuller’s Fours Head of the River Race, held on the Tideway course (only the other way) on the Saturday of Fourth Week. It yielded a mixed bag of results for OUBC. Alarmingly the top Cambridge boat, racing as Goldie, were 19 seconds faster than the top Oxford boat. Oxford’s fastest crew finished 17th to Cambridge’s 10th. However the next Goldie boat ranked below the next two Oxford boats. The squad’s thus look pretty well matched with Cambridge perhaps enjoying the racing edge at this stage in the season.

Over with the Oxford University Lightweights and it is all change. Following the departure of their coach of three years, Bodo Schulenburg, OUL have appointed Mike Hill, a New Zealander, as their new coach. Their squad now looks forward to their exhibition Trial VIIIs event on Saturday 12th December.

Moving over to college rowing and the competiton looks set to kick-off on the Sunday of Sixth Week with the Autumn Fours races. With three entries from Keble, two from Oriel and a handful from Merton and Balliol, this side-by- side knock-out regatta will set the tone for the rest of the Michaelmas term on the Isis. Merton particularly impressed at the first Isis Winter League race on the Saturday of Fourth Week, putting in a pacy 4.19 time in an VIII.

Further towards the end of term the top college crews will be heading over to Cambridge to race in the Fairburn’s head race, the oldest race of its kind in the UK. Given this was one last year by Pembroke, Oxford there’s a lot of Dark Blue pride on the line as Oxford seeks to demonstrate its continued dominance of the collegiate rowing scene.

Fifth Week marks the opening of the Gradel erg suite and the beginning of indoor training, which continues throughout the winter and until the spring. Therefore, the beginning of fifth week not only means the opening of the erg suite, but also the arrival of New College indoor regatta. The regatta provides the opportunity for all novices to assess the potential of their pro- spective rowers, as well as one of the most pleasant spectator experiences of the winter crew season, given the delight that is mid-November weather in Oxford.

Of course, the highlight of winter collegiate crew is the Seventh Week Christ Church Regatta, as the annual side-by-side race is one of the only opportunities for all of the colleges’ athletes to compete head to head. The tournament is formulated in a kind of randomized, round robin, winner-takes-all knockout tournament. The course is short – only about 700 meters – but it still remains a challenging one, largely due to potential weather-related problems. For example, in years past, some races of the four-day-long tournament have been cancelled or postponed due to flooding caused by glacial rain, which aids in making sure that the spectators are exerting themselves as much as the rowers as they desperately try to avoid contracting pneumonia.

The competition remains fierce, with the home men’s team Christ Church looking to re- gain its place as champion rowers, while Regent’sPark, the victorious women’s team, also looks to achieve a consecutive victory. However, given that the Regatta is a novice-exclusive event, future results are far more dependent on early-week training and novice recruitment than past victories.

Regardless of the victors, the race is always one of the most exciting sporting events of the term and promises four days of excellent rowing, or at the very least, entertaining mishaps.

Milestones: East Side Gallery

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Midnight on 9th November 1989. In images broadcast around the world, the Berlin Wall is pulled down. People across the world watched live, as the divide between East and West, between communism and capitalism, was destroyed in these instantly iconic images.

The victory of the West and its political ideology of liberalism, the fall of the iron curtain, the rise of David Hasselhoff to inexplicable national treasure status. Call it what you will, but the fall of the Berlin Wall has become recognised amongst the most important events of the twentieth century.

From the ruins of this wall, which had loomed 3.6 metres above the heads of Berliners for fi ve decades, came a 1.3km stretch to be preserved. Representing less than a hundredth of the wall’s original length, this section was to be named The East Side Gallery. Opened in 1990, the wall is the world’s longest-running and largest outdoor gallery, with a permanent exhibition of 105 murals by different painters. The gallery is intended to represent a peaceful world of expression, celebrating ideas of artistic expression and individual freedoms in the liberal tradition. It is a celebration of all that the West held (and continues to hold) dear, and all that the East renounced. It is a historical object as much as it is an art gallery.

But it’s historical import extends beyond representing a definitive moment in German history. It announces the victory of neoliberalism, of late capitalism, and individualism across the world. The communist East fell, and in the vacuum that followed the market found room to expand. The fall of the Berlin Wall represents the extinguishing of the old left, tied to utilitarian conceptions and ideas of Marxist structures. The East Side Gallery is evidence of and the direct result of a milestone in world history.

The murals occupy an interesting position – they are at once both graffiti and state sanctioned art. But where traditional graffiti challenges capitalist conceptions of ownership and private property through its choice of canvas, the East Side Gallery uses graffiti to instead symbolise a diff erent, less clear notion of freedom of expression.

