Saturday, May 17, 2025
Blog Page 169

Klopp the problem?

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Liverpool’s demise this season has been quite the show to watch. Less than 12 months ago, the team was two wins away from a quite remarkable quadruple; now, they are languishing in 8th, 29 points off the top of the league and leaving manager Jürgen Klopp to remark that he is only still in a job ‘because of the past’, rather than his team’s current form. 

So, is Klopp really at the heart of Liverpool’s rapid decline? The majority of pundits and fans alike have been reluctant throughout the season to point the finger at the manager first and foremost, proposing a variety of other factors as larger contributors. Areas such as the team’s ageing midfield, a loss of form of some of the team’s key men such as Trent Alexander-Arnold and Virgil Van Dijk and long-term injuries to others such as Thiago and Luis Diaz have all been posited as contributors to Liverpool’s well below-par campaign. 

As the season has progressed, however, the poor form has only worsened and it has become increasingly clear that Klopp should not be rendered exempt to such accusations. Liverpool’s high defensive line has been a key feature of their tactical success over the past 5 years or so, but it is undeniable that this season it has been repeatedly exploited, to the extent that their expected goals against averages out to 1.63 a game this season, compared to an xGA of just over 0.99 per game last season. The defence is far too vulnerable and the team seems to lack the energy to press from the front in the way they have in years gone by that allowed this tactical system to flourish. Part of this may be due to the physical toll that last season’s accomplishments will have inevitably taken on the team, with the team playing 63 games, compared to just the 45 that current league leaders Arsenal played in the last campaign. Irrespective of this, though, Klopp needs to be able to adapt to such circumstances and find and develop a Plan B that leaves the team less defensively susceptible. Instead, fans are left frustrated by seeing the same game plan for each game and repeatedly seeing the opposition exploit the conspicuous issues of the high line and in particular  target the particular defensive weaknesses of Trent Alexander-Arnold on the right side of the Liverpool defence. 

We have in the recent 2-2 draw against Arsenal perhaps seen Klopp’s response to the issues of Alexander-Arnold’s defensive vulnerabilities. In the match, he took up more of a midfield position, a role much of the fanbase have been calling for him to adopt for many years. Arsenal themselves have employed a similar system this season, with the left-back Zinchenko stepping into midfield at times to provide more offensive options and create overloads in central areas, as have Man City in years gone by, namely with Cancelo. Alexander-Arnold’s midfield role certainly had positives, with him getting on the ball frequently and affecting the game, even providing a sublime assist for Firmino to level the game in the 87th minute, but it did continue to expose Liverpool defensively, with Arsenal’s second goal coming from a Martinelli cross down Liverpool’s right hand side. The results, therefore, are so far inconclusive and it will be interesting to see in the coming weeks if Klopp employs a similar system or introduces new tactical nuances but this example acts as a potential indicator that Klopp maintains the tactical foresight to make adjustments that can yield positive outcomes. 

Klopp’s reputation should not render him immune to criticism. Football is a ruthless industry and owners have short memories so is his time running out? Well, Liverpool as a club operates slightly differently to other footballing titans. Chelsea, for example, have already sacked 2 managers this season, the first of which, Thomas Tuchel, less than 18 months after winning the club the Champions League. Liverpool, instead, are willing to give Klopp the chance to rectify the rut, and I believe they are right in doing so. Klopp, as he says himself, is still here on account of his prior merit and he has earnt the right to get to the end of the season, get the necessary squad reinforcements in the summer transfer window, and see what he can do with the team next season. If the 2023/24 campaign takes off much like the current one, however, then it may be time after 8 years of his tenure for Liverpool to bid farewell to one of the most iconic and successful figures in the club’s history. 

Image credit: Pete//CC0 1.0 via Wikimedia Commons

A Laughing Matter?

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I have had my fair share of debates on feminism with men. It’s sort of become (however unwittingly) a hobby. So, when a certain British-American podcasting kickboxer turned-male-chauvinist-who-desperately-needs-a-therapist began making the rounds, I inevitably found myself back in the arena asking the same questions and hearing the same answer: ‘It’s just a joke.’ 

Humour has always been a balm. It masks uncomfortable realities. Were we not relieved to see  ‘live laugh love’ plastered over the Covid guidelines gracing Boris’ PMQ stand? Did we not laugh at his uncut hair as his questionable pronunciation of ‘blue’ replayed in our heads? Comedy – as we know it – is our communication. Captions upon pictures layering meanings upon references, all wrapped up in a screen. And we deserve to laugh. It wouldn’t be fair to say those who manipulate our humour get to exploit it purely as a political tool. But they also don’t deserve to profit while we distract ourselves with jokes. 

The debate on the interaction of hate and humour has often been confined to stand-up. We rightly decry the use of hateful language on the stage, so why are we wearing blinkers when comedy is used as a smokescreen for hate right in front of us? The problem goes beyond Ricky Gervais’ stage. 

Cue the bitter chorus of rolling eyes, seething over such serious Zoomers and craving the good old days when jokes were jokes. You know – the ones in that distant, mystical past which no one ever seems to be able to define. 

It is an unavoidable truth that comedy permeates everyday life and political discourse in the West. It has always been a literary device ripe for exploitation, with real-world consequences. In 2016 (the olden days), Donald Trump employed comedy to stir up division by making fun of ‘politically correct’ culture and the ‘liberal elite’ to excavate the store of resentment in his supporters. Media Historian Jeffrey P. Jones has argued that Trump’s humour had the potential to incite violence and hatred and criticised American media for not taking his comedy seriously. Did January 6th not provide a harsh reminder that there is a palpable threat in underestimating the virulence of a group we once dismissed as entertaining?

The unfortunate brainchild of this media malady stretching to both sides of the pond is the aforementioned podcaster, Andrew Tate. Tate reflects not only a crisis in masculinity but the reality that hateful ‘humour’ is providing answers to a ‘disenfranchised’ and impressionable generation of young men. 

