Friday 1st May 2026
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Review: Dangerous Liaisons

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This is the kind of play that should do very well in Oxford. A slick and attractive production, with a slick (even oleaginous, in the case of the male lead) and attractive cast, with a slick and attractive marketing campaign. Dynamic duo Ramin Sabi and Christina Drollas know their target audience, and, despite some fairly major box office hurdles – finalist agoraphobia, undergraduate apathy, ghastly weather–this should do very well. Hers is a tremendously engaging production, and one that is superficially rather a lot of fun. However, engaging (more’s the pity) doesn’t necessarily mean good: those with a more profound understanding of either the book or what makes for a superlative production may leave rather disappointed.

On the face of it, though, things are bright. The laughs are not infrequent, the set is absolutely glorious, the cast are admittedly mostly rather dashing. The lower sixth drama class I spoke to at the interval declared the show ‘amazing’, and the Vicomte, apparently, a ‘lad’. In some respects, this is actually very apt: it is amazing that someone with Drollas’ relative inexperience should have managed to organise and engineer a production that, at its best points, is really rather professional. And the Vicomte? ‘Lad’ might not be the obvious choice of word: I actually came to find Ziad Samaha’s performance as Valmont immensely irritating (not least because he appears to have developed quite a pervasive little cough) – but his performance is admittedly quite misogynistic. I look forward to no longer seeing his face all over Oxford – including, apparently, over the urinals at a number of night-time establishments.

Ella Waldman’s Tourvel, on the other hand, is superb. Well-cast, presumably well-directed, and definitely very well done, Waldman delivers a gold star performance in a hugely difficult role. Claudia King is also to be applauded for appropriate breathiness. A more faltering casting decision has been made in Alice Portas’  Madame de Merteuil, who I found less convincing. Her scenes with Samaha lack any kind of sexual charge: though they paw at one enough concertedly enough, they could easily be assistants in an abattoir. That said, everyone looks very attractive, and (in a technique often used to great effect in movies that are made for television) the strains of a piano in the background made everything ever so much more emotional, darling.

Even in the hands of the ‘pros’, adaptation is a challenging process (cf. most of the Harry Potter films): Drollas has accordingly done quite well, though the ending is – if not totally botched –rather anti-climatic. In the Valmont’s final scene, they have missed out on a good opportunity to engage with a bit of ‘gore’, while Drollas’ rewriting of Merteuil’s endpoint feels unfinished. The choice to put it in the late thirties, however, is sometimes incongrouous and often bizarre: this really doesn’t work with either the semantic field or the themes of the narrative. The epistolary conceit is done away with almost entirely: the product is a fresh, pithy script, with plenty of humour. Should Drollas seek to have it reproduced, however, I would seek editorial support for clunkier or more wooden lines. Merteuil asks her young lover whether he has someone to write his lines for him, or whether he takes them from ‘bad melodramas’: I doubt this anticipates the winces that followed from a number of audience members.

A final note: given the number of  French undergraduates likely to descend on the Playhouse this week, I recommend asking for some handy hints on appropriate character name pronunciation. A very pretty show, though.

Three and a half stars.

Preview: The Penal Colony

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Adam Gethin-Jones and his cast are waiting for the brutes in St. Hilda’s Dramatic Society’s newest production, In The Penal Colony, a schizophrenic adaptation from the short story by Franz Kafka.

Now, I must admit to having been slightly sceptical before going to see the play: as a huge fan of Kafka’s work, I was afraid a poor production could ruin one of his gems for me. What I saw of the play was, however, a pleasant surprise, even if not a staggering cathartic masterpiece. The plot revolves around the execution of the Prisoner, observed by the Explorer, a mysterious traveller visiting the Penal Colony and the mysterious device used to carry out the execution, an object of almost erotic fascination for the Officer, who has a peculiar nostalgia for the bygone times of the former commandante of the Penal Colony.

Or was it a sanatorium? The original plot has been heavily adapted, with new elements added and the whole story transposed onto the realities of a decaying sanatorium. The Prisoner becomes a patient, new levels of alienation are created, and the plot conventionalised by the cultural context of the mental institution, a theme so overexploited in recent years that it has become a staple of modern popular culture. But quite apart from my (probably obvious) distaste for the concept of this adaptation the problem lies primarily with the lack of clarity. The actors still refer to each other as ‘Officer’, ‘Prisoner’ and so forth, despite their costumes and the set design. The sanatorium setting certainly adds to the schizophrenic qualities of the play, but unfortunately, probably not in the way the director would have liked.

