Thursday 26th June 2025
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Over 300 protest in support of Palestine

Cherwell News
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Over 300 protest in support of Palestine

More than 300 people gathered on Cornmarket Street to protest in support of Palestine today, eventually ending the demonstration at Manzil Way. The protesters were accompanied by a large police presence, as they chanted “from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.” The rally was organised by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign with support of the Oxford Palestine Society (PalSoc). One counter-protester was removed from the demonstration by police.

In a social media announcement before the event, PalSoc stated its objectives with the demonstration were to “demand Israel end its violent imposition of a system of occupation, apartheid, and colonization over the Palestinian people.” The student society further argued that “the offensive launched from Gaza can only be understood in the context of Israel’s ongoing, decades-long, military occupation of Palestinian land,” while adding that they “mourn the incalculable loss of life this week and the tremendous harm inflicted upon all affected citizens as events continue to unfold.”

Beginning the protest, one speaker said “let’s keep everyone safe today; let’s conduct ourselves with dignity and peace.” He advised the protesters not to speak to the media, as “every word you say to the media will be distorted.”

Speaking to Cherwell, one protester said: “We’re here today because of Israel’s actions and to show support for Palestinians. Countries like our country and the USA are so quick to show support [for Israel] when the Palestinian people have been suffering for such a long time.” She added: “I think the UK has the utmost responsibility to Palestine.”

When asked about what the role of students should be in the conflict, one student at the university replied “it’s difficult to do anything materially when you’re in a different country.”

An older gentlemen commented that the problem is “not new”, but rather “a frozen conflict that occasionally starts burning, followed by a little bit cooling down and then again.” He explained that “no one approves of war or terrorist attacks, but then you have such an asymmetry of power and possibilities – it’s not equal.” 

The Socialist Workers Party set up a stall at the protest with a Palestinian flag and distributed dozens of “Freedom for Palestine” pickets. They also gathered signatures to end the selling of arms to Israel. Speaking to Cherwell, their representative said: “The British people need to push their government to stop selling arms to Israel, an apartheid state that perpetuates systemic oppression.”

Protestors also held up various posters including an “end the siege, stop genocide” poster and chanted “resistance is justified when people are occupied.” Another popular recurring chant was “one, two, three, four, occupation no more. Five, six, seven, eight, Israel is a terrorist state.” 

When asked by Cherwell about the protest in front of his church, Rev. Anthony Buckley, vicar at St Michael’s church said: “I strongly believe in the right to protest, it is very important for anyone to be able to demonstrate as long as they are not too disruptive.”

In response to the protest, the Oxford University Jewish Society told Cherwell: “The protest organisers have not acknowledged or denounced Hamas’ antisemitism, which we are afraid will embolden those who wish to use this moment to target Oxford’s Jewish community. Furthermore, statements made by the Palestinian Society advertising the protest have minimised Hamas’ terroristic activities over the past week. We believe the glorification or justification of the killing of any innocent civilian is unacceptable.”

The American Jewish Council has also previously said that, while advocating for Palestinian statehood is not antisemitic, any slogan that calls for “the elimination of the Jewish state, or suggesting that the Jews alone do not have the right to self-determination, is antisemitic”.

Oxford has also updated their statement today, writing: “The impact of the appalling attacks by Hamas, and the deep concerns for the civilian Palestinian population and hostages in Gaza itself are understandably being felt by communities across the world, including in our own. Our thoughts are with all those suffering and we stress that there is no place for antisemitism or hate for any faith at Oxford.”

The demonstration comes at a time when Gaza is under siege and Israeli authorities are reporting over 1,200 Israeli deaths. Factoring in the reported 1,500 dead Hamas fighters found within Israeli borders and the 900 people Gaza officials claim have been killed by Israeli air strikes, the total number of deaths from the war is now well past 3,000.

Veering east? What Slovakia’s election means for Europe and the world

Sam Winstanley
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Veering east? What Slovakia’s election means for Europe and the world

The recent Slovak election has sent European leaders scrambling to shore up support for Ukraine after a pro-Russia party emerged victorious on Saturday 30th September, yet the results may not be quite what they seem.