As he remained in prison charged with human trafficking, he goaded ‘the matrix’ into submission and shared poetry designed to inspire the flood of ‘Free Top G’ posts. When he is not chastising people for not attempting to fly (out of cowardice, not impossibility), he is comparing himself to former South African president and Apartheid activist Nelson Mandela. Whilst the reliability of such tweets is suspect considering his incarceration, Tate’s underlying rhetoric has been inspiring young men for years. His anti-establishment yet simultaneously self-serving, capitalistic ideology centres on a toxic masculinity which is incompatible with modern society. For instance, he has said rape victims must “bear responsibility” for their attacks and claims to date women aged 18–19 because he can “make an imprint” on them. His current fame comes directly from the purposeful spread of his most controversial videos: manipulating the young men he claims to help. I personally find that attempting to have a reasonable conversation about Andrew Tate is futile  because, contrary to popular belief, influencers like him trade in outrage and emotion, not ‘straight talking reason.’

Comedy has the potential to facilitate hate as well as acting as a smokescreen for it. In 2022, a paper in the International Journal for the Semiotics of Law on Humour and Free Speech in the European Court of Human Rights noted how exposure to sexist humour can act as a “releaser” of prejudice by “facilitating the expression and acceptance of discrimination or violence towards the target group”. 

That Tate’s defence lawyer argues he is merely ‘playing’ a character serves to intensify a threatening precedent for these target groups: when hate is masked as humour there are no consequences. The problem is, we are clearly at an impasse when it comes to how to prevent this hateful rhetoric from radicalising young minds. This is not just angry people with microphones shouting into a void. 

In March 2023, The Casey Report found the Met Police to be institutionally racist, misogynistic and homophobic. It is the language of comedy which lets the first warnings of crime slip through the cracks. In 2022, the American Secret Service examined a 2018 shooting at a yoga class in Florida, where a man killed two women and wounded six. The shooter had previously been arrested three times for groping women and was called ‘Ted Bundy’ by his roommates. In 2021, Sarah Everard was repeatedly failed by the British police when she was murdered by a serving police officer, reportedly nicknamed ‘the rapist’ by his colleagues: a man who maintained his authority and position in the force, even after having been reported for indecent exposure. 

The rise of ‘incel’ culture (characterised by a toxic and misogynistic worldview) has further fuelled the spread of harmful humour and contributed to a culture of harassment and abuse. Incel-inspired violence, such as the 2018 Toronto van attack, highlights the dangerous and radicalising nature of some of these online communities. Ultimately, these ideologies act in tandem even as they fight for top billing, and it’s a frightening reality. To note the most sinister thing Andrew Tate has said: ‘you can’t kill an idea’. 

I volunteer as tribute to say that maybe, sometimes, it is that deep. Maybe we are culpable if we roll over and play dead whilst parroting incel language ‘ironically’ and basking in our self-awareness. Comedy is a tool of wit, irony and absurdity. Hate speech, on the other hand, attacks a person or group on the basis of their identity. But each feeds off the other. It’s not uptight to know the difference. 

Comedy uplifts, galvanises and entertains, but it can also isolate, terrorise and distort. It would be a dark proposition to condemn some facets of comedy without resorting to absolutism, but even darker to allow it to fester and become a free-pass for hate. I don’t think Andrew Tate is a joke; I think he is a threatening reminder that crime can go unanswered when using the defence of comedy.

Now, I’m not saying laughing at Boris Johnson or reacting with incredulity at Tate fighting ghosts in his cell makes us responsible for the consequences of their actions. How many of us have found something so genuinely outrageous or ridiculous that in our disbelief we have found it funny? What’s that saying? We laugh so we don’t cry. 

I’m saying that every little helps when it comes to forging a culture which normalises online hate and disinformation. We just have to notice. We shouldn’t allow ourselves to be lulled into a false security which not everyone can afford. Jokes always require a butt: when will we realise sometimes we’re laughing at ourselves?

Image Credit: Staticsens//CC BY-SA 4.0

Sunak, Braverman, Progress, Regress, Coconuts, and Gaslighting

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CW: references to grooming, usage of expletives and racial slurs

I remember when I first saw someone like me sitting in Cabinet. It was Sajid Javid, a British-Pakistani man who, like me, was born in Rochdale. Despite the fact that I vehemently disagreed with his political views, I felt proud to know that there was someone like me in a position of power – feeling like I was represented mattered to me. I remember even more distinctly the not too recent memory of seeing Rishi Sunak come to power. Another momentous occasion for British-Asians. It felt even more special to me knowing that Sunak, like me, had heritage in East Africa, with his parents, like my mother, being born there. Both occasions felt like progress.

Yet whatever feelings of pride I have about Sunak and the diversity of his Cabinet have become easily drowned out by feelings of anger and frustration. Setting aside the horrific policies towards migrants and refugees that the past Home secretaries, both of whom looked like me, have instituted, the current government’s rhetoric in rolling out its new clampdown on grooming gangs has made me nothing short of furious. I want to be clear; policies that stop children being predated upon ought to be lauded. That being said, presentation matters. The way we represent things is never merely descriptive. They inevitably have an effect on the world. 

Sunak and Braverman continue to claim that their policies are aimed at targeting groups of British-Pakistani men who groomed white women. Yet the data clearly shows that British-Pakistani men are not overrepresented in the statistics. It’s not my intention to break down the statistics in this rebuttal of their claim here. People interested in that can research the statistics for themselves. Nor is it my intention to question the narrative that grooming gangs were not stopped due to police officers afraid of being called racist. It’s unclear whether police failed to live up to their responsibilities due to fears of being called racist, or due to a perception of working class women as a problem rather than victims. Or indeed some other reason they failed to live up to their duties. However, what is clear is that the police failed these women at an institutional level. My aim here is to shine a light on what effects the rhetoric Braverman and Sunak deployed over their policy will have. 