What the play lacks in clarity and cohesion it definitely makes up for in acting talent. Jonathan Griffiths as the Prisoner deserves special attention, his brilliant portray of his character’s madness is the high point of the play and it’s worth the trek to St. Hilda’s merely to see this talented actor in what is a perfectly cast role. Also, the casting of two women in the roles of Explorer and Officer creates a fascinating new level to the script and the exposed sexual undertones of the Officer’s relationship with the former Commandante and her fascination with the machine add an intriguing twist to the basic plot. The other actors don’t disappoint, even if they sometimes seem to be ever so slightly overplaying their roles.

All in all then, a good play, well acted and directed, if perhaps sometimes overambitious in its attempts to produce a more modern reading of Kafka’s great story. Definitely worth recommending if you have a free evening and want to see a few talented young actors enact a masterful story by one of the literary geniuses of the previous century.

Three and a half stars

Review: Two Gentlemen of Verona

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Perhaps fittingly for an early Shakespearean comedy, Kate O’Connor’s production of The Two Gentlemen of Verona was at its best at its silliest and most amateur. The set channelled village pantomime, the band of outlaws looked like they’d stumbled in from a school production of Bugsy Malone and, should the weather permit outside performance during the rest of their run, the Christ Church gardens setting should only add to the hilarity.

Audience engagement was high, especially when the play was at its most overtly comic. Barney Iley’s Speed stole the show, slightly upstaging Stephen Hyde, who, as Launce, had to contend with difficult sight lines while seated with his dog in the play’s most well-loved scenes. The lovers had more of an uphill battle to climb. Alice Fraser worked hard to give Julia the depth of later comedic heroines and really came into her own in the second half of the production, but even the unorthodox ending couldn’t counter the awkwardness of the play’s denouement for a modern audience. Tim Gibson’s Valentine was largely competent and Amelia Sparling’s Silvia charming, but Ed Seabright’s Proteus less well-realised and his transition from loyal friend to Machiavellian villain made all the more bizarre by somewhat blunt characterisation.

The production was weakest when it attempted to be something more than a light-hearted romp. The Big Band era/Manhattan setting was laboured and unenlightening, the singing between acts slightly cringe-worthy and the final full-cast rendition of ‘New York’ tear-inducing for all the wrong reasons. Gestures were overblown and blocking could be awkward – directorial decisions which proved to the expense of the better actors among the cast. The decision to convert the Duke into a Duchess (Katie Ebner-Landy) also seemed to have little motivation beyond casting considerations and hampered the sense of the lines on a couple of occasions – a shame in a production which could provide a good introduction to Shakespearean language.

Overall, while the production may be a little rough around the edges, enthusiasm was abundant onstage and off and, as such, The Two Gentlemen of Verona should prove a fun night out for even the most uninitiated of Shakespearean theatregoers.

Two and a half stars

Preview: Blithe Spirit

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Though Josh Booth’s production of Blithe Spirit may fall flat in some areas, it cannot be denied that it does succeed in capturing the farcical humour which distinguishes Coward’s plays. It is always hard to fully appreciate a play from its press preview, but the two scenes shown were ripe with sarcastic one liners and simple slapstick humour. Comedy is harder to perform than people often realise, and the cast of Blithe Spirit handle Coward’s script well and seem to enjoy doing so. Levy and Piplin were a particular delight to watch, as Charles and Ruth, the couple caught in the midst of a séance, watching their marriage disintegrate. There was a nice juxtaposition between Charles’ ‘roguish flippancy’ and the brutal realism of his wife’s disbelief. Charles’ bouncing around the room works well against his wife’s static position in the centre of the room, impassive and unmoving, illustrating the differences between the couple.