On the face of it, Slovakia’s election sounds like a simple, clear-cut, and immediate European disaster: a pro-Russia party raked in the most votes, and a firmly Eurosceptic populist who has called for an end to aid for Ukraine is inches from power. Neither of these facts are false. The winning party Smer-SD, better known in English as Direction-Social Democracy, is indeed, at least in its current iteration, Putin-friendly. It ran on a populist programme with hints of left-wing nationalism and social conservatism. Meanwhile, its leader, Robert Fico, has embraced Orbán-esque positions on sanctions and, further fuelling both domestic and foreign concern, is likely to need the support of the far more hardline Slovak National Party (SNS) to cobble together the seventy-six seats required for a majority in the National Council.

All of the above has quite understandably raised the blood pressure of European and American observers alike, fearing that the replacement of a clutch of unstable but avowedly pro-Ukraine centre-right governments with another recalcitrant, Russia-leaning leader might well add another flashpoint to the already faltering European consensus on Ukraine. Michal Šimečka, leader of runners-up Progressive Slovakia (PS) went so far as to describe a Fico-led government as an “abiding evil” after final results were released. Anxiety over Smer’s victory is made bitterer still by the fact that for a few brief hours on Saturday, Europe thought it was out of the woods. Both exit polls released after voting closed showed Progressive Slovakia, a pro-European, NATO-focused, and socially liberal party, narrowly ahead –results which, under Slovak rules, would have given PS the crucial first stab at a majority.

Yet Smer’s victory is pyrrhic at best, and the path to Fico taking the reins is fraught with the skeletons of his checkered political past. Of these, the looming skeleton is without doubt Peter Pellegrini, a former prime minister himself and now leader of Hlas (Voice), a social democratic and pro-European party that finished a respectable third, now finding itself the republic’s kingmaker. Pellegrini stepped in to replace Fico after the latter was forced out of office in a 2018 scandal involving the murder of a journalist and his fiancée. In 2020, he further underlined their differences by walking away from Smer with ten other deputies to found the centre-left Hlas. However, Pellegrini has indicated his preference for a Fico-led government, describing Smer as “closer” to Hlas, though he has not ruled out working with the liberals.

Nonetheless, a Fico-Pellegrini government, albeit with the support of the SNS, is by no means the worst outcome. As recently as August, a Smer-SNS government looked just as likely, but with Hlas relegated to the sidelines and replaced by Republika, a newcomer formed of defectors from the People’s Party of Our Slovakia (L’SNS), a party which traces its roots to Jozef Tiso, a priest and fascist who led Slovakia during WWII when it was a Nazi client state. Compared to this, a Smer-Hlas coalition seems a whole lot better. Even the SNS might be booted from consideration, after the counting of candidate preferential votes allowed four former members of the neo-fascist L’SNS to leapfrog more mainstream candidates into its parliamentary delegation. This could force Fico to instead work with any of a collection of centre-right and pro-European parties, as well as Hlas, or even open the door to a liberal-led government.

With this in mind, Slovakia’s election begins to seem less a disaster, and more an inconvenience. The presence of Pellegrini in government will force Fico to moderate his rhetoric, as he already has done, announcing on Monday no major shift in his country’s Ukraine policy—at least for now. A Russia-sympathetic leader, though a headache for the EU, is not such a problem if he is effectively declawed by the reality of his government.

Likewise, much of the discussion of the election has focused on the ability of Slovakia to blockade EU sanctions, if it so chooses. But Slovakia, a country of just five and a half million, holds few other cards. The EU, in contrast, can hold €6 billion in recovery funding over Fico’s head, if he makes trouble. Slovakia, in other words, is wholly dependent on the EU – it is even part of the Eurozone, a rarity in Eastern Europe. It is simply too small and too reliant on Europe to weather the opprobrium of its fellows.

This is not to say that the election is insignificant; Slovaks are faced with the return of a polarising leader who is under investigation, harasses journalists, and frequently resorts to xenophobia whenever it is politically convenient. However, for Europe, and the world, it is not set to be a dramatic turn of events. Fico, ever a political shapeshifter, will take whatever form his coalition necessitates, which will inevitably mean walking back from the pro-Russia brink.

On the morning after the election, Viktor Orbán took to X (formerly Twitter) to gloat, proclaiming “Guess who’s back”. This has ended up being a surprisingly prophetic statement. As the postbellum became clear, we have all been left wondering which Fico will walk back into government. Will it be a pro-Russia firebrand willing to buck the EU and march into international isolation alongside Hungary, or will it be a muted troublemaker whose big words translate into little action?