It’s easy to see why they are using this sort of rhetoric. Braverman and Sunak, for all their faults, aren’t stupid. Their rhetoric is a move in the ever escalating culture war that pervades Western politics. It is a way to get brownie-points from voters with whom their rhetoric resonates. That’s the effect they want.

I suspect that  many British-Asians (both Indian and Pakistanis) as well as other minorities in the UK will be able to see clearly past the sophist bullshittery of their remarks – using rhetoric as a way to rile up their base. However, I’m not particularly worried about what ethnic minorities will think of their rhetoric, at least not directly anyway. It’s British white people and the implicit or explicit conceptions they will form about British-Pakistanis that worry me – people who will associate British-Pakistanis with paedophilia, rapists, and groomers. This, in turn, will have an indirect effect on brown people. This is the effect their rhetoric will have – feeding into racist stereotypes of men of colour, men who look like me, as rapists, as dirty, as ‘other’.

I come from Rochdale. Growing up, I was continuously associated by white people at school with the only representation of British-Pakistanis they saw in the media. Brown people who were either part of the horrific grooming gangs like the ones in Rochdale and Rotherham or some terrorist organisation. Being called “Paedo” and “terrorist” by white peers at school, some of whom go to this university, was almost a daily occurrence. These were racist remarks I didn’t have the conceptual tools to reckon with. What could I say in response? After all, weren’t they right? I looked like those people on the news, and the news told me they were groomers and terrorists. I had brown skin, black hair, and a beard. So did they. I remember I started to internalise these racist remarks. I started to look at Pakistani men around my hometown in the same way. I viewed them the same way I viewed myself. They, like me, were dirty and ‘other’. 

It’s these thoughts, these feelings of being othered whilst at school and growing up that fed into my own feelings of low self-worth – feelings of undesirability. Feelings I still struggle with. Feelings I’m sure I will continue to struggle with for sometime. This is why the recent comments by politicians who look like me sting so much. If Boris Johnson had said it, it would have still been unacceptable, but it would have also been somewhat expected. How much can I expect Boris, like my white peers at school, to know about the psychological effects their representations of me, as an other, would have on me? There is some degree of denial from white people – what philosopher Charles Mills coined as ‘white ignorance’. 

The same cannot be said for Braverman and Sunak. Both of them are British-Asians. I’m fairly confident either they, or certainly people they know, have been racially discriminated against – called the slur ‘Pakis’ or some other distinctively British pejorative slur about brown people (e.g. ‘curry-muncher’). They know words are not merely descriptive, they matter. They can hurt, directly, via slurs, or indirectly, via racialised stereotypes. They know their words can have an internalising effect. I doubt this is the effect that they, as British-Asians, would like, but it is the effect their words will have.

Another racialised slur I heard thrown about by other brown, not white, people was that of being a ‘coconut’. For those out of the loop, this refers to those who are not white, but ‘act’ white. Its something people from my hometown call me when they know I go to Oxford and sound nothing like them. My relationship with this term is far more complex than racial slurs like ‘Paki’ . On the one hand, it does seem deplorable to call someone a ‘coconut’ simply because they want to be educated and identify with some aspects of British culture. Indeed, this is something which brown Conservative politicians like Sajid Javid have acknowledged. 

On the other hand, however, there is something distinctively awful about throwing people of colour who look like you under the bus. In other words, doing the very thing Sunak and Braverman are doing to curry favour with their white voter base. Is it permissible to call them ‘coconuts’ in this circumstance? Perhaps it is. They are doing something morally abhorrent and ‘coconut’ seems like a fitting description. They are using the tools of the ‘master’ to oppress others like them. However, perhaps it is impermissible. Perhaps it is wrong to claim that there is something wrong about acting white. Again, I am not sure how morally correct the use of the term ‘coconut’ is.

From a sheer practical point, I think it is probably a term we ought to avoid using. Calling Sunak and Braverman ‘coconuts’ seems like a sure-fire way to equip them with leverage to claim they are being discriminated against. By claiming to be victims they would in effect be gaslighting the people against whom their racist rhetoric is discriminating. These claims of victimhood are also very likely to resonate with their white voter base, who will see the pejorative use of ‘coconut’ as implying that there is something wrong with being white. Whilst I have no doubt that some people of colour do use the term in that way – to denote something wrong with being white – I suspect few people actually mean that when they use the term. For one thing, there is no language police on the way we use words. Think about ‘race’ and its usage. It’s used in a whole variety of different ways and there does not seem to be one usage that is always right. The term ‘coconut’, like I already mentioned, has been used against me because I don’t exactly reflect the homogeneity of other British-Pakistanis in my community. Some people use ‘coconut’ to refer to the fact they perceive others as not being authentic to their heritage. However, I also think we could (although again I am keen to stress the point that I am unsure, pragmatically speaking, whether we should) use ‘coconut’ to refer to someone discriminating against other people of colour, employing racist rhetoric and tactics that white people typically use, to serve their own interests. Regardless, we should avoid using that term to prevent politicians of colour from feigning victimhood when they throw other communities of colour under the bus.

How else should we respond when politicians act in the way that Sunak and Braverman have acted? Apart from, responding to them publicly, I’m not sure what else can be done by people like me. White allies, can, however, stand up and not be afraid of being called racist themselves. They can call out the rhetoric Sunak and Braverman put out there for what it is. Racist dribble and dog-whistles. Of course, before they can do this, they, white people, like my peers from school, need to dig deep within themselves and root out any preconceived notions of British-Pakistanis as ‘other’, as dirty, as rapists, as paedophiles. I am sure this will not be easy, given how much the media has portrayed the British Pakistani community as such. However, my hope, in writing this piece is that it will lead some white people to root out the implicit and explicit bias they have towards British-Pakistani men.

