Friday, April 25, 2025
Blog Page 1617

Internship Blog: Reach for the Sky (News)

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It is 4am when my alarm goes off. This is hideous. Four in the morning is a time when no one should
ever be awake, and yet off I go, in my suit, through the eerie streets of London, down to a deserted
Westminster. Even the birds are still asleep.
I’m heading to the Sky offices, where I’ll be shadowing Sky’s Political Correspondent, Sophy Ridge,
who has responded to my demanding/badgering emails by inviting me into the office, rather than
by telling me to piss off and leave her alone. Persistence clearly pays.
Sophy works the 5am shift and is all alone in a giant newsroom full of empty desks and flashing
screens when I arrive. This is the Westminster office, base camp for many of the correspondents,
although the programme is mainly broadcast from East London. I am given the task of scanning
the morning papers for any unnoticed news stories, and although In the end it seems that Sky has
already noticed all the stories of the day, at least I get to read the morning papers over my morning
toast.
At 6am, the ‘Sunrise’ morning news show comes on air and goes live to their Political Correspondent
in Westminster for the latest. Sophy has written out her story and now delivers it from behind the
studio’s newsdesk. I suddenly notice that I’m in the background of the shot, and try to look casual-
but-important.
As the morning wears on, the office starts to fill up a bit. No major stories break and so I don’t get to
see reporters rushing around making important phone calls and having witty high-speed arguments
a la Aaron Sorkin’s Newsroom, but the everyday bustle is enough to keep me entertained. A minister
has given an interview – but where has the footage gone? How should a poll question be phrased for
maximum impact without being overly biased? How important is the latest bout of violence in the
Middle East? And what kinds of amusing names can you have written on your Starbucks cup?
The correspondents also have to keep the Sky website updated with news and analysis, so Sophy
suggests I come up with some ideas for articles that she could write. I have a think and pitch some
to her – she’s enthusiastic about them all, which is gratifying, but she may well be humouring me.
In any case, it’s fun to have something to do which seems vaguely useful and which doesn’t fall into
one of the pitfalls of shadowing: either you’ll come too far out of the shadows and get in the way, or
you’ll stick to the shadows and never see a thing.
Then we go to Parliament, and in the company of a political correspondent I get to see far more
than you do on your average school trip. We stride through the corridors of Westminster, visiting
the MPs’ bars, the newspapers’ offices, the press gallery of the Commons chamber, and at one point
ending up on the roof (with a close-up view of Big Ben). These halls of power feel like hallowed
ground, upon which I must walk reverently. Naturally I must also snap as many photos as possible on
my phone.
Sophy gets permission to take me the ‘lobby briefing’, where the Prime Minister’s spokesman briefs
the press. In a small and fusty room full of chairs and sofas, journalists gather with their notepads
and voice recorders. The spokesman (Steve Field) arrives, and from this point no one can leave the
room or make contact with the outside world; nobody gets a head start on the story.
And so the battle begins. The reporters try to extract something quotable from the spokesman,
while he doggedly sticks to what he wants to say and holds his ground. In one particularly great
exchange, almost every journalist in the room asks him whether the PM thinks that a policeman
accused of involvement in the Hillsborough cover-up should be stripped of his knighthood: they
cite the Fred Goodwin case and try to establish how the procedure works, but all they get is ‘that is
a matter for the Forfeiture Committee.’ It’s such a parody of political question-dodging that I have
to try very hard not to giggle. He does, however, say something very quotable about the security of
diplomats in the Middle East, and so once the doors are open we dash out and call the newsdesk.
Back in the office I eavesdrop, read articles online, and look over people’s shoulders to see what
they’re up to. These are areas in which I already excel so I’m happy enough to showcase my skills in
this capacity.
Lunchtime arrives, which is great, because I’ve been ready for lunch for about three hours (I feel
jetlagged). We go out for lunch with Deputy Political Editor Joey Jones and Business Correspondent
Alistair Bunkall! This is very exciting. Going out for a gossipy pub lunch with a bunch of journalists
is an unexpected bonus. And the gossip is great (if only I could keep track of all the names
mentioned…). There’s talk of affairs and confrontations and unwanted advances – the world of
politics and journalism seems very tight-knit and scandalous indeed. I listen intently, wide-eyed over
my orange juice. We do try our best, but we just don’t get this calibre of intrigue at Cherwell.
Then the conversation turns to talk of journalism as a career, which is ideal, because (no prizes for
noticing) I am pretty keen on this profession. These three are far more positive about the future
of the press than most journalists I have met, who have been talking doom-and-gloom about the
industry for a while now. I gather the following: postgrad courses in journalism can be useful; you
absolutely have to master the Twittersphere as a wannabe journalist; even if you graduate without
much experience, there’s still time to try; and if you’re good, there’s no reason you shouldn’t
succeed. All very cheerful and comforting.
It feels strange to finish work in the early afternoon when the office is busy and London is still
bustling with people on their lunch breaks, but I’m very satisfied with my day at work. Maybe I’ve
been seduced by the feeling of being right at the centre of everything, but I just can’t imagine ever
getting bored of this world.