Given the fractured results Slovaks have delivered, it can only be the latter.

Academe in wartime: Oxford’s response to the war in Sudan

Amelia Dovell
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Academe in wartime: Oxford’s response to the war in Sudan

Six months into the war in Sudan, and the situation is bleak. Humanitarian workers are despairing at the broken supply lines and the outbreaks of communal violence – both centred in the capital, Khartoum, and and in the Darfur region. 

To understand the perspective of Oxford’s own academics on the state of Sudan, I spoke to co-founder of the Oxford Sudanese Programme, Dr Ahmed al-Shahi. He aims to raise awareness about the ongoing conflict, amidst the fast-paced news cycles which seem to have left it behind.

Dr Al-Shahi is a social anthropologist who has been studying and visiting Sudan for over 50 years. “Do I have family there? Biologically, no, but socially yes,” he said. “I have a very wide range of friends there: academics, politicians, merchants, since 1965, or even before.” Having taught at the University of Khartoum until 1970, Al-Shahi donated his anthropological books and journals to the University library. Since the war broke out in April, he has not been able to send anything: “You don’t know whether it will arrive or not.”

To Al-Shahi, “Sudan is a wonderful country, it is very diverse – ethnically, religiously, linguistically, ecologically. Sudanese are lovely people, they are very kind people. They render great assistance to people, especially foreigners.” Before I began asking questions, Al-Shahi made it clear he thought that “what’s happening now is totally in contradiction to the true nature of Sudanese people. They are very peaceful people. So the army is doing all the damage at the moment.” 

So what is happening now in Sudan? 

The war began in April 2023: fighting broke out between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), after failed attempts to merge the two under a civilian transitional government. Sudan has a long history of military coups, and under the ex-leader Omar al-Bashir’s three-decade rule, he used both groups as quasi-independent armed forces to maintain power. While the RSF and SAF cooperated to oust him from power in 2019, neither look likely to back down from the current power struggle.

At the time of writing, at least 5.4 million people have been displaced in the last 6 months. Families have been divided, without money to escape the fighting. RSF fighters have been accused by civilians of evicting people from their homes, or looting their belongings.  “Such looting and destruction has never really happened before,” Al-Shahi told me. Many of his friends have fled the country, and though he was able to call a friend in Northern Sudan, it was purely down to good luck. “Communication is very difficult because all the internet has been cut. And thus deliberately, so that people from the outside cannot call asking what’s happening.”

I asked Al-Shahi how effective aid could be in alleviating the humanitarian crisis, but the fact is that aid is compromised due to the precarity of the situation. “There are problems with politics, military, transportation, movement. It’s very difficult for aid to reach ordinary people. And you cannot bring aid unless you have approval from the government – to accept it. But which government? There is a problem with legitimacy, to know who is in charge.”

This problem has persisted for decades. He recounted a memory from 1985, the year of the military coup d’état against President Nimeiry. The new government under Dahab would later be overthrown by Al-Bashir in 1989. Aside from political instability, Western Sudan was also suffering from serious drought and threat of famine. 

Al Shahi recalled, “A woman, with her 3 kids, was sitting by a tree. I greeted her – she said, ‘I’m from Darfur, my husband was killed. So we fled.’ I asked her, ‘to where?’ She said, ‘I don’t know. The villagers all along the Nile are very kind to us. They put us up, they feed us, and off we go. We don’t know where we will end up.’ I asked her if she got any aid. ‘You’d think so, but the aid goes to the merchants… you find it at the market being sold.’” 

“I’ve seen it myself,” he assured me, noticing my disbelief. “The sacks with the United States label – you buy it at the market. It’s supposed to go for free.” The situation seems to be quite similar today. Food supplies are running out, and the World Food Programme has issued warnings of a hunger emergency amongst those crossing the border into South Sudan. In June, international donors promised almost $1.5 billion in additional aid for Sudan’s humanitarian crises. But even with this donation, as l-Shahi said, “you need a chain of people who can deliver aid honestly and fairly among the people who are in need.” This chain has been broken in Sudan: a UK UN representative warned that Sudan is now among the worst in the world for aid access. 