[Sunak and Braverman] Image Credit: UK Government / CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

25 years after the Good Friday Agreement, is it still working?

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On Easter Monday, the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) turned 25 years old. A set of two deals that together ended most of the stagnation and violence of the Troubles, when it was signed it both fostered hope for a new Northern Ireland and established a framework by which this future could be constructed. At its core, it enshrined a new practice of co-operation. Citizens were entitled to Irish or British nationality or both. Efforts were made to dissolve divisions and merge Catholic and Protestant communities peacefully. A devolved government was established with a cross-community power-sharing clause: the executive would be multi-party, and the offices of First Minister and Deputy First Minister had to be filled by one nationalist and one unionist. A cause for celebration, which no end of editorials and news broadcasts asserted over the days surrounding the anniversary.

There is bitter irony in the celebrations. Joe Biden visited Belfast a few days after the anniversary, both as a symbol of the global importance of the Northern Irish peace process and in honour of the role the United States played in mediating it. Bill Clinton, the president who oversaw it, will have also visited by the time this goes to print. There was great excitement about Biden’s visit, and when he arrived he praised the ‘tremendous progress’ that had been made. Only there wasn’t much else for him to do, because our devolved government has not been in session since early 2022. Rather than having the opportunity to discuss this ‘tremendous progress’ with politicians, he had brief individual meetings with party leaders, including Sinn Féin’s Michelle O’Neill and the Democratic Unionist Party’s (DUP) Jeffrey Donaldson. So much for progress and a bright future of co-operation. Biden’s visit lasted just 18 hours, half of which he was in bed for.

This isn’t an exceptional situation. The executive has been suspended for more than a third of the time since the GFA was signed in 1998 – and more than 60% of the past five years. The current boycott was initiated by then-First Minister, the DUP’s Paul Givan, in protest over Boris Johnson’s acceptance, as part of his Brexit deal, of a customs border in the Irish Sea.  It continues with their refusal of Rishi Sunak’s modified Windsor Framework, which maintains the Irish Sea border but requires fewer checks and paperwork at it. The boycott isn’t about trade but ideology. By placing the customs border between Britain and the island of Ireland rather than along the political border between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, Westminster demonstrates that it is not as willing to fight for Ulster as Ulster is to fight for it. In the opinion of the DUP, this is unacceptable. Unionism relies on the idea that Northern Ireland is an integral and equal part of the UK, and if the UK doesn’t see them the same way, what are unionists fighting for?

The boycott is not only due to Brexit. No doubt the DUP does feel betrayed, but the Windsor Framework has now been ratified by the UK and the EU, and continuing to abstain from the executive is not going to achieve anything. One reason they refuse to return to government is that, for the first time ever, neither they nor their more moderate brothers the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) will be in charge. When Givan resigned, Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill, of Sinn Féin, had to lose her position too. In response, Sinn Féin called for an early assembly election and won. The DUP does not want to return to a power-sharing executive in which it is not at the top. They see a government headed by Catholics as a dangerous government infiltrated by the Pope and the IRA, a slippery slope to a United Ireland and the undoing of the identity they have bet everything on. As per the GFA, the reunification of Ireland must be honoured if the majority of people vote in favour of it in a referendum – and a Sinn Féin majority means that they just might.

When Biden visited Belfast, Donaldson criticised his attitude to the Stormont crisis, saying: ‘Like all of us, he wants to see the political institutions up and running again, but we are very clear that can only happen when we have got the solid foundations that we need.’ This is an interesting statement, seeing as it is Donaldson and his party who are keeping the political system at a standstill. The DUP was the only party to vote against the GFA, and Donaldson’s statement here implies that he is still opposed to it: the foundations are not solid enough – they should be torn up and replaced with new, ‘solid’ ones. Far be it from me to ever agree with the DUP, but perhaps he has a point.

The Good Friday Agreement was a wonderful, monumental achievement. It is staggering that it was even possible. Its optimistic clauses of power-sharing and mutual respect have had real material outcomes that are reflected in my own life, as somebody who has an Irish surname and an Irish passport and Irish political inclinations and lives in a bonfires-and-flegs (not a typo) town. Most of my friends in school were from unionist backgrounds because of where I grew up and, yes, some of them said and did awful things, and it was exhausting to be just about the only person in my A-level Irish history class who didn’t think everyone in the textbook was a terrorist, but I’ll take these micro-aggressions over seeing people I know die. My dad grew up just off the Falls Road in the seventies and eighties, spending bomb-scare nights sleeping in bus shelters and living within eyesight of the British army base; I was born under twenty miles away and didn’t even know what a Catholic or Protestant was until I was about twelve. It was the GFA, signed just over five years before I was born, that allowed me to have such a sheltered childhood. 

And yet – we are twenty-five years past it. Northern Ireland has changed since 1998. The now third-largest party, Alliance, professes neither nationalism nor unionism and holds almost 20% of assembly seats – what happens if it becomes second or first? Will its leader still need to share power? With whom? Even within the traditional unionist-nationalist dichotomy that the power-sharing agreement was intended to referee, the ability of the executive to take so many and such long breaks from existence demonstrates that there are structural flaws at its heart. Surely it cannot allow a true sectarian like Donaldson to stop democratic processes because he can’t bear the potential ramifications of a nationalist majority. Democratic standstill in Northern Ireland is not only destructive to public services like the NHS and education – which under devolution are local, not London, responsibilities – but potentially dangerous, with the ever-present possibility that people will grow tired of nothing happening and resort back to violence to make something happen. It has already been seen leading up to and around Easter: loyalists in Ards, republicans in Derry. 

We must be wary of deifying the Good Friday Agreement as has been done, with the best intentions, over this anniversary. The peace it secured is so fragile and necessary – it is good and urgent to examine it and identify its flaws, not to cling to the legislature of 1998 as a sacred text but to update it and ensure it continues to work as circumstances change and we make this ‘tremendous progress’ of nationalists and neutrals gaining voices.