However, the performance was not without its problems. One issue with farce is that the humour detracts from the less overstated emotions within the play and can result in unnecessary melodrama. Whilst there are no tragic elements to Blithe Spirit, every line of the play does not have to be humorous and occasionally the performance suffered from actors desperately attempting to wring comedy out of lines which did not need it. This led to some shallow performances from some of the leads and, whilst they could carry the comedy, the rest of their acting had a tendency to descend into grating melodrama. Thus, on the odd occasion, it seemed as if the audience was laughing at, not with, the actors. Another potential pitfall is the venue for the production. Blithe Spirit is a garden performance, and I have some doubts as to how well the staging will translate to the outdoors. Garden productions require scripts that suit the surroundings and Coward’s farce (written to be performed indoors) will appear rather incongruous outside. I fear the set may look somewhat lost in a garden setting and I doubt whether the quality of the production will be able to conceal that. Nonetheless Blithe Spirit was enjoyable to watch – even if on occasion performances slipped into ridiculous melodrama. 

Two and a half stars

Debate: London mayoral election – Vote Ken

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Some people would still vote Boris if Ken could cure cancer. Ken is a controversial figure, someone people find excuses to dislike. Ken spent decades campaigning for gay rights, only to be denounced as a homophobe for meeting with a controversial cleric, while Boris appears to have gotten away with comparing gay marriage to that between “three men and a dog”.

Livingstone undeniably has a knack for causing offence and expresses anger with a directness unusual for a politician. But this is an election for a mayor not a pope; we want good policy, not a friendly personality. In a time of deep social crisis, Boris is a Thatcherite without any understanding of or interest in the problems of poorer Londoners.

The centerpiece of Ken’s transport policy is the 7% cut in fares followed by a fare freeze. In these tough financial times Boris’ decision to allow fares to rise above inflation would empty the pockets of poorer Londoners for the sake of long term investment that can easily wait until rosier days. Even Boris’ most famous transport move – his eponymous bikes – were the result of a policy inherited from Ken.

 Boris claims to have cut crime which is, strictly speaking, true, but only if you ignore the disturbing increase in violent youth crime in the past four years. Last summer London went to hell and Boris refused to cut short his holiday. Ken proposes tackling gang warfare with carefully targeted multi-agency plans, as well as implementing an acti

on plan for disenfranchised youths. Boris has nothing more than a neighborhood watch scheme. Boris scrapped Ken’s target to make 50% of new homes affordable during a crippling housing crisis and, at the same time, backed borough plans to demolish swathes of social housing through regeneration schemes. Boris’ policies are creating a divided London and exacerbating what is fast becoming an epidemic of homelessness. Ken plans to create a “London letting agency’ to give cheaper rates to the poorest, whom Boris would abandon to the whims of the market.

Putting a friendly, ‘eccentric’ face on London isn’t enough. The reality is that London is a grim place to live in for many of its residents, and we need a mayor with serious plans for affordable housing and good policing. We need someone who is willing to delay investment so that Londoners who have been hit hard by recession can have more cash in their pockets. We need Ken.

Debate: London mayoral election – Back Boris

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We need to talk about Ken. This week you can’t help but empathise with Labour activists, pounding the streets campaigning for a man they largely find odious. Amidst Tory austerity this election should really belong to them. A red rosette pinned to a pig would do the trick. Failing that, the party chose Red Ken – a champagne socialist whose name has become a byword for hypocrisy. In what is essentially a two-horse race between Livingstone and the incumbent, a vote for Boris is surely right.

The fact that he is not Ken is by no means the only good reason to ‘Back Boris’. During his term in office he has bartered astutely with the Coalition to secure a good deal for London. Understanding the importance of a mid-term Tory win in the capital, the Chancellor George Osborne was careful to preserve the big-spending projects in Johnson’s fiefdom. Were Ken to win, the Olympic-sized tide of Whitehall spending would subside and Londoners would be forced to confront the cuts that Mancunians and Geordies are currently grappling with. The calculation here is implicitly one of blackmail: vote Tory, or the preferential treatment afforded to London stops.

 Regardless, the truth remains that the capital is better off with Boris. His first term wasn’t transformative, but Londoners, ask yourselves, has the city improved under Boris’s watch? Council taxes? Cut. Crime? Cut. And the City Hall sleaze? Out. Add in a few goodies like Boris Bikes, the scrapping of the Western extension and, well, the man’s extraordinary bombast, and Boris’s second-term credentials seem fairly commendable. He is a competent, charismatic big-city mayor, confounding those who sneered at the prospect of a television personality running the world’s greatest city. Somehow the Eton and Balliol educated Boris – a former Union President nonetheless – embodies the diversity and dynamism of London better than any old, washed-out socialist could.