I told Al-Shahi about my college’s charity fundraiser. A close friend at my college is Sudanese; she and I organised a bake sale in May to raise money to go towards humanitarian aid. At the time, we were so happy with the result. As far as bake sales go, it was very successful – it felt like we could make a small, tangible difference with the money we raised. After hearing everything he had said, I was no longer so sure. Raising money is only the first step in a long journey to making a difference. “You raise money, but where does it go? Who’s in charge of it? I fear the money may be swallowed on the other end. Corruption is rife [in Sudan]… It’s also a moral issue. You give aid to help people, but then this aid is going to the army who kill people.” 

So what can we do here, at Oxford? 

In preparation for the interview, I had questions written down about the financial responsibility Oxford could hold in this situation. But this far into our conversation, I felt less hopeful about what the University could do in the face of a crisis which requires international cooperation. Dr Al-Shahi told me about two students who reached out to him for advice. “Their parents fled, their businesses destroyed. Some of them are supported by their parents, so suddenly their income declined, if not, became nonexistent. There is a Sudanese organisation for Oxfordshire. They’re trying to do their best… They offer moral support, certainly, and they try to make them [Sudanese members of the university] feel part of a wider community. That they are not forgotten.” To his knowledge, Al-Shahi has not heard of any Sudanese student who has had to cease their studies due to lack of funding.

I asked him whether the University should be involved in raising awareness rather than money. “Yes, they need to raise awareness. If they raise money, it should help the Sudanese students here at the University.

“Heads of colleges should write to any Sudanese students saying, if you have any problems or difficulties, come and see us and see in what way we could help. That is very important – to give them assurance that somebody is there for them. And to give them stability and continuity.”

In the official University response to the situation in Sudan, the University stood “in solidarity with all students and staff affected by the crisis”. It was stated that the University had “written to staff and students from Sudan, to offer welfare and other types of support”, and money was available via the Hardship Fund for assistance. 

At the end of the interview, I asked Al-Shahi what he wanted readers to take away from this article. He told me the reason he accepted this interview was to raise awareness amongst students and members of the university. “When the media confront an international crisis, they get all geared up. Gradually, there is another problem in the world… Suddenly, Sudan is at the bottom of the pile.” The situation for journalists in Sudan is very difficult at the moment. “It’s difficult for journalists to get into the country, and movement is difficult because of the fighting, they are risking their lives.” It has  been reported that journalists critical to authorities have been ‘threatened from both sides’, and the situation is similar in South Sudan.

“The readers should understand this –  The conflict has nothing to do with ordinary people, who are suffering the most. The conflict is between two military organisations, the state army and the RSF, who vie for power and control of resources.”

I thought I would have a more optimistic way of ending this article, but I’m not sure I do. The situation continues to this day –  it’s important not to forget it. 

With thanks to Dr Al-Shahi for the interviewIf you would like to learn more about academic perspectives on the state of Sudan, please visit https://www.sudaneseprogramme.org/

This article was emended on 17/10/2023 to correct information about an Oxford student’s relationship to Sudan.

Oxford University Boat Club unifies men’s and women’s sides

Jakub Trybull
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Oxford University Boat Club unifies men’s and women’s sides

The Oxford University Boat Club (OUBC) has announced that it will be unifying its men’s and women’s squads into one boat club. The unified club will represent Oxford in races in 2024.

News of the changes were shared by the OUBC over X, formally known as Twitter, stating: “We have decided to unite into one Oxford University Boat Club (OUBC). For the 2024 Boat Race and beyond, men and women from both the openweight and lightweight squads will represent Oxford University Boat Club.” Their social handles will also represent the unified squad.

Previously, the men’s squad was represented by OUBC, whilst the women’s squads were represented by Oxford University Women’s Boat Club. Cambridge used to have a similar arrangement but decided to unify the squads in April 2020, who have represented Cambridge in races since.

OUBC told Cherwell: “Over the past few years, the clubs have been aligning to support each other in our shared goal of beating Cambridge.”

The two squads have been training at the same facilities at Iffley Roast and in Wallingford for many years and receive equal funding from The Topolski Fund. 

According to OUBC, the executive committees came to the decision after an extensive consultation process with their respective clubs, coaches, and athletes. The change aims to “reduce operational complexity and improve governance”, which the club says will benefit all athletes’ focus between sports and studies.

Despite Oxford’s crushing defeat in the Boat Race last year, where both the men’s, women’s, and reserves squads lost to Cambridge, OUBC told Cherwell: “The atmosphere at training is electric and the outlook is positive for The Dark Blues in the 2024 Boat Races and beyond.”