Image Credit: Robert Paul Young/ CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

University Challenge accused of bias towards Oxbridge colleges in selection process

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The BBC has denied claims that it is ‘hiding’ the extent of Oxbridge bias on its quiz show University Challenge. This follows accusations of elitism on the show made against the corporation. 

Frank Coffield, an emeritus professor of education at UCL and visiting professor at Sunderland University has launched a campaign for fairer entry rules for the show, which he has described as a rigged contest, The Guardian has revealed. 

Coffield submitted a freedom of information request to the BBC, asking that the number of Oxbridge teams that have appeared on the show, since it was revived on the BBC in 1994, be revealed. 

The BBC rejected the request, saying that the information was withheld “for the purposes of ‘art, journalism or literature’”. A spokesperson said: “We actively encourage a variety of educational institutions to apply to University Challenge and welcome greater diversity on the show. There’s no secret as to who’s been on University Challenge over the years, as the programme has been televised.”

Coffield told The Guardian that he was suspicious of the BBC’s refusal to respond to the request. He asked: “What has it got to hide? Quite a lot, I suspect.”

As part of his campaign for fairer entry rules to University Challenge, Coffield has argued that it is unfair and evidence of bias that Oxbridge colleges are permitted to enter individual teams onto the show, whilst other larger institutions such as the universities of Birmingham or Manchester can only enter one team. 

The discrepancy has to do with the fact that in Oxford and Cambridge, teaching occurs primarily at college level. The Wikipedia account of the entrance rules for University Challenge states: “Teams consist of four members and most represent a single university. The exceptions to this are colleges of the University of Oxford and the University of Cambridge, which enter independent teams. While a number of other British universities have constituent colleges, only those where some teaching is undertaken at the college level may enter independent teams.”

In defense of these entrance rules, a BBC spokesperson said: “All education institutions that design and deliver teaching towards university level qualifications are welcome to apply to University Challenge independently.

“This is not limited to Oxbridge colleges, but also includes around 300 colleges of further and higher education across the UK, several member institutions of the University of London, and a number of UK conservatoires and art schools.”

Coffield did not accept this as a response to his charge of bias. “It still does not explain why more than 70 Oxbridge colleges are treated as separate universities,” he said. “You don’t get a Christchurch college university degree [sic] but an Oxford degree. My main criticism still stands and the BBC is avoiding answering it.”

According to the University Challenge website, Oxbridge colleges have on average made up 10 of the total 28 teams in the last nine series. They have won 27 of the total 51 previous series. 

This came as no surprise to Coffield, who stated: “Obviously, if you have 10 raffle tickets out of a total of 28, you are more likely to win prizes than if you have one.

“Could it perhaps be that the corporation has been run by successions of Oxbridge graduates who’ve turned a blind eye to this inequity?” Coffield alleges that “The rules of University Challenge were set originally to continue the dominance by Oxbridge of our cultural and intellectual life and to protect the unjustifiable advantages of elites.”

When asked, one Oxford student quizzer highlighted the success of Oxbridge in the British Student Quiz Championships – Oxford and Cambridge have won 17 of the 19 editions to date – suggesting that on University Challenge “the current system is probably objectively unfair, but probably also makes for better TV”. 

“If the producers were to force Oxford and Cambridge to enter one team each, you can almost guarantee that one of those teams would win every single year. You can also guarantee that dozens of Oxbridge quizzers who could easily captain half of the teams in the tournament would never make it to TV.” 

The student also said that “the show should also give a pretty representative sample of the current state of the UK university system, which it clearly doesn’t – I know people at the likes of Chester Uni who wouldn’t even consider attempting to get on the show, despite being decent quizzers, because they feel the system just isn’t built for institutions like theirs.”

In August 2022, Jeremy Paxman, the erstwhile face of University Challenge, said he would be stepping down as presenter. Amol Rajan will take his place for the 53rd season, which will air in Summer 2024. 

Paxman, Rajan, and Bamber Gascoigne – presenter of the show between 1962 and 1987 – all attended Cambridge colleges.

Image Credit: James/CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

£2 cocktails and a side of guilt

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In February 2023, Argentina’s inflation rate went past the 100% mark, hitting 102.5%. 

Back in July 2022, in our uni orientation week for a semester abroad in Buenos Aires, the hot topic amongst the international students was money. More precisely: how cheap everything was. You could buy a fancy cocktail for the equivalent of £2, a standard restaurant meal for £5-7, or a steak dinner at Don Julio – named the Best Restaurant in Latin America in 2020 – for £20-30.

For a bunch of uni students from Europe, it was like Christmas came early. We had more spending power than we knew what to do with and a decent amount of free time to live like your typical gap yah kids. But after the initial surprise came a gradual understanding of the situation we found ourselves in, and the implications behind it.

Argentina has two rates for foreign currency exchange: the official rate, and the “blue rate”. Following historical on and off restrictions on the amount of foreign currency locals can purchase, an underground black market for US dollars emerged, dubbed the ‘dólar blue’. While, on the blue rate, locals receive a worse rate than the official one to exchange their pesos, foreigners are rewarded by the system. At the time of writing, £1 =  $265 ARS on the official rate, and $496 ARS on the blue. 

Any card transaction, or money conversion from official channels would give you the lesser rate; to get the blue rate you’d have to seek out “arbolitos” (street dollar sellers), visit “cuevas” (caves, illegal exchange houses), or jump through the bureaucratic hoops of Western Union. 

We became seasoned speculators – the blue rate could change by a margin of 20 pesos on a daily basis, and it wasn’t uncommon to receive a text on exchange student group chats reading “The rate’s good today – go get your money”. When I arrived in Buenos Aires in July, the blue rate was £1 = 320-340 ARS; at the time of writing, £1 = 496 ARS. 