The Gallery’s most famous painting, which depicts the socialist fraternal kiss between Leonid Brezhnev and Erich Honecker that sealed an international arms deal back in 1979, has been reproduced around the world. Written in Russian above the painting are the words “God help me to survive this deadly love aff air.” Beyond the tension between the visceral passion of the image and the formal context it is set within (the suits and smart presentation of the two men), the painting’s de facto role as the face of the gallery is unsurprising. It embodies all that the gallery holds dear. It re-contextualises the past through its use of the photograph, as the wall itself turns a former means of oppression into art. It’s highly political, as the gallery itself inescapably is. And it’s the site of continued reworkings of meaning, particularity in light of Russia’s ongoing anti-LGBT policies. This too the gallery itself has faced through being actually graffi tied by street artists keen to have their work exhibited on perhaps the world’s most famous wall.

After extensive and ongoing restorative work since 2009 the gallery looks to remain a huge part of Berlin’s cultural identity and a cultural touchstone recognised in Instagrams and Facebook posts across the globe. But beyond a cool point-winning backdrop for some sixth former’s interrailing status update, the East Side Gallery stands as a testament to the victory of capitalism over communism, of the power of images in a media society, and ultimately of the neo-liberal world’s ability to neutralise and utilise all that stands against it – even graffiti.

IAAF runs into trouble

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It’s hard to believe in governing bodies in sport any more. Sep Blatter’s well-documented demise over the last few months was shocking, but ultimately predictable – FIFA’s decision to award Qatar the 2022 World Cup hosting rights, and then consequently bending rules and tradition to allow the event to be played in winter, was clearly an indication of the corruption that has deeply infiltrated the entire organization.

Before any of us even had the chance to recover, out comes the news that the International Association of Athletics Federations was paid to allow eight athletes, whom officials recommended should be banned, to participate in the 2012 London Olympic games.

What started as allegations made in a German TV documentary of systematic doping and cover-ups in Russia has now transformed into a whirlwind of investigations and condemnations. German broadcaster ARD/WDR obtained access to the results of 12,000 blood tests from 5,000 athletes between 2001 and 2012 and discovered that a third of the medals were won by athletes with shady test results during those years, including ten medal-winners in the 2012 Olympic games. Papa Massata Diack, former consultant to the IAAF and son of former IAAF president Lamine Diack, was charged along with Gabriel Dolle, former head of the IAAF anti-doping department, and two former senior members of All-Russian Athletic Federation. The investigations are still ongoing, with one investigator from the World Anti-Doping Agency claiming that the results will reveal “a whole different scale of corruption” compared to the FIFA scandal.

The conclusion to draw from all of this is rather obvious – organizational corruption remains the biggest stain to the image and perception of organized sport. Organisations such as the IAAF established to champion the ideals of competition and celebrate human athleticism have now disintegrated into a vortex of venality and fraud.

The worst part about it is that there is no easy solution as it is no longer simply a matter of picking the bad fruits out of the basket – systematic corruption has set its roots into the very nexus of these organisations to the point where faith in human integrity is no longer strong enough to undermine the ultimately tempting inclination to cheat.

Yes, some of the blame can be attributed to the individual athletes who have made a decided effort to cheat the system and robbed others of the rewards of their hard work. Tatyana Chernova, who won gold at the 2011 World Championships over Jessica Ennis-Hill, has since served a two-year ban whilst four of the top five finishers in the women’s 1500m at the 2005 Helsinki World Championships hailed from Russia.

Incidents like this not only make one wonder why the recent IAAF allegations have only just surfaced, but also provide cause for lament in the sense that, ever so gradually, fans and viewers who tune in to athletics can no longer believe that the medals are going to those who truly deserve them – that hard work actually does pay off.

Once that goes completely, sport will have lost its true purpose, all because of the particular faults of certain individuals.

Perhaps the ray of hope lies with the fact that more media attention has been attracted by these scandals, meaning that organisations can no longer get away with wrongdoings or brush them aside as if they are of negligible importance. One can only hope that this continues for the sake of sport’s integrity as well as the faith of fans.

Why Rhodes’ statue must stand

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Illustration: Ella Baron

Living and working in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia’s capital city, in a job my Oxford master’s helped me to land, I am surrounded by statues of Genghis Khan, founder of the largest contiguous empire ever seen. Under his leadership, the Mongol Empire spread through wholesale slaughter from the Pacific Ocean to the Caspian Sea. For the Khan and his armies, rape and pillage were the spoils of war.

Given he might well have been the world’s most prolific rapist – it is believed that a significant proportion of people alive today are his descendants – should those statues be removed? That some people and institutions achieved greatness through terrible means is a matter of which we should be frequently reminded, not something to be consigned to the dustbin of history.