It is 4am when my alarm goes off. This is hideous. Four in the morning is a time when no one should ever be awake, and yet off I go, in my suit, through the eerie streets of London, down to a deserted Westminster.Even the birds are still asleep.

I’m heading to the Sky offices, where I’ll be shadowing Sky’s Political Correspondent, Sophy Ridge, who has responded to my demanding/badgering emails by inviting me into the office, rather than by telling me to piss off and leave her alone. Persistence clearly pays off. Sophy works the 5am shift and is all alone in a giant newsroom full of empty desks and flashing screens when I arrive. This is the Westminster office, base camp for many of the correspondents, although the programme is mainly broadcast from East London. I am given the task of scanning the morning papers for any unnoticed news stories, and although In the end it seems that Sky has already noticed all the stories of the day, at least I get to read the morning papers over my toast.

At 6am, the ‘Sunrise’ morning news show comes on air and goes live to their Political Correspondent in Westminster for the latest. Sophy has written out her story and now delivers it from behind the studio’s newsdesk. I suddenly notice that I’m in the background of the shot, and try to look casual-but-important. As the morning wears on, the office starts to fill up a bit. No major stories break and so I don’t get to see reporters rushing around making important phone calls and having witty high-speed arguments a la Aaron Sorkin’s Newsroom, but the everyday bustle is enough to keep me entertained. A minister has given an interview – but where has the footage gone? How should a poll question be phrased for maximum impact without being overly biased? How important is the latest bout of violence in the Middle East? And what kinds of amusing names can you have written on your Starbucks cup?

The correspondents also have to keep the Sky website updated with news and analysis, so Sophy suggests I come up with some ideas for articles that she could write. I have a think and pitch some to her – she’s enthusiastic about them all, which is gratifying, but she may well be humouring me. In any case, it’s fun to have something to do which seems vaguely useful and which doesn’t fall into one of the pitfalls of shadowing: either you’ll come too far out of the shadows and get in the way, or you’ll stick to the shadows and never see a thing.

Next, we go to Parliament, and in the company of a political correspondent I get to see far morethan you do on your average school trip. We stride through the corridors of Westminster, visiting the MPs’ bars, the newspapers’ offices, the press gallery of the Commons chamber, and at one point end up on the roof (with a close-up view of Big Ben). These halls of power feel like hallowed ground, upon which I must walk reverently. Naturally I must also snap as many photos as possible on my phone.

Sophy gets permission to take me the ‘lobby briefing’, where the Prime Minister’s spokesman briefs the press. In a small and fusty room full of chairs and sofas, journalists gather with their notepads and voice recorders. The spokesman (Steve Field) arrives, and from this point no one can leave the room or make contact with the outside world; nobody gets a head start on the story. And so the battle begins. The reporters try to extract something quotable from the spokesman,while he doggedly sticks to what he wants to say and holds his ground. In one particularly great exchange, almost every journalist in the room asks him whether the PM thinks that a policeman accused of involvement in the Hillsborough cover-up should be stripped of his knighthood: they cite the Fred Goodwin case and try to establish how the procedure works, but all they get is ‘that is a matter for the Forfeiture Committee.’ It’s such a parody of political question-dodging that I have to try very hard not to giggle. He does, however, say something very quotable about the security of diplomats in the Middle East, and so once the doors are open we dash out and call the newsdesk.