From our privileged, unscathed position as international students – inconvenienced by non-functioning Western Union branches rather than an inability to eat or live – we witnessed how soaring inflation and a failing economy affected life on a daily basis. We didn’t feel the real effects, given that local prices stayed relatively the same to the pound conversion, or even decreased. But it was a really strange dynamic to be part of. Indeed, getting excited about £2 cocktails and feeling the tangible benefits from foreign spending power came with layers of guilt as we watched many of our Argentine friends and acquaintances live the full consequences of the country’s financial struggles.

Inflation in Argentina is directly linked to the increased use of the dollar and other foreign currencies. The emerging rich, nowadays, are those who are paid in US dollars, pounds, or euros. As the Peso loses value, those who spend based on stores of foreign currencies come out of financial transactions better off, and the wealth inequality gap grows. 

In February 2023, Argentina’s inflation rate went past the 100% mark, hitting 102.5%. The rate has risen steadily through the past few months and, if we bear in mind that in July 2022 inflation was at 70.1%, it’s clear that the effects of inflation in the country have long been felt.1 In December, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had to step in to approve $6bn USD (£4.9bn) of bailout money. In fact, the government has recently had to issue a new, $2000 peso banknote to keep up with the falling value of the ARS peso. 

I spoke to my friend Giuliana Camaño, a student of International Relations at the University of San Andrés, about her experience of – and perspective on – the situation. 

She told me: “The main problem is that prices rise and wages don’t. Prices of basic necessities for your average person: gas, public transport, food, clothes, health insurance, etc.” In my experience, prices at the supermarket were different every time you went in, and restaurants tended to have whiteboard-style menus, to be able to change the prices every few days. At the university, there have been four price hikes – of around 20% each time – in fees for local students since the middle of last year.

Giuli came to study in Buenos Aires at the age of 18, but her hometown is the province of Mendoza, which lies to the west of the capital near the Chilean border. Inflation is felt differently in the rest of the country, given that Buenos Aires has starker social and economic inequalities than elsewhere. In Mendoza, for example, “the majority of the population forms the middle class, so the gap isn’t as distinguished – obviously there’s poverty but it’s not felt as directly as it is in the streets of Buenos Aires”. Even so, Mendoza’s supermarket shelves are markedly bare and many businesses have been affected by the worsening economy. 

For students who come from the other regions to study and work in Buenos Aires, there’s a real struggle to live. In the capital, “things are a lot more expensive than they are in many parts of the country”, leaving many to rely heavily on their parents – but even so, it can be difficult to get by squaring the wages from one’s home province with the prices of the capital.

This economic struggle is playing out side by side with growing social tensions. In October of this year, elections will be held to choose the president, members of the national congress and the governors of most of the provinces. There’s already fighting between the various political parties as they raise campaigns with different strategies to tackle inflation. Giuli tells me that “they constantly blame each other for historical problems. All this is generating a heavy social tension that will be hard to contain.”

1For context, inflation in the UK’s current cost of living crisis clocks in at a rate of 10.4%.

Image credit: Georgie Cutmore

Oxford junior doctors join strike over pay dispute

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Junior doctors at Oxford’s main hospital are holding a four day walk-out as part of national strike action in response to falling real-wages over the past 14 years. Disruptions to appointments are expected but emergency services will continue to operate.

A picket-line has been set-up since Tuesday morning outside the John Radcliffe hospital by junior doctors calling on the Health Secretary to return to negotiations with the British Medical Association (BMA) and Hospital Consultants and Specialists Association (HCSA). Over 40,000 junior doctors across the nation are expected to strike over the pay dispute between BMA and the government. Strike action is expected to run from 7am Tuesday 11th to 7am Saturday 15th, according to Oxford University Hospitals (OUH).

The 96-hour industrial action has been described by NHS director Sir Stephen Powis as “probably [going to be] the most disruptive period of action in NHS history”. Around 350,000 appointments have been rescheduled nationally as efforts are made to minimise the impact on health service provision.

The strikes follow claims by the BMA that junior doctors have faced a 26% real-wage cut since 2009. Downing Street has criticised demands for a 35% pay rise as “unreasonable and unaffordable”, stating that they will not negotiate with the BMA until this figure is lowered and the strikes stopped.

The Health Secretary has called the BMA’s actions “disappointing”, saying that “if the BMA is willing to move significantly from this position and cancel strikes we can resume confidential talks and find a way forward, as we have done with other unions”.

Oxford City Councillor and NHS anaesthetist Dr Hosnieh Djafari-Marbini has said online that the strike has her “full support”, calling for pay restoration and tweeting that “[w]e can’t continue looking after the public based on staff good will”.

Dr Djafari-Marbini on Twitter.

Doctors across all of OUH’s four hospitals will be striking but OUH has confirmed that urgent and emergency care will still be provided, and encourages patients to continue to attend their appointments if they have not been contacted to reschedule.

“I don’t read the news”

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I don’t read the news. That might sound shocking, and a little sensationalist, and that’s because it is a little shocking and quite a bit sensationalist, but at the heart of it lies something true. Like a lot of my peers, reading the news has been stressing me out. When reading a newspaper, my hand itches to flick to the Culture section, but there’s always something in me that makes me read the news first. Call it a goody-two-shoes syndrome or a masochistic flair, but I compulsively read the news section before proceeding to stress about it for the next minute, hour, day, or even week. My longest streak has actually been years – when my school kept on showing us climate change documentaries, so I proceeded to make my own deodorant, toothpaste, and soap for the next year. That streak promptly ended when my mum had to have a sit-down intervention with me about how much I smell. I don’t want to yuck anyone’s yum, but growing up for me meant recognising the fact that I am simply not equipped to make my own cosmetic products. And by my standards, that is growth.