Charisma counts. This summer the world will come to London and, for a city that relies on international trade and whose vibrant culture is international, the face we choose to represent the name London matters. Boris can charm a crowd with his mix of rhetorical skill and mild eccentricity. Despite his bedraggled appearance, Mr Johnson has an indiscernible talent that makes him an asset to London in situations where Ken would be a liability. He’s independent , charismatic, and pays his taxes. Back Boris.

5 Minute Tute: Two Years of The Coalition

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After the last election, there are now more first time MPs than there have been for decades. How has this affected the government?

The key point is that there is now a huge cohort of young MPs who have no chance of becoming ministers in this Parliament, not least because cabinet is now split between the Conservatives and the Lib Dems. After the expenses scandal, a lot of the safe seats that the parties use to parachute favoured candidates into Parliament were flushed out, so the new MPs tend to feel like they got in on their own, rather than through the party machine – they aren’t easily cowed. The main consequence of this is that there’s a lot more intellectual foment going on; there are many new factions debating public sector reform and regulation, asking how to adapt to a post-boom Britain in which the old mix of social democracy and deregulation doesn’t work any more. It’s an unrulier, more intellectual Parliament.

How are the Conservatives and Lib Dems adapting to a coalition?

First, it’s worth saying that it’s really voters who are failing to adapt to a coalition. No one understands power-sharing; voters claim that they like it in abstract but, at the same time, say that they don’t want politicians to compromise their beliefs, despite the fact that you can’t have one without the other. Within the coalition, the main issue is the tendency among some Tories to blame the Lib Dems for the failure of right-wing policies on Europe and immigration, but really, they’re just using them as a proxy for reality. The government hasn’t withdrawn from the EU or banned immigration because they’re unrealistic and unworkable ideas, not because of the Lib Dems. At the same time, there is fear among hardcore Conservatives that Cameron is using the Lib Dems for cover as well. They worry that he uses compromise within the coalition as a pretext to get away with advancing the centrist, relatively liberal policies that he actually believes in. Clegg and Cameron’s inner circles are quite close in terms of policy, which is creating a lot of suspicion on the fringes.

Whatever happened to Cameron’s Big Society?

I think that the wisdom of crowds showed through here; everyone sensed that something just wasn’t quite right with the Big Society, that the idea of using charities and volunteers to take over public services just didn’t quite add up. What was missing was that the entire programme depended on privatisation to work, which Cameron wasn’t brave enough to admit. Now we’re seeing a backlash as the privatisation elements of reform to everything from the NHS to forests come to light, which Cameron spent more time trying to hide than to justify. Ultimately, no one believed that ‘society’ would take over government business, because it simply wasn’t true. The Liberal Democrats have probably lost their core vote. How are they planning to survive the next election? The Lib Dems did well as a rallying point for protest votes for a while, and although they have lost the student and eco-pacifist voting blocks, they want to believe that the coalition has given the party a chance to prove that they are more than just a protest party. Party insiders say that if the economy recovers it will prove that they are competent in government, but nicer than the Conservatives. They argue that softer, liberal Tory voters, who don’t hold particularly conservative values but don’t trust Labour’s economics, really belong with the Lib Dems, but are afraid of wasting their votes. The Lib Dems hope to draw in at the next election by proving in government that they can actually run a country. Whether they manage to do so will determine whether the party can make it through the next general election.

The Liberal Democrats have probably lost their core vote. How are they planning to survive the next election?

 The Lib Dems did well as a rallying point for protest votes for a while, and although they have lost the student and eco-pacifist voting blocks, they want to believe that the coalition has given the party a chance to prove that they are more than just a protest party. Party insiders say that if the economy recovers it will prove that they are competent in government, but nicer than the Conservatives. They argue that softer, liberal Tory voters, who don’t hold particularly conservative values but don’t trust Labour’s economics, really belong with the Lib Dems, but are afraid of wasting their votes. The Lib Dems hope to draw in at the next election by proving in government that they can actually run a country. Whether they manage to do so will determine whether the party can make it through the next general election.nment business, because it simply wasn’t true. The Liberal Democrats have probably lost their core vote. How are they planning to survive the next election? The Lib Dems did well as a rallying point for protest votes for a while, and although they have lost the student and eco-pacifist voting blocks, they want to believe that the coalition has given the party a chance to prove that they are more than just a protest party. Party insiders say that if the economy recovers it will prove that they are competent in government, but nicer than the Conservatives. They argue that softer, liberal Tory voters, who don’t hold particularly conservative values but don’t trust Labour’s economics, really belong with the Lib Dems, but are afraid of wasting their votes. The Lib Dems hope to draw in at the next election by proving in government that they can actually run a country. Whether they manage to do so will determine whether the party can make it through the next general election.