Freshers greeted with climate protest

Cem Kozanoglu
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Freshers greeted with climate protest

The annual migration of students into Oxford coincided with the Extinction Rebellion protest at Cornmarket Street on Sunday, marking the start of the new academic year. The protesters chanted and played the drums outside the local Greggs to raise awareness about the government’s recent go-ahead for the development of the Rosebank oil and gas field by Norwegian oil giant Equinor. 

The decision to open up the Rosebank field was announced on 27 September, a week after the Sunak government’s decision to U-turn on key climate targets. The licence includes a £3.75bn tax cut for Equinor’s investment in the project. On the issue, Keir Starmer reiterated Labour’s position: “No new licences to be granted when we’re in power, but we won’t revoke anything”, which drew the ire of climate activists.

In response, Extinction Rebellion has called for residents to send a letter to East Oxford MP Annaliese Dodds calling on her to “press the Labour Party to commit to stopping the development of the field should it win the next election”. The urgency of climate action was underlined: “After the hottest summer on record, your duty to protect ordinary people’s safety is more pressing than ever. There is no time to waste.”

The sentiments of the letter were echoed by Ruby, a third-year Hertford engineering student. She addressed the magnitude of the project’s carbon footprint: “The emissions of the project will be the same as those of the 28 poorest countries last year” further stating that “the government claims to be on target to net zero, but this project would shatter any chance of reaching that goal.”

Daniella Tramonti, a resident of Oxford talked about the importance of climate action: “Maybe a lot of people think it is pointless, but we are still hopeful that changes can be made. Every action we take is worthwhile.” She said that even small actions are important: “Sometimes what we ask is quite simple, just use a template to send an email to your MP.” 

When asked about all the noise being made by the protestors and whether it was disrupting business, a worker in a local shop replied: “It’s a common busking spot, doesn’t make any difference to us who’s using it, we just close our doors.” 

Mixed feelings from students after Just Stop Oil vandalise RadCam

Maggie Wilcox
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Mixed feelings from students after Just Stop Oil vandalise RadCam

In an act of protest against the University’s continued connections to the fossil fuels industry, Just Stop Oil (JSO) vandalised the Radcliffe Camera shortly after noon. Whilst many support the environmental group’s goals, students had mixed feelings about this highly visible act of protest.

Multiple JSO members threw paint at the RadCam and sat out front in protest, before police intervened. The removal of the protestors was met with a large reaction from the crowd. A student spokesperson for JSO, which has a history of high-profile protests at Oxford, says that they chose the Oxford landmark as it is the “most recognisable part of the university”. JSO was hoping to raise awareness of the University’s links to fossil fuel groups like INSEOS. They also hope this act of civil disobedience will help publicise the group’s upcoming march in sixth week.

Many nearby students voiced support for the JSO. A third-year Jesus student agreed with JSO’s goals, calling their protest “generally a good idea”. He added that it is “unfortunate it causes disruption”, but overall supports their actions. Two other nearby students added that this was a “peaceful protest” and argued that all effective protests are meant to cause annoyance in order to be visible.

Others, however, took a harsher stance. While JSO had warned librarians that this event would take place, the RadCam was closed following the vandalism, causing a disturbance to academic activities. One student from St Hildas stated: “I think Just Stop Oil has gone a bit far”. They added that “it raises awareness obviously, which is a good thing, but it could deter people [from the movement] at the same time”. 

Two Christ Church students voiced their concern over the message the protest was sent, “I just think it will make students look bad because people will automatically assume that guy was a student”. They are worried about how this event will be treated by the press and the negative reputation it will give the movement; “it makes us look bad as well”.

Today’s vandalism of the RadCam comes amidst similar protests at Exeter and Bristol universities.

Historical criminology mapping project reveals mediaeval Oxford to be a “murder capital” 

Julia Amann
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Historical criminology mapping project reveals mediaeval Oxford to be a “murder capital” 

A Cambridge digital project mapping mediaeval murder cases in London has added Oxford and York to its catalogue and deemed Oxford “the murder capital of late mediaeval England” for its unusually high rates of violence. 

The study, led by Manuel Eisner and Stephanie Brown, both criminologists at the University of Cambridge, estimates the homicide rate in late mediaeval Oxford to have been 60-75 per 100,000 – 4-5 times higher than in mediaeval London or York, and some 50 times higher than current rates. 