Going back to the news anxiety of it all, this compulsive need to stay up to date with current affairs at the expense of my mental health (and personal hygiene) led me to reassess the way I inform myself. The way I get the news nowadays involves a two-step process and a lot of moxie. Step one, where I read the Instagram posts from outlets like The Times, along with their captions, and call it a day. Step two is a bit riskier and involves the trickle-down effect of receiving a wildly inaccurate yet extremely entertaining version of a current affair, after which I then have to go do some research so that I don’t look like a fool if the story turns out to be false. Like the other day, when I recounted a vividly gripping account of a man waking from a decade-long coma that I had heard from a friend, only to have another friend show me that it was a Reddit story.

In moments like this, not reading the news is so embarrassing (and maybe secretly a little funny). Am I part of the fake news problem? Should I inform myself a bit better? I am self-aware enough to realise that this is sad. I am a twenty-one-year-old woman, so I better start acting like one. On the other hand, though, I’ve got to protect my inner peace. If I don’t look out for my MVP, who will?

Jokes aside, nowadays the news are really tricky to navigate. I know that I’m not the only one who feels uninformed but also dreads reading sensationalist headlines about the latest climate catastrophe, the newest economic crisis, or a current femicide. I don’t have the answers to the perfect balance, but I do think that complete ignorance cannot be the answer. I have embarrassed myself one too many times after adopting that particular coping mechanism, so I will not be partaking in the practice anymore, thank you. But, compulsively reading the news during a machoistic streak is not it either. I wish I was Dolly Alderton so I could give myself some kick-ass advice, but alack, I am not, and I will have to learn to deal with that. Maybe it’s okay not to have all the answers just yet, and maybe it’s okay to read newspapers through their social media accounts rather than their fatalistic hardcopies that make you flick through all the news before getting to the good stuff. Maybe I should just accept my Gen Z-ness and embrace this whole digital thing.

I still don’t read the news. At least not in the traditional, sit-down-with-the-paper-and-my-coffee sort of way. My way is the more experimental, sit-on-the-toilet-scrolling-through-my-phone sort of way –­ but who can judge a multi-tasking queen? Certainly not me, that’s for sure.

Do we want public figures to be like us?

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This February, new Conservative Party Deputy Chairman Lee Anderson sent shockwaves across much of Britain’s media. He did this by confessing that he would support the return of the death penalty in the UK. To honour the occasion, The Guardian issued a satirical likeness of Anderson’s ‘10-point plan’ for his Party, including the reintroduction of ‘public executions’ and ‘priority booking’ for Party members, in order to confirm the position as the contrivance of a hard-right niche of the Tory Party. The Times highlighted how Anderson’s position put him ‘in the minority’ in the UK. To The Independent, Anderson was ‘forthright’ and ‘controversial’.

Now, whilst none of these appellations is necessarily unfair or untrue, they do paint a picture of a man altogether reactionary, out of touch with the times and the general public. They certainly do not intimate the kind of conclusions that are to be drawn from a March 2022 YouGov poll that saw 40% of Britons support the reintroduction of the death penalty for any murder (admittedly with 50% opposed) and, even more strikingly, 54% in support (versus 35% against) in cases of terrorism and 55% (versus 33% against) in cases of multiple murder. Even if we accept that a majority of Britons would still oppose its reintroduction in all murder cases, 40% in support is not a statistic to be sniffed at and certainly not one to be deemed the preserve of the extreme fringes of the Tory Party. Far from representing a fringe minority of the public, Lee Anderson’s ‘controversial’ remarks on this matter and on numerous others point to his articulation of a publicly unspoken swathe of British public opinion.

Are we to conclude from this comparison that the mainstream of British media is simply out of touch with the British public, whatever that means? Far from it. I would suggest that much of Britain’s mainstream media, by and large, reflects what we do expect of public figures. And what we expect of our public figures is not a mere replication of our own views – those we might be more willing to express in anonymous polls.

Even Lee Anderson is aware of this. In a widely mocked, staged cold call on a doorstepping round in his constituency, Anderson was visibly embarrassed when the man, later revealed to be a friend of his, suggested whipping anti-social people with the “cat o’ nine tails” – a whip formerly used for severe physical punishment in the Royal Navy and British Army – and making them “wear a pink tutu”. Having realised the risk of him being associated with views even more extreme than his own publicly expressed ones, Anderson responded: “I can’t support that” and tensely asked the camera-operator to “cut there for one moment”. Had this conversation been held in private, I suspect Anderson would have gone further than just agreeing with his friend. Before the cameras, however, he was acutely aware of the public’s expectation for him to keep comments that many of them might voice themselves, albeit flippantly and privately, out of public view. I would suggest that this incident showcases how even the most ‘controversial’, ‘forthright’, ‘man of the people’ type of politician knows that fundamentally, the vast majority of the public neither expects nor wants them to be fully authentic in their public role.

This dynamic is, I would suggest, characteristic of our basic human lack of self-reflection and our instinctive willingness to accept double standards for ourselves and public figures respectively. It is a quality I observe not only in media discourse but in my closest friends and even, though I am ashamed to admit it, in myself. I have always been amused by friends who lather their social media pages with calls for the latest celebrity guilty of an historical offensive tweet to have their face irreversibly stripped from the public sphere, and who simultaneously fail to bat an eyelid when their own friends utter careless quips carrying equal, if not higher, levels of offence as those of their latest victim.