Back in the office I eavesdrop, read articles online, and look over people’s shoulders to see what they’re up to. These are areas in which I already excel so I’m happy enough to showcase my skills inthis capacity. Lunchtime arrives, which is great, because I’ve been ready for lunch for about three hours (I feel jetlagged). We go out for lunch with Deputy Political Editor Joey Jones and Business Correspondent Alistair Bunkall! This is very exciting. Going out for a gossipy pub lunch with a bunch of journalists is an unexpected bonus. And the gossip is great (if only I could keep track of all the names mentioned…). There’s talk of affairs and confrontations and unwanted advances – the world of politics and journalism seems very tight-knit and scandalous indeed. I listen intently, wide-eyed over my orange juice.

We do try our best, but we just don’t get this calibre of intrigue at Cherwell. Then the conversation turns to talk of journalism as a career, which is ideal, because (no prizes for noticing) I am pretty keen on this profession. These three are far more positive about the future of the press than most journalists I have met, who have been talking doom-and-gloom about theindustry for a while now. I gather the following: postgrad courses in journalism can be useful; you absolutely have to master the Twittersphere as a wannabe journalist; even if you graduate without much experience, there’s still time to try; and if you’re good, there’s no reason you shouldn’t succeed. All very cheerful and comforting. It feels strange to finish work in the early afternoon when the office is busy and London is still bustling with people on their lunch breaks, but I’m very satisfied with my day at work. Maybe I’ve been seduced by the feeling of being right at the centre of everything, but I just can’t imagine ever getting bored of this world.

Review: Anna Karenina

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Any Adaptation of Anna Karenina lives and dies with the strength of the relations between Anna (Keira Knightly) and Count Vronsky (Aaron Taylor-Johnson). Anna’s fated sexual for the dashing, brusque cavalryman, bringing self-destruction and, at least they hope, “the greatest happiness”, is at the heart of a bold version of a difficult book to adapt. This adaptation is slightly disappointing in this respect.

 While Keira Knightly receives flak from certain quarters, here, her Anna is radiant. She easily plays counterpart to her cold husband (Jude Law), and steals the show from her lover, an underwhelming Taylor-Johnson. She moves skillfully from self-controlled, wise advisor to her sister in law to out-of-control social pariah. Her descent is a powerful tale.

 Set mostly in a Moscow theatre, the film is complete with backdoors, stage hands, and costume changes. One moment, the space is used for the retreat of Levin (suitably played by Domhnall Gleeson) after his rejection by Kitty (a sparkly but naïve Alicia Vikander) into the dark recesses in the roof space. The next, a striking and powerful horserace scene in which the horses actually race across the stage as the real drama happens in the seats and boxes of the attendees. The theatrical line is beautifully combined with music and rhythm, creating immersive, dance-like acting. This works especially well in the actual ball room scene (a wonderful, mesmerising set piece) before moving on to the comically synchronized paper stamping of Oblonsky’s clerks.

 Joe Wright, the director, drew on Orlando Figes’ Natasha’s Dance for his insight on the intricacies of the Russian aristocracy: the constant tension between the authentic “Russian” and their own masks and behaviour. French, not Russian, was their first language. They were, to coin a phrase, ‘more European than the Europeans’, and this insistence of appearance and superficiality is brilliantly brought out by the stylistic conceit devised by Wright (which he apparently told Tom Stoppard, who does an able job as scriptwriter, only after he had completed writing the whole thing).

 But for all the excitement due the stylistic novelty, in the end the theatre drags and the energy fades. Levin’s parallel story, as landowner-peasant, is rather awkwardly tacked on. The social pretensions of the real aristocrats that first inspired Wright, as channeled by him through theatrical falsity, gets in the way of personal connection to the characters. Black Swan was a far better example of tragedy writ in large and while Anna Karenina is definitely worth a watch, its ambition is not quite realised.