Oxford’s student population was largely responsible for the violence. At the time the city of 7,000 was home to 1,500 students, nearly all men between 14-21. Together, they were “by far the most lethally violent social or professional group” in any of the project’s three cities, making up nearly three-quarters of the city’s perpetrators and victims of murder. 

The project attributes the student culture of violence to young male tendency towards risk-taking mixed with newfound freedom and easy access to weaponry. It suggests that small skirmishes often escalated in part due to a “mediaeval sense of street justice” and sense of responsibility to protect “male honour” and maintain public order. 

Coroners’ rolls, and jury documents detailing sudden deaths reveal the motivation behind many of the incidents of violence. While in London and York, the sources of conflict were often commercial in nature, such as between artisans in the same profession, Oxford’s diverse student population often turned violent over personal and regional frictions.

Most of the murders in Oxford escalated from altercations between “Town and Gown”, or within the student body between northerners and southerners as well as between the English, Irish and Welsh. “They really, really hated each other,” said Eisner.

Though the project focuses on violence, Eisner wants his maps to show that mediaeval urban life was “by no means lawless.” The community often upheld their legal responsibility to loudly alert bystanders to crimes with a “hue and cry.” And criminal cases usually progressed through a jury of local men who investigated the crime and delivered indictments.

The digital project is available for viewing online.

University, brand-new Oxford Israel Society, and PalSoc release statements on Israel and Gaza

Maggie Wilcox and Oliver Adelson
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University, brand-new Oxford Israel Society, and PalSoc release statements on Israel and Gaza

In response to the hostilities between Israel and Gaza that broke out on 7 October, the University has released a statement on the conflict and expressed support for all affected students. The brand-new Oxford Israel Society, founded today, has also released a statement.

The University statement acknowledges “that the news of the recent conflict is very upsetting, particularly for our students and colleagues with connections to the area.” It continues, telling students and staff that “the University and colleges are working to ensure all members of the University community are supported as much as possible.”

In addition to the public statement, the University has sent a separate email to students registered with Oxford as Palestinian, Israeli, or citizens of bordering countries – the email was also sent to members of related student societies. The email reiterates the University’s concern over the conflict and affirms its commitment to making accommodations for affected students. The University also included an explanation of the various welfare provisions available. 

Certain colleges have also elected to individually address the conflict. The Balliol College Master, in an email to Balliol students, stated: “You will have all seen news coverage of the terrible events in Israel and Gaza. Some of you will have been personally affected, having family or friends in the region. Please do not hesitate to seek support of any kind that you need.” The college also acknowledged that some of its members will have been personally affected by events in the region and encouraged them to contact the college Welfare Team for appropriate sources of help and advice.

The Oxford Palestine Society posted to their Instagram account stating: “The offensive launched from Gaza can only be understood in the context of Israel’s ongoing, decades long, military occupation and colonisation of Palestinian land and imposition of a system of oppression that meets the legal definition of apartheid.” They also urged students support the “movement for a free Palestine” and join an upcoming protest this Thursday.

In an exclusive statement to Cherwell, the new Oxford Israel Society “unequivocally condemns” the recent conflict and “the massacre and hostage taking committed by Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists on the 7th of October, during the Jewish holy day of Shmini Azeret. The sheer brutality and ruthlessness of the massacre, mutilation, torture and rape of Jews harks back to the darkest of times. The use of dead, tortured civilians and kidnapped children as propaganda aids is a practice so vile as to defy comprehension.” 

The society calls on the University and colleges to follow suit and similarly condemn these attacks. The society warns that in the coming weeks it is likely a significant military campaign will occur and the society has “confidence in the Israeli Defense Forces’ (IDF) commitment to minimise any harm done to innocent people.” 

They concluded their statement by writing: “We grieve for the victims and their families. We pray for the safety of the soldiers, citizens of Israel and all innocent civilians.”

As of the time of this article, over 700 Israelis and 500 Gazans have been killed since the outbreak of hostilities and countless hundreds more are wounded and missing.

The Oxford Palestine Society has been contacted for comment.

Waking up to Russell Brand’s ‘razzle-dazzle’ misogyny 

Anna Hull
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Waking up to Russell Brand’s ‘razzle-dazzle’ misogyny 

“Hello there, you awakening wonders.”