Earlier this year, a statue of Cecil Rhodes at the University of Cape Town was covered in human excrement by students. Having successfully demanded its removal, the protest movement known as Rhodes Must Fall has made its way to Oxford, where students gathered last Friday outside Oriel College, the statue’s home. Presenting a petition to the Vice-Provost and Senior Dean of Oriel College, to which the Grade II* listed building belongs, they declared that Rhodes must fall in Oxford. Despite their good intentions, I believe that, although Rhodes’ legacy should be challenged and its shameful history exposed, his statue in Oxford must stand.

Cecil John Rhodes was an influential British imperialist, phenomenally rich businessman and politician in South Africa. He founded the state of Rhodesia in the late nineteenth century and South Africa’s Rhodes University through the Rhodes Trust, an educational charity set up on his instructions in his last will and testament. He was a major benefactor of the University of Cape Town, which sits on land bequeathed by Rhodes, and Oriel College, Oxford, his alma mater, to which he donated two per cent of his considerable fortune. In Oxford, he lends his name to the Rhodes Building, Rhodes House and the prestigious Rhodes Scholarship, which enables students from around the world to study at Oxford and is funded by his estate. Its 7,000 beneficiaries have included former heads of government or heads of state of the United States, Canada, Australia, Pakistan, Jamaica and Malta.

He was also an unfathomable racist. Rhodes believed in the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race, encouraging the expansion of the British Empire by profound violence and subjugation of other races to cover the entirety of the “uncivilised world”, which he supposed was “inhabited by the most despicable specimens of human beings”. He sought to assert the dominance of Anglo-Saxons under one empire, including bringing the United States back under British rule, and to “crush all disloyalty and every movement for [its] severance”. His legacy is overwhelmingly one of death and human misery. Perhaps of greatest import, whilst serving as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony from 1890 to 1896, he oversaw the introduction of the Glen Grey Act, a piece of legislation that laid the foundations for apartheid South Africa.

Rhodes is clearly someone to be reviled by both today’s standards and those of his day. But tearing down his statue outside Oriel College, which many students argue glorifies British colonialism, would be missing the point – setting a dangerous example of historical revisionism and denying future generations the debates we are having now. Rhodes Must Fall is not just about statues. Its supporters call for the ‘decolonisation’ of education, whereby reading lists populated singularly by the voices of privileged, white men should be overhauled, Oxford’s tiny proportion of BME professors redressed, and non-Western perspectives introduced into academic discussion. So, too, do they lament the ignorance of many British students about the realities of their country’s colonial history. Meritorious as these goals are, if they are to achieve them, it will be by educating and challenging the ill-informed – not tearing down a statue.

Oxford should face up to its colonial past, but not distort the historical record. That a murderous, imperialist brute is so closely aligned to that past that a statue was erected in his honour and Rhodes House was built in his memory is part of that history, and part of the reason many people are aware of it and feel so passionately about it in the first place. To remove the statue would be to erase this visible reminder that the abhorrent Rhodes occupied such a significant place in the fabric and finances of Oriel College and the University as a whole. Indeed, one of the reasons for the listed status of the Rhodes Building and the statue itself is their great historical value, the listing text acknowledging that Rhodes was “a controversial figure, but of immense historical importance and whose legacies had a major impact on the University.”

Had his statue not stood on the High Street today, this level of debate and awareness of the true nature of his legacy would simply not exist, and the student body would be more ignorant of it – an outcome that goes against one of the fundamental goals of Rhodes Must Fall. Come most revolutions, the statues of the previous regime are the first things to fall, followed in due course by the collective memory of it.

Rhodes Must Fall should be praised for stimulating a debate we should have had long ago. But the statue can stand without glorifying the man whose memory it preserves if its viewers are properly informed – the responsibility of which must fall on both the College and the University. A museum on the many horrors of colonialism, commemorating its many victims, and a plaque near the statue would be a good place to start.

Cameron in ‘hypocritical’ Oxfordshire County Council letter

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David Cameron faces charges of hypocrisy after he wrote to the leader of Oxfordshire County Council, Mr Ian Hudspeth, protesting about cuts being made to frontline public services.

The letter, written in September but leaked to the Oxford Mail in the last few days, expressed disappointment about council plans to cut funding for services such as libraries and elderly day centres, suggesting back-office savings and shared service solutions should be investigated instead.

Mr Hudspeth replied with a six-page document rebutting each of the points made, pointing out how extensive cuts had already been made in these areas and arguing that, given budget constraints, the council was left with little choice.

In his letter, the Prime Minister wrote, “I was disappointed at the long list of suggestions floated to make significant cuts to frontline services. I would have hoped that Oxfordshire would instead be following the best practice of Conservative councils from across the country in making back-office savings and protecting the frontline.”