The Week That Wasn’t – Freshers Week

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Wow, what a hectic week it’s been. The streets have suddenly filled up with what may be Oxford’s sharpest dressed year yet. Top hats and tailcoats have been the norm amongst this year, the first to pay the £9000 fees: the scruff- ily dressed oiks who’ve so selfishly lowered standards in every other year have clearly been unwilling to take on such vast debt. And who wasn’t filled with pride upon hear- ing the University Vice-Chancellor’s state- ment praising the record number of fresh- ers who managed to pull the students in charge of looking after them? It was a fitting tribute to the Oxford’s unwaveringly ambitious and high-achieving intake.

Meanwhile, Cherwell Comment was delighted to learn that popular club Park End has announced that this year will showcase its cheesiest cheese floor yet, with ‘Reach’ by S Club 7 played as every other song. The cynics in OxStu have claimed that this is a ploy to deaden the impact of the news that all Varsity and Shuffle events are tripling drinks and entry prices for the freshers join- ing this year, but they’ve been pretty bitter ever since their offices were mysteriously covered in rotten eggs and seafood near the end of last Trinity. But the best thing about this week has been the absence of those dicks who sat finals last year. We at Cherwell have been waiting ages to be able to say what utterly despicable and ugly tossers they really were. So good riddance to them and “hello” to all you young, impressionable, and easily ma- nipulated little freshers. Boy, you all have so much to learn about Oxford. I bet you guys don’t even know about the ancient Oxford tradition of buying Cherwell staff drinks and obeying their every command (no matter how deviant or perverse)! Well you have much to learn, so let Cherwell be your guide. Oh and mine is a double rum and coke. Cool, thanks.

Sides of the Scandal

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Facts of the matter:

Andrew Mitchell, the Conservative Chief Whip, attracted condemnation last week for his out- burst at No. 10 police officers. The row broke out when Mitchell attempted to get his bicycle through the main Downing Street gate, only to be refused by the officer.

Mitchell, whose time as International Devel- opment Secretary has obviously failed to de- velop his more gentle side, confessed to swear- ing – though not to using the word ‘pleb’, as the official police report indicated. Meanwhile police officers in Mitchell’s constituency of Sut- ton Coldfield have taken to wearing ‘PC Pleb’ T- shirts in support of their disgruntled Downing Street colleagues.

For the moment it seems Mitchell has held on to his job, the PM trusting his own account of the incident. No.10 has expressed its ‘full confi- dence’ in the Chief Whip.

Just don’t expect another promotion in the next reshuffle, Andrew.

Innocent?

Charles Moore of the Spectator jumped to Mitchell’s defence, however. Questioning the veracity of the police report, Moore thinks that Mitchell – notwithstanding a ‘lapse of judge- ment’ – has been set up. At a time when polic- ing is bearing the brunt of austerity, Moore believes that the Police Federation – the union representing police officers – is exacting its re- venge on the government.

Staunchly defying the national condem- nation of the Chief Whip’s outburst, Moore writes: ‘At first I felt quite prepared to con- demn Mr Mitchell for being arrogant, but the self-righteousness of the reaction against him is so overwhelming that one must come down firmly on his side.’

Erik Pickles, the Secretary of State for Com- munities who claims he is ‘very proud to be a pleb’, described Mitchell’s outburst as ‘ungal- lant’ and ‘ungentlemanly’ but dismissed calls for his resignation.

Until proven guilty!

Political figures were quick to take sides over the issue, dividing not along party lines but be- tween two camps – those who are friends with Mitchell, and those who aren’t. Daniel Hannan, a prominent Conservative MEP, tweeted, ‘it’s hard to think of worse behaviour than insult- ing a police officer who is ready to place him- self between you and a bullet.’

Indeed, the incident took place only two days after the murder of two police officers in Great- er Manchester, so Mitchell’s timing could not have been worse. Janet Daley of the Telegraph, published her own tale about the bad manners of nasty Tories. Charlie Catchpole of the Mirror said, ‘Britain’s class war has been raging for centuries and Rugby School educated Mitch- ell’s pleb insult carries on the tradition’

Boris Johnson also chipped into the debacle. Perhaps seeing the Chief Whip as a future rival, the London Mayor said he was ‘very glad to see’ Mitchell was threatened with arrest.