A relatively high-profile variant of this phenomenon was covered by both American and British media in March 2021. Alexi McCammond, a high-flying journalist at Axios and Editor-in-Chief-elect of Conde Nast’s Teen Vogue, was forced to resign from the latter position before she had even assumed the role after a public and media outcry against anti-Asian tweets she had posted as a 17 year old, around 10 years prior. It was not, I would suggest, a genuine consensus across the American public or across Twitter-users in general that led former Teen Vogue editors and current staff to speak out against McCammond’s appointment to the press, even less a general conviction that none of them had, as a 17 year old or indeed older, said much worse themselves. This was certainly not the case for one staff member who criticised McCammond’s appointment, who was discovered to have tweeted racial slurs as a teenager herself soon after calling for McCammond to go. No, what motivated the latter’s sacking was an understanding of the general public’s largely hypocritical, yet deeply influential expectation for public figures to be, as it were, ‘better than them’. The very flaws we failed to acknowledge in ourselves and those closest to us, we did and would continue to unthinkingly see even minor public figures lose their livelihoods for, without so much as a pang of self-reflection.

So what does this mean for us, as students and members of the public in general? As in most areas of life, drawing fixed, universal rules from a set of well-documented cases, let alone a few barely examined anecdotes, is a futile task. On the one hand, as an opponent of the death penalty myself, I do not see the correspondence of Lee Anderson’s public views to much of Britain’s private ones as a reason for radicalising public political discourse in line with the often flippant and ill-thought-through extremist sentiments that ebb and flow unpredictably through public opinion.

On the other hand, I see huge benefits in a society of private persons whose reflection on its own flaws and past wrongs helps shape a more forgiving and transparent public discourse, be this in journalism or politics – in effect, a greater alignment of reflective private views with the treatment of public figures. But these positions are, of course, shaped by my own prejudices. It is not my duty to voice them, unexplained. What we do with the realisation that we frequently impose different and often higher standards of behaviour on our public figures than on ourselves and loved ones is up to us as individuals.

I would finish simply by suggesting that greater levels of self-examination, whether we use this to address our own faults and those of our closest friends, or to temper overly pious condemnation of those living under the glare of public scrutiny, can in moderation be no bad thing.

Image Credit: Thomas Rowlandson, CC BY 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons


New menu new me? Turtle Bay brings fresh flavours to tried and tested formula

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When I reviewed Turtle Bay back in November of last year, it was great to, as ever, try a huge variety of what was on offer. As a result, I got to see both the best and blandest dishes that shone a light on the brilliance of Caribbean cuisine but also let it down in places. With its new and long-awaited menu refresh, the Caribbean chain now seems to have truly turned its focus onto the food alongside its brilliant drinks offering with increased plant-based and fresh-tasting options.

This time around I was visiting the newly opened branch in Hammersmith. Still shining from its unveiling just a week ago, it uses the same formula as many of the chain’s other sites but on an even bigger scale. The bar is front and centre as you enter and behind it lies a vast ground floor split into a couple of disctinct sections with tables of varying sizes. Upstairs, another bar and a smaller number seem primed for private hire or particularly busy Friday and Saturday nights.

We kicked things off with the starter and sharing options including the pulled chicken doubles. These are a new twist on their famous ‘Trini Doubles’ that have always been the star dish on offer here. I must say they were one of my favourite things on the day— the combination of avocado and pineapple countered the seasoning of the chicken and barbecue sauce well with the texture a step up from the original dish in my opinion.

Pulled Chicken Doubles

There are now vegan jerk chicken options from the jerk pit as well as barbecue ribs. As English ribs go these were also full of flavour and much larger than you often find. The mac and cheese with them was unremarkable in flavour but crispy on top to bring the crunch that any good macaroni needs.

Ribs

Fried chicken was always my favourite choice at Turtle Bay and with the new menu that much remains unchanged. It is best in the ‘Honey Bunny Yardbird’: This is a Caribbean twist on chicken and waffles and is a stack of roti topped with a boneless chicken thigh, honey and a fried egg as well as watermelon on the side. The combination of flavours here is perfect and it strikes me as the best thought-out dish as well as being a great twist on a brunch classic. The fried chicken is just as good with some rice and beans. The thigh is well browned and the coating carries just enough of a punch to bring flavour but not too much spice for the UK market. Rice has a lot more smokiness to it than so many restaurants that just churn out bog-standard, tasteless grains.

Fried Chicken and Mac and Cheese

All of the sunshine bowls have been switched up too and for the first time at Turtle Bay, you can get a salad. That is topped with jerk chicken and a good variety of vegetables with a watermelon dressing. The dressing strikes me as a good combo with the flavour of jerk but unfortunately this one is too toned down for me. You can taste it at times but the breast definitely needed more kick to align it with those classic jerk flavours. This does feel like an important dish for Turtle Bay, especially now that all chains must display their calorie counts on menus: the fact that they are now able to offer something under 400 calories will open up the scope for lunches to a large number of people who in the past might have seen this as a ‘cheat-meal’ destination.

Jerk Chicken Salad

Back to plant-based and the jackfruit burger is a huge step up from the vegan fried chicken offering I tried last year. The red onion, lettuce, and tomato bring a freshness to the smoky barbecue sauce and a crunch to the jackfruit texture that makes for a genuinely complete bite. The only disappointment here is the bun which is still too soft and plain for me, lacking in substance and flavour.

Pulled Jackfruit Burger

Dessert-wise, options are still limited. Usually, this is a positive for me, suggesting that a closer focus ensures quality over quantity. Indeed, the banana toffee cheesecake is another fun take on an English classic with a Caribbean twist and the biscuit base is sufficiently chunky. Unfortunately, the chocolate brownie falls far short. Quite honestly it isn’t a brownie and is entirely cake-like in texture. The coconut ice cream with it helps but there is a total absence of the gooeyness and flavour that make a good brownie. It is worth saying that the manager told us the recipe had recently changed and that the company are working quickly to improve it so it may well be that this isn’t the case for long.

Chilli Chocolate Brownie and Banana Toffee Cheesecake

In the past, Turtle Bay was an easy recommendation for me for anyone looking for late-night eats, happy hours, or bottomless brunches. With its new menu though, it has firmly entered the market as an option for lunches and dinners with far more inclusive offerings. Even more so now, it is a potential stop-off at any time of day or night.