In his reply, Mr Hudspeth pointed out, “Our significant savings over recent years have included taking out as much from the back-office as possible”, and claimed, “Our revenue support grant funding has fallen by almost 50 per cent in the first half of this decade…Other funding streams have not kept pace with this, particularly in real terms.”

Mr Hudspeth, a representative of the Conservatives since 1999, also questioned the factual accuracy in parts of Cameron’s letter. In response to the PM’s description of the cuts to government grants for Oxfordshire as a “slight fall”, Mr Hudspeth wrote, “I cannot accept your description of a drop in funding of £72m or 37 per cent as a ‘slight fall’.”

In another part of the letter, referring to Cameron’s comment that, “Your briefing note suggested that £204m had been taken out of the budget since 2010”, Mr Hudspeth appears to state that the PM misunderstood the statistics, writing, “I cannot emphasise enough that £204m is not a cumulative figure…cumulative savings since 2010/11 are in fact £626m.”

A spokeswoman for Downing Street said, “There is still significant scope for sensible savings across local government to be made by back office consolidation, disposing of surplus property and joining up our local public services; we will be discussing with Oxfordshire how this can be taken forward to help protect frontline services.”

Nonetheless, there are now widespread questions over how far the PM comprehends the extent of the cuts his government has mandated. John McDonnell, Shadow Chancellor, joked, “I’m backing David Cameron on this one. He is absolutely right that his chancellor’s cuts to local government are seriously damaging our communities and have to be opposed. I welcome the Prime Minister as another Tory MP joining our campaign against George Osborne’s cuts.”

Cameron’s subsequent offer of a meeting with his Downing Street policy unit has led to Labour council leaders around the country inundating the PM with requests for the same treatment and serious accusations of an abuse of ministerial privileges, favouring his own constituency’s local council.

Local Oxfordshire figures have joined in criticisms of Cameron’s apparent lack of understanding about Oxfordshire Council’s difficulties, which includes his own Witney constituency. Leader of the Liberal Democrats at Oxfordshire Council, Richard Webber, commented, “It is staggering that the Prime Minister knows so little of the impact of his government’s cuts in his own backyard”.

Meanwhile, leader of Oxford City Council Bob Price, told Cherwell, “It is particularly surprising that an Oxfordshire MP who gets regular briefing from his fellow County Tories should have put his name to such a dismissive and insouciant letter.”

Labour Councillor Liz Brighouse went so far as to suggest that the PM was relying on dubious information from civil servants, to the detriment of those affected by local cuts, commenting, “Our budget is being spent on the most vulnerable people. But Mr Cameron has not bothered to speak to anyone here and has just relied on his people in Whitehall to tell him what is going on.”

Among some Oxford students, this news has been met with similar derision. The Oxford University Labour Club told Cherwell, “David Cameron’s letter to the Conservative leader of Oxfordshire County Council shows just how out of touch he is with the delivery of public services both in Oxford and across the country. Unfortunately, in Oxfordshire, cuts have had a harmful impact on many frontline services, such as the provision of social care and community projects.

“What I can say is that these letters are part of an ongoing discussion with government about how we can protect frontline services while doing our bit in Oxfordshire to tackle the national budget deficit – a government policy that I support. To do this, we are having to make some very difficult decisions, which is why we are consulting the public on all the options.”

Neither Hudspeth nor the Oxford University Conservative Association responded to Cherwell’s request for comment.

Review: Ellie Goulding – Delirium

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★★☆☆☆

 Two Stars

Delirium is the husky-voiced Goulding’s third studio album. After the rather confusing ‘Intro’, which is often likened to an early 7th Century Gregorian chant, Goulding slips back into more familiar shoes. There are a few rather bland synth-pop tracks, including ‘Aftertaste’, mixed in with crowd pleasers like the X-rated ‘Love Me Like You Do’ from the worryingly popular Fifty Shades of Grey. The song stands out from the rest of the album tracks for holding a convincing tune and employing only slightly repetitive lyrics.

Goulding issued an accompanying statement to the album, referring to it as an “experiment”. Having listened to it, spotting the raw experimentation is harder than finding Wally. This is not to say it’s a bad “big pop album”, but neither were her last two big pop albums. It would appear that Goulding is sometimes let down in the production of her songs, losing the smooth, crooning qualities of her vocals to a low-budget synth keyboard (I’m sure it’s actually a very expensive synth keyboard made to sound like it was free from a car boot sale), and Delirium is no exception.

True experimentation for Goulding would strip away the flashy lights and basic pop anthem beats to reveal a raw emotion of which songs like ‘How Long Will I Love You?’ have proven her capable.