Fighting for the Tory Right

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Standing from his corner office in Portcullis House, Graham Brady recalls watching the Diamond Jubilee procession from our viewpoint two weeks earlier. With a vista that takes in Westminster Palace, Parliament Square and the imperial marble of Whitehall, they’re certainly worse places to hold down a job. Not that it’s just any old job. As Chairman of the 1922 Committee, Brady is probably the most influential Tory outside the Cabinet, and in practice exercises far more power than a few of those in it. He has Cameron on speed-dial and the Tory leader would be unwise to screen his call.

If Number Ten is the brains of the Conservative Party, the ’22 is its heart and soul. It represents a spectrum of backbench opinion with an eighteen member executive changing periodically. Only government ministers are excluded.The most recent ballot saw the inclusion of prominent backbenchers into the executive including Priti Patel, the fiery right-winger. Brady himself understands it as ‘the plumbing that connects the leader of the party with the backbench membership’, and though his chairmanship is barely older than the Coalition itself, he sees his role as ‘more important when the party is in government, and more important than ever now that there is a Coalition’.

To those who know him, Brady is seen as friendly, principled and not obviously ambitious. It is certainly easy to warm to his avuncular manner. When I make a bad joke – a reoccurring issue in my interviews – he laughs generously. After the interview he takes 5 minutes to let me out of Parliament personally, whereas most MPs would delegate the job to an intern. Not that there was any special chemistry between us by the way, I’m sure it’s run of the mill stuff for him. But his easy-going charm is one of the explanations for Brady’s success from unremarkable beginnings.

Born in Trafford to an accountant father and a secretary mother, Brady is defined by his education. In August he told the New Statesman that ‘I owe my career to grammar school’. From our conversation it was evident that he is spending that career repaying the favour. An alumnus of the small Altrincham Grammar School in Greater Manchester, Brady talks of ‘a great loyalty to my old school’. His maiden speech in Parliament opposed the abolition of the Assisted Places scheme, one of New Labour’s first directives that crippled England’s grammar schools. In Westminster Brady’s name remains synonymous with the grammar schools debate. He was serving as shadow Europe Minister when David Cameron unequivocally came out against grammar schools in 2007. ‘There are times when something is sufficiently important that it is imperative to take a stand’ Brady muses; walking out of the shadow cabinet was his first break with a leadership not in tune with his distinct flavour of conservatism.

He is enthusiastic about Michael Gove’s Education Department however, which since 2010 has approved thousands of new ‘Academy’ schools – ones autonomous from Local Authority Control – and hundreds of radical ‘Free Schools’. Yet as a firm supporter of selective education he is clear that it isn’t enough. Toby Young, who Cherwell interviewed in May, told me his aim in setting up the West London Free School was to ‘create a grammar school ethos’. Brady describes Toby and the efforts of other educational reformers such as Katherine Birbalsingh as ‘fantastic’. However ‘what they won’t do is create a grammar school education’; that requires selection, pure and simple.

Whilst ostensibly remaining against new grammar schools, the Coalition- at the behest of local parents and government – has given the green light to new grammar schools via the back door. Kent County Council has approved a new ‘satellite school’ in Sevenoaks, Kent, officially tied to an existing school 10 miles away in Tonbridge but to all intents and purposes a new school – the first in 50 years. I ask Brady if this stealthy method is the way forward. Thus ensues the longest pause for thought of our interview (still only a paltry few seconds). Carefully he described the move as a ‘small but significant way forward’. The effect will be marginal, but the idea, articulated by Brady is that ‘demand [for new grammars] and pressure in other areas’ will increase. Though the government remains officially wedded to the comprehensive ideal – something the Lib Dems won’t let them stray far from – grammar school campaigners are increasingly pushing on an open door, presenting a ‘very important challenge’ to the pre-New Labour educational orthodoxy.