This messianic flair is typical of the way in which comedian-turned-conspiracy theorist Russell Brand addresses his millions of online followers. The short statement posted on his (now demonetised) YouTube channel on 16th September, in which he denied five allegations of sexual assault and rape, was no different. While still striking an intimate tone, his words had clearly been well thought through – unsurprising, given the severity of these accusations. Yet the very language which Brand has deployed in his defence also serves to highlight one of the most unpleasant aspects of this case. Many of us may well be awake now – but not in the way he intended.

The truth of the allegations reported by The Times and Channel 4 Dispatches has not yet been determined; Brand and his supporters maintain that this is an attempt by the mainstream media to silence him. But irrespective of these new claims, Russell Brand’s misogyny is and has always been a well-documented fact. Some of the most shocking scenes in the Channel 4 Dispatches investigation are nothing new – archive footage of endless stand-up routines, talk show appearances, and television broadcasts, all presenting variations on the theme of objectifying women. The material is highly crass – suggesting that a female interviewee remove her underwear and then miming masturbation, praising “them blowjobs where mascara runs a bit” and making exaggerated gagging noises (all the while claiming “It was her idea!”). Yet it’s all delivered with a cheeky smile and a knowing wink, to the tune of laughter and whoops from his audience. It’s all part of his act, right?

Brand certainly appeared to be disarmingly candid about his exploits. “I was always transparent about [what he refers to as his “promiscuous, consensual conduct”] then, almost too transparent, and I’m being transparent about it now,” he declared in the statement. On the surface his performances certainly had a frank, confessional air; yet while his remarks seemed uncensored and off-the-cuff, their earthiness was offset by eloquence. Lewd jokes were made more palatable by a veneer of verbiage, producing such whimsically stark juxtapositions of register as “the sexual apotheosis that is bumming”. Likewise, Brand’s flamboyant style and animated, at times even earnest, delivery served to further underplay his degradation of women. It’s just a bit of fun! Lighten up!

Although he has since abandoned his salacious material and reinvented himself as a wellness guru standing up to the establishment, these distraction tactics are still present in Brand’s recent statement. The language used is oddly ornate in places – the word “litany” is repeated numerous times, and his “transparency” has not just been “twisted” or “distorted” by the media, but rather “metastasized into something criminal”. The use of this word is unusual outside of a medical context, since it describes the multiplication of cancerous cells. It seems clear that it has been chosen for deliberate rhetorical effect, in order to underscore his point about a hidden “agenda” behind this report, and also perhaps to provide an air of respectability and intellectualism. It’s easy to forget that this is the same man once known for assertions of a wholly different sort. “I like to have it off, right? Yeah, why not?”

There is also an irony to Brand’s dismissal of “this litany of astonishing, rather baroque attacks”. While presumably intended to paint the accusations as absurd confections of the mainstream media, the word “baroque” is also a fitting descriptor of his own persona and discourse. The images and associations it conjures up are of extravagant ornamentation, exaggeration, bombast, heightened emotions. There’s also a hint of decadence – the style was a staple of the counter-Reformation – and a whiff of artificiality too: churrigueresque excess bordering on vulgarity, wood painted to imitate gold and marble. Far from transparency, the aesthetic speaks of concealment and embellishment. And long before his transformation into a modern-day prophet Brand was a fan of religious iconography, once even performing a stand-up routine in front of a huge image of Christ. He closed this particular live show by rapturously declaring “I worship divine sexual female energy!” Outwardly more positive than rape jokes, but still ultimately reducing women’s worth to sex. And entirely undermined by the follow up remark about how this ode to womankind has been carefully calculated – “there’s no way I ain’t getting laid after the show tonight!”

The most disturbing thing about this whole affair is that Russell Brand was so successful for so long. Even in the context of the lad culture of the early 2000s he was considered risqué, and was eventually fired from his BBC Radio 2 show for taking things too far. In a prank call to actor Andrew Sachs, Brand boasted of having slept with the actor’s granddaughter Georgina Baillie. But even then, the focus of the scandal was on the embarrassment that this caused to Sachs, and not the impact on Baillie of having had details of her sex life divulged on national radio. Equally, what about all the other nameless, faceless women who comprised the material for Brand’s anecdotes of debauchery? Did anyone consider them? Or was it easier to laugh along?