 

Why Gleick must speak

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According to Joseph Bast, the University of Oxford should be ‘ashamed’ for associating itself with ‘a bungling thief and scientific fraud’. Bast is President of the Chicago-based Heartland Institute; the man accused is Dr Peter Gleick, a renowned expert on water resources and climate change. Gleick posed as a Heartland board member to solicit evidence for claims that the Institute was preparing to ‘muddy the waters’ on climate science.

Gleick’s frustration with the anti-climate lobby is understandable. Particularly in the US, climatologists face an uphill struggle to persuade an apathetic public. But, the way Gleick gathered his ‘evidence’ has cast doubts on its authenticity: he has even been accused of forging one of the documents he obtained. Gleick’s actions were at best naïve, at worst stupid and illegal. Worse still, he contaminated the debate he was trying to advance. His actions have given what Heartland calls ‘limate realists’ real ammunition, and they have seized upon it. In doing so, a purely scientific debate has been dragged out of science and into politics, a move especially damaging because it is gleefully trumpeted by climate sceptics. The Telegraph’s Christopher Booker triumphantly gloated ‘supporters of the Cause will stop at nothing.’ What do we expect the average reader to infer? That climate scientists are desperate, misbegotten swindlers. Gleick is grievously at fault for damaging the cause for, and debate over, climate science. He has destroyed the integrity of thousands of scientists at a stroke, and that is a heinous mistake to make.

However, there is an important second point. There is no evidence Gleick is a ‘scientific fraud’. Despite what Heartland might say, his scientific – and I stress the scientific – views are in good company. Just ask the Royal Society, the foremost organisation of British scientists. They know there’s no debate on the fundamentals of climate change. Gleick’s private decisions may have been stupid, but that does not mean his professional work – peer-reviewed and examined by the rest of the scientific community – is also in doubt.

Bast claimed that ‘Linus Pauling and Edwin Hubble must be spinning in their graves’, but I’m not so sure. Perhaps, instead, they’d recognise a man who has acted foolishly, but whose scientific work is part of the effort to understand the changes in our world like never before. Oxford is the university of Edmund Halley, one of the first scientists to study the world’s atmosphere. I’m sure that, like Hubble and Pauling, he’d know good science when he saw it.

So, let Gleick come to Oxford. Let him speak to students as the eminent scientist he remains. Perhaps at the same time he can give a brief lesson in the right and wrong ways of meeting your opponents. 

40 Days and 40 Nights

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After 2 months and 23 days of speculation and shortlists, Roy Hodgson was officially unveiled yesterday as the Football Association’s ‘favoured man’. Whilst off the field he has still to convince the ‘unconvinced’ that he’s the right choice to take England forward, his preparation on the field begins in earnest.

 

Appoint a Captain

The captaincy was a thorny issue during Fabio Capello’s time in charge and a contributory factor in the Italian’s departure from the job in February. Hodgson’s appointment of Danny Murphy and Chris Brunt as captains of Fulham FC and West Bromwich Albion respectively suggests that he favours a senior figure for the captaincy. Liverpool’s talisman Steven Gerrard appears to be in pole position having led England at the 2010 FIFA World Cup however Tottenham Hotspur’s Scott Parker and Chelsea’s Frank Lampard should not be dismissed. Manchester City goalkeeper Joe Hart, Manchester United utility man Phil Jones and Arsenal midfielder Jack Wilshere are all candidates in the long-term.

The Rio Ferdinand and John Terry Issue 

The 64-year-old made it clear in his press conference at Wembley that he would be speaking to both players regarding their off the field relationship after accusations of racial abuse were made against the Chelsea captain by Ferdinand’s younger brother and Queens Park Rangers defender, Anton Ferdinand. Although Hodgson does have a series of alternatives in the centre back department in the form of Chelsea’s Gary Cahill, Manchester City’s Joleon Lescott and Everton’s Phil Jagielka – who have all impressed throughout the season – both Ferdinand and Terry provide invaluable experience having played in two FIFA World Cups and one UEFA European Championship between them.