The other weeping wound of the Conservative Party lies in European policy; here Brady has also dipped his hands in blood – my phrase, not his, of course. When 79 Tory MPs defied a 3 line whip last autumn to vote in favour of an EU in-out referendum, Brady was one of them. Bizarrely he refuses to acknowledge a conflict at all – ‘what you call a rebellion, I call members of parliament acting independently’. ‘Same difference?’ I counter but he isn’t having any of it. An allusion to Churchill is illuminating however. Quoting the sainted Conservative he describes loyalty as owed ‘first to country, then constituency and then party’. It’s a neat way out of explaining lapses of party loyalty: appeal to patriotism, voters and Churchill. Except I can’t help thinking there’s something to it. He just doesn’t come across as at all tribal – the sort of guy who would otherwise support Manchester City providing they weren’t playing the more local Manchester United.

Explaining the relationship between the ’22 and the Executive Brady is clear: ‘we work best when we work privately’. All of his conversations with Cameron are confidential, ‘frank’ and ‘leak proof’. Poisoned by disloyalty his words have no power. so doing Brady avoids the headlines but retains the Prime Minister’s ear. As chair of the ’22 his job is nudge, wink and cajole Cameron on behalf of backbenchers. But he can’t practice this to destruction; after all, a Coalition full of ‘wets’ remains better than one rendered impotent by rebellion. So the relationship goes both ways; instead of whispering sweet nothings into the ear of the Tory Right he tells them when it’s to swallow the bitter pill of Coalition consensus. This is Brady’s essence. He understands his role as keeping the show on the road, rather than stealing it for himself or some swivel-eyed right-wing cause. As such he’s perhaps the Coalition’s greatest asset, though he’d be loath to admit it.

Smash It – Se2E1

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A swift, light-hearted fifteen minutes of football news roundup and discussion, complete with question feature and handy tips for freshers. What are you waiting for? Get listening!

Interview: Marina and the Diamonds

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Marina Diamandis a.k.a Marina and the Diamonds certainly hasn’t shied away from publicity grabbing image transformations. The one-time indie darling turned bleached blonde Barbie doll’s latest album Electra Heart marks a distinct departure from the quirky alt-pop offerings of her 2010 debut Family Jewels.

Just like her hair, the sound has got bigger, blonder and, like an OTT application of Elnett, it now exudes the distinct waft of commercialist over-indulgence. Having supported Coldplay and Katy Perry in the US, she is now embarking on a headline UK tour.

So what prompted this musical volte-face? Diamandis replies pensively, ‘it wasn’t a calculated change in the beginning. It started because I was obsessed with gothic pop music. I wrote a song called ‘Living Dead’, which was very synth heavy, electronic. I think that set the tone for the whole album… and also the fact that club music is so on trend at the moment.”

Electra Heart undoubtedly possesses a new-found ferocity (‘I chew you up and I spit you out/’Cause that’s what your love is all about’) while the album’s overall theme remains ‘Love. And a fear of it’ according to Diamandis. So does this signify a darker musical trajectory? “Yeah it wasn’t a conscious thing but after stepping back from the album, [there is a] paradoxical theme of having innocence and crossing it with darkness.”

Diamandis is continually flexible with her vision. Prioritising image, as opposed to the music itself, seems to be an overriding motive. When I ask her where this raw ambition comes from, she replies with characteristic frankness “I haven’t really been a music fan.

When I got to London I decided I wanted to be a pop star and I didn’t really know why, but luckily I turned out to be a good songwriter. But my desire and interest to create art definitely overshadowed my desire for fame.

“So I think your goals change over time, I don’t really know why I was driven but some people really need to express themselves, and as a pop artist you can focus that in different ways, as a performer, singer, song-writer and if you’re good at it, you can have control over the visual aspects of it as well. ‘

Certainly, Diamandis’ interest in the illusion of American pop culture and its stereotypically tacky, vacuous excesses is an overriding theme in her music to date. Perennially grappling with what it means to be a female pop star, her recent image change coincides rather neatly with this self-conscious attempt to challenge the representation of female music artists while benefiting from the media attention that it affords.

In the creation of what the Observer’s Kitty Empire termed ‘ironic distance’, Marina has played off her newly-contrived image of a sexed-up prima donna, while simultaneously claiming to subvert the concept.