It seems it was not just members of the public who were dazzled by Brand’s showmanship and devil-may-care attitude. “His language is magnetic and he’s charismatic […] there’s something about him” – journalist Emily Maitlis stated on her podcast The News Agents, reflecting on how the comedian had won her over during an interview. She was far from the only one. Too many powerful people, the media establishment that Brand now makes a living from criticising, simply sat back and let him spew degrading remarks under the guise of banter or “ironic” comedy. And too many people kept buying tickets to his shows, kept tuning in to his broadcasts, bought his books, went to see his films. Only now that the possibility has emerged that all those words could have led to action are we examining and questioning the content of Brand’s routines.

Still, surely it’s reassuring that now, at least, his past comments are widely seen as sleazy and extremely sexist. No one would get away with that material today, let alone build a media career and become a Hollywood star on the back of it. But we shouldn’t rush to congratulate ourselves and speak of a “different time”. The height of Brand’s fame on British television was less than 20 years ago, and while blatant misogyny is no longer socially acceptable it continues to rear its head. Lawrence Fox’s comments about political journalist Ava Evans on a recent GB News broadcast are a prime example. “Who’d want to shag that?” Once again, women’s only importance lies in their sexual attractiveness and fulfilment of male fantasies. 

Fox has subsequently been suspended from presenting duties and the channel has issued an apology. But if there’s one thing we should learn from the Russell Brand case, regardless of its eventual outcome, it’s that it is never just about one individual. Brand may be the subject of these allegations, but there are many more people who enabled his appalling attitude to thrive. The legacy of this exposé should not be the demonisation of one man, but the consideration of the social systems that both shaped him and gave him power and influence. We should all consider the ideas and attitudes which we’ve received and supported; whether we’ve since come to regret them or still uphold them, whether we’ve expressed them actively or passively. This needs to be a wake-up call for everyone.

Image credit: rawpixel.com // CC 0 1.0 Deed via rawpixel.com

Rough sleeping in Oxford up by 13%, Kerslake report shows

Rufus Hall
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Rough sleeping in Oxford up by 13%, Kerslake report shows

Rough sleeping in Oxford is on the rise, the latest report from the Kerslake Commission has shown. In 2022, there were 27 people recorded as rough sleeping in the city, up 13% from 2021. 

The UK is currently experiencing the highest rates of people living in temporary or unstable accommodation on record. Rough sleeping, the most visible form of homelessness according to homelessness charity St Mungo’s, increased by 26% nationally in the period June 2021 to 2022, government statistics show. As opposed to other forms of homelessness such as staying in temporary or unstable accommodation, rough sleeping involves sleeping on the streets.

This has led the expert panel consulted in the latest Kerslake Comission report to conclude that the current picture will render the government unable to reach its target to end rough sleeping by 2024. According to the commission, any government attempting to deal with homelessness should take measures to prevent people from being at risk of homelessness; incentivise a cross-sector effort to make timely and effective interventions that prevent those at risk from sleeping rough; and provide a route out of homelessness for those that find themselves on the streets. 

The report recommends that the government increase its social housing provision, likening the scale of the problem to that of early 20th century Britain. In the short term, the report advises that the government increase the housing benefit, which has remained frozen since April 2020 amid rent hikes that have “pushed the number of homes on the market that can be paid for through welfare down from 23% to 5%”, the Guardian reported in June.

Overall, figures from the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities show that 79 households were homeless in Oxford in the first quarter of 2023. This was an increase of 43 households on the previous year. 

The Oxford City Council website states: “We spend more than £143,000 a year to help provide day services for rough sleepers in Oxford. We fund Homeless Oxfordshire, The Porch day centre and The Gatehouse to provide these services.”

Curtis, aged 42, was on the streets in Oxford for just under six months. He said he had no alternative but to sleep on the streets after circumstances changed overnight when his relationship broke down. 

He said: “I found myself unexpectedly homeless. After a year of living with my girlfriend our relationship ended, and I found myself homeless overnight. I started rough sleeping and had to switch to survival mode, trying to keep warm and find food to eat. I felt constantly on high alert, I was fearful of getting hurt. You feel invisible and that no one believes your situation. 

“I was on the streets for 20 weeks and it felt like forever, the world can be cold, and you could easily find yourself going down the wrong path. Thankfully, I am strong willed and kept myself strong until I was able to get help.

“I am now trying to heal, find myself a job and become part of the community here in Oxford.” 

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