Decide on a Strike Force 

Despite being suspended for England’s first two matches, Hodgson has confirmed that Manchester United striker Wayne Rooney will be named in his 23-man squad. Whether he decides to partner Rooney upfront with teammate Danny Welbeck or play him in behind a lone striker as an attacking midfielder remains to be seen. Hodgson has traditionally opted to go with a target man upfront that will put Stoke City’s Peter Crouch, Liverpool’s Andy Carroll and Queens Park Rangers’ Bobby Zamora in contention for a place in the starting line-up. He’ll also consider the speed offered by Chelsea’s Daniel Sturridge and the experience of Tottenham Hotspur’s Jermain Defoe.

Tactical Approach

The ex-Internazionale manager is renowned for his meticulous organisation, discipline and attention to detail – factors that have consistently made his teams hard to break down. Each player will know their role within the team – where to be positioned defensively, which areas to penetrate and how best to exploit the opposition. Despite accusations of being conservative and defensive, Hodgson prides himself on his teams quick movement, incisive passing and resilience. He’ll look for his side to stretch the play, exploit the flanks and look for overlapping full backs to provide the telling deliveries for the strikers to attack. Focus will also be placed on defending and attacking set pieces.

Backroom Staff and Squad Selection

Throughout his managerial career Hodgson has been accustomed to working with a small group of personnel alongside him. He may look to entrust the help of his former assistants at Fulham FC Ray Lewington and Mike Kelly and he’ll be expected to include current England U21 manager Stuart Pearce in his set-up. One will expect Hodgson to retain the majority of the current squad however he’ll not be afraid to make changes and may perhaps spring one or two surprises. Swansea City midfielder Scott Sinclair and Norwich City striker Grant Holt are amongst a number of players that are being sounded out as possible inclusions. 

Twitter: @aleksklosok

Preview: A Doll’s House

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Directors Ellie Keel and Lara McIvor will have a great deal to overcome in order to stage Ibsen’s A Doll’s House in Brasenose College’s New Quad. Not only will they have the ever-present threat of inclement weather hanging over their heads, but to stage a play that is so thoroughly bound up in the idea of the constrictions of social conservatism in an outside venue will require their actors to establish the tone of the piece without the standard physical shorthand of a cramped and enclosed space. This requires real nerve, conviction and commitment to building character above all else.

Thankfully, the cast seems to be well-suited to this task. From the two short excerpts shown at the Brasenose Arts Society, it was perhaps hard to get a real feeling for a couple of the more subtle characters (Mrs Linde and Dr Rank), whose characters require a great deal of exposition before their often obtuse and obscure dialogue becomes more affecting. Others, however, were presented as fully formed and accomplished performances.

Natasha Heliotis’ Nora is an impressively subtle creation. Her confrontation with Krogstad allowed her to demonstrate a haughty imperiousness that perfectly matches the upper-middle class nature of her character. Her disdain for the lowly clerk was perfectly handled and, when caught off guard, she responded with a wounded pride that felt genuinely spontaneous.

Aleks Cvetkovic’s Krogstad is an equally impressive, if nasty, piece of work. He manages to balance a slimy and manipulative demeanour with a morally ambiguous backstory that prevents the character from being a straightforward antagonist. This is villainy at its most domestic, and thus most difficult to portray. Cvetkovic’s art lies in making Krogstad a believable human being, whilst remaining a disturbing and engrossing stage presence.

Peter Huhne’s portrayal of Torvald, Nora’s self-absorbed and possessive husband, is more flawed. He is played as a comic character, gawky and incompetent, with a somewhat strange, stooping posture. Torvald is supposedly the authority figure of the piece, the personification of the social values that keep Nora ‘in her place’; it was a little hard to take him seriously, and even harder to understand how Nora could possibly convince herself that she was happy with this buffoon. But perhaps that is the point. Where Ibsen sought to expose the self-serving nature of social conservatism by mining its darkest and most morally questionable elements, this production seems to strive to achieve the same through mockery and ridicule.

It has to be recognised that it is difficult to deal with such a stone-cold classic with anything less than awe and deference. Although their comic instincts may require to be reined in a little, Keel and McIvor are to be admired for giving Ibsen’s play their own interpretation. Not many other directors (or casts, for that matter) would be up to the task. It seems that, barring thunder, rain and hail, there is little that could prevent this production from being a roaring success.

FOUR STARS