When I ask Marina about gender roles in the music industry she declares ‘You’re either a sexed-up dumb pop starlet or an artist who has integrity and depth and it seems like two can never cross. This relates to Electra Heart quite a lot, because I want that pop model to make my music reach a wider audience, but also write songs that actually have meaning.’

On the motif of American pop culture, which underpins both albums, Diamandis adds ‘on the first album I explored it briefly, in one or two songs but I didn’t develop the concept that much… [Electra Heart is] definitely about that theme of vacuousness and why that’s an issue in American pop culture; it offers you that notion of escapism.’

But dressing up unabashed chart-friendliness in pseudo-intellectualism just fails to elevate what smacks of commercial sell-out. Diamandis may have binged on the candy of short term notoriety, but by veering so wildly from her quirky origins the sugar-low is surely lurking around the corner.

Interview: Alan Davies

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The time arranged for Alan Davies, star of QI and Jonathan Creek, to ring for this interview was 2.40. 2.40 came and went with no phone call: “Well, my watch got repaired and they’d set the time an hour behind. So I got home thinking, “right, I must do the interview.” Then next time I looked at the clock it was four o’clock!” It is reassuring to learn that Alan Davies retains some of his on-screen buffoonery in real life and it perhaps explains why he has been such a fixture on our television screens for the past eight years. He doesn’t need to put on an act.

This year sees Davies make a return to the British stand-up comedy circuit after a gap of nearly 13 years. Asked about this lengthy hiatus Davies replies, ‘I never really intended it to be so long. I haven’t done a show in the UK since 1999. That was the last time I toured.’ Interestingly, however, he has always considered himself to be a stand-up but ‘kept it quiet because I wasn’t doing any gigs!’

Davies visited Oxford last week with his new show, Life is Pain. Asked to explain the reasoning behind this rather gloomy title he was completely deadpan in his response. “Because it is. It is pain. Life is painful for all concerned and I’m talking about the painful bits in my life in order to make people laugh. But it’s also a bit tongue-in-cheek.”

One gets the impression that Davies feels that his recent return to the day job was a good decision. On the prospect of embarking upon his UK tour, he said: “I’m really looking forward to it – as soon as I came back to it I was glad. I did do a few minutes of stand-up in that theatre in Oxford as part of a benefit [in aid of Helen and Douglas House] two years ago and ended up talking about Helen Mirren’s pubes. Not my finest moment.”

Despite the resumption of his stand-up career he claims that he has no concrete plans after this tour, but does aim to continue participating in the much loved QI, a new series of which started a couple of weeks ago.

“We’ve just done J, the tenth year! It’s been good because we went to Australia [to do a live, touring version of QI] and it gave the show a shot in the arm. We thought quite hard about how to do a show there. How to keep it entertaining and punchy for a live audience. Also, we had a lot more women comedians on in Australia. It meant that when we came back we felt able to really freshen up the panel for this year. There are lots of people who haven’t been on before. We’ve had three women on the panel, whereas prior to this series we’ve only had one show where there was more than one woman on the panel, and that was a show specifically about gender. I think we’ve lurched, quite reluctantly into the modern comedy era. I’m quite pleased about that myself, I’ve always been complaining about the bookings.”

Speaking to Davies, there is a sense that he feels a tad frustrated with the restrictions that QI, and television work in general, brings with it. This return to stand-up comedy might herald a sort of second youth for him. Now that he is middle-aged he cares less what people think. He is, however, quick to acknowledge the importance of television in his career. “I’m not knocking television. Television’s been a big part of my life, but stand-up gives you the freedom to do what you want.” Exactly what Alan Davies wants to do remains to be seen, but it sounds as if it might be quite exciting.

U.S. of A.pple

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Tension has got to be running high at the world’s most valuable company about now. Sales of the clunky, rickety old iPhone 4S took a big hit last quarter, with Apple missing their 28m target by 2m, and resultantly falling short of their profit forecasts by $1bn. Though their fleecing of Samsung in the US courts reimbursed them in damages here, this by no means will form an unproblematic blueprint for future litigation worldwide, and Samsung are poised to take revenge if any new Apple products are deemed to have infringed on their strong 4G patents.

It seems that Apple’s courtroom victory was a pyrrhic one – the case has chipped away at the veneer of mystique surrounding Apple, its products and its practices, leaving many cynical about its creative credentials. Consumer technology companies seem to be digging themselves into the trenches, armed with all the esoteric tech patents they can stockpile, in the hope of destroying their competition in a legal world war of attrition, rather than outperforming their rivals on the innovation front. A lot is riding on the commercial success of the new iPhone 5 over the coming weeks, having been announced on September 12 to a less than overwhelming response.

Furthermore, new research says that the US economy could enjoy a substantial material benefit from iPhones if they fly off of the shelves this autumn. In a recent research note, JP Morgan’s chief economist Michael Feroli estimates that iPhone 5 sales “could potentially add between 0.2 and 0.5%-point to fourth quarter annualised GDP growth.” The sums are quite straightforward: 8m in Q4 sales, times $400 (the approximate retail price of $600, minus the $200 worth of components sourced from abroad) equals $3.2bn, or $12.8bn annually. Obviously this is not going to ‘singlehandedly rescue the US economy’, but with recession fears flaring, and a ‘fiscal cliff’ looming at the end of the year, any boost is not to be scoffed at – “The third of a percentage point lift would limit the downside risk to our Q4 GDP growth projection, which remains 2.0%,” as the analysts’ note says.

Now, this is just guesswork, and has already come under scrutiny. Some have questioned the high sales figures, as well as the premises underpinning their conclusions, pointing out that if people buy iPhones with money they would have just spent elsewhere, there would be no GDP boost, just displaced spending. But there’s the rub.

The classical liberal economist Frederic Bastiat wrote in his 1850 essay ‘That Which Is Seen and That Which Is Unseen’ a fable called ‘The Parable of the Broken Window’ to illustrate why the destruction of assets can never be of net benefit to society. Suppose a shop window is broken. It costs six francs to repair the damage, and therefore six francs are transferred from the pocket of the shopkeeper to the pocket of the glazier. The breakage encourages trade to the amount of six francs. Furthermore, in a world of unemployed glaziers, smashing windows can rattle the economy by putting the unemployed back to work. They too then spend the money they make from fitting new glasswork.

However, Bastiat warns, if you then come to the conclusion that it is a good idea to go around breaking windows to cause money to circulate, remember that it is not necessarily true that the six francs spent by every shopkeeper with a brick-shaped hole in his shop-face would not have been spent on something else anyway, like books or clothes or pretentiously marketed consumer electronics. This is called displacement.

Right, but does Bastiat’s fallacy hold? With consumer confidence in a ditch and banks warily sitting on their hands in the wake of the subprime mortgage meltdown of 2007-8, there is evidence that savings are being hoarded, and capital is clogged. Uninvested reserves can be noxious to an economy – smashing windows is like coercing confidence in spending. But wouldn’t it just be easier to say to a glazier, “don’t smash my window, and I’ll give you fifty quid”?

Sadly, alternation between fenestration and defenestration initiatives doesn’t make for sustainable policy. And if I just donate to glaziers, that isn’t trade, and could cause protection racketeering and the formation of a vicious glassmaker mafia. Both charity and creative destruction have very little stimulative effect because they don’t address underlying and long-term problems. Prosperity is best served by innovation and productivity.

Is this relevant to Apple? It depends what you think about ‘upgrades’. You might consider each new reincarnation of the iPhone to be a new product in its own right, in which case upgrading is not so much a case of replacing a broken window as it is investing in a brand new shop front. Or, like me, you might think that it’s a shocking waste of money to throw away your expensive phone to buy a more expensive phone on the strength of minor incremental improvements to its specifications. You might think that buying a new iPhone amounts to breaking your own window just to have it fixed. The point is that the broken glass model’s applicability is contingent upon the belief that the iPhone’s saleability has little or nothing to do with the intrinsic quality of the product, and more to do with the fact that you idiots will go out and buy one anyway. Pressure’s off for Apple then.

But it gets me thinking, wouldn’t it be nice if we, and our friends across the pond, could rely on recovery through intelligent stimulus projects – investment in useful stuff like infrastructure, encouraging employment and growth – rather than on our periodic trashing of old capital.

If it ain’t broke…