Monday, May 5, 2025
Blog Page 181

 Towards a case against self-improvement

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Beginning the case against the current societal obsession with self-improvement is already attended with a problem of my own guilt and failures. The very notion of critiquing society, rather than oneself, is a refusal to take upon what is dubbed in psychological terms the “internal locus of control”. Someone with an internal locus of control believes that they are responsible and able to control events in their lives, which in turn makes them more optimistic, conscientious and productive, whereas externals, believing their fate to be largely out of their hands, are more neurotic, lazy and unproductive.  Self-improvement channels and authors often view people within this binary, clearly privileging the internals over the externals. 

The issue cannot be so clear-cut, however, because anyone’s judgement on the issue of the locus of control is itself affected by one’s own locus of control. It affects how one thinks and perceives the world, such as one’s political beliefs: on a very general and simplistic level, the right tends to be more internal while the left is more external. One can interpret the Peterson–Žižek debate (one between a self-help guru and a cultural critic) along this axis. Peterson tends to espouse the vital importance of having an internal locus of control, evident from his teaching that everyone should clean their room before attempting to change the world, whereas Žižek tends to consider things from the other side, confronting Peterson with the question: “What if in trying to set your house in order, you discover your house is in disorder precisely because of the way the society is messed up?” Žižek goes on to clarify that he does not believe that people should forget about their own houses, but that there is not a necessity for a binary between societal and individual problems.

Having an internal locus of control may be the best way to be productive, according to psychological studies, but just because something is useful or practical does not mean that it is right. Common sense dictates that people are always controlled by both internal and external forces. Someone who believed their life and their successes and failures to be entirely under their own control would be unhealthily delusional, incapable of seeing reality. Unfortunately, this level of delusion is encouraged by some self-improvement coaches, who often attribute no positive qualities to externality. An inability to accept any negativity is criticised as a societal ill in Byung Chul-Han’s book The Burnout Society (Müdigkeitsgesellschaft), where he describes how, due to our current orientation towards constant achievement, we have become exploiters of ourselves. Similarly, the binary between internality and externality as purely positive and negative is a highly left-hemispheric way of thinking, as McGilchrist describes in his book The Master and His Emissary, which McGilchrist believes reduces the human experience to absurdity. 

Self-improvement in its worst iterations typically functions on such black-and-white binaries, purporting to effect transformations from one negative state which it implies the consumer is currently in, to the privileged, positive state which it implies the coach occupies. Common sense again reveals that self-improvement is a continual process, never a mere one-way transformation. But the self-improvement industry does not always allow for nuance, subtlety or the acceptance of imperfection. This can be a strategy for exploiting consumers. The worst self-improvement coaches entrap an audience by enforcing unhealthy, perfectionistic binary expectations upon them. This not only creates an audience where otherwise many may have been content with their imperfect yet ordinary lives, but, when people inevitably, humanly fail to enact fully the transformation that was promised them, may force them to continue buying or consuming the content from the same coach. Consumer capitalism creates a demand where none existed previously.

Self-improvement, the desire to be a better human being, has been the endeavour of philosophers since ancient times and is obviously integral to the human experience. Modern self-improvement coaches do not begin to approach the enormity and importance of this question with the requisite humility, however. The aims of modern self-improvement are faulty and simplistic, and consumer capitalism garners a lot of attention for the most foolishly self-assured to spread their generalised, simplistic judgements. Such a great deal of the trouble and chaos of today is caused from people telling others what to do or making out as if they know what others should do to improve their lives more than anyone else. Life is far too complex, everyone’s individual situations, histories and aims far too different for most advice — however much it might have helped the coach in question — to be applicable on a widespread basis.

The self-improvement industry in an ideal world would not exist, because it is a paltry imitation of ethical philosophy. Many self-improvement coaches would do well to try to replicate some of the intellectual humility of Socrates, popularly known for the phrase “I know that I know nothing” (although he did not precisely ever use those words, which is another thing that we think we know but don’t). Asking people questions rather than providing them with answers would be far more conducive to their real wellbeing. Unfortunately, questions are not very marketable. They are also not necessarily conducive to productivity. Yeats’ dictum that “the best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity” is an unfortunate truth of the modern world, for those who are certain that optimising productivity is the way that everyone should be living their lives rarely ever question their premises and are, of course, very productive in telling others what to do. Socrates, meanwhile, never wrote anything down.

Adopting a total Socratic ignorance may lead to quietism and complete inaction, which would problematise my writing of this article. I may be committing the very mistake that I am accusing self-help coaches of doing, of believing that I know better what other people should be doing with their time. But I don’t, and I don’t claim that I do, and I acknowledge that self-improvement may be useful for many people. On the other hand, I think the unquestioning value that some self-improvement coaches ascribe to self-improvement, and the absurd notion that people are only good so long as they are improving and productive, is ultimately harmful and needs to be challenged more urgently. We need to learn to accept the negative side of externality, the idea that we may not be totally under our own control. The modern obsession with productivity is as dangerous as the 19thcentury’s obsession with utility. We have not yet learnt the lessons the Romantics taught us: we still lack Keats’ “negative capability” and Wordsworth’s “wise passiveness.

Image Credit: Internet Archive / CC0 1.0 via Flickr

The painful truth about student finance reform

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Nationalist or socialist, liberal or conservative, there is one political issue that almost every student can agree on – no one likes paying tuition fees. A three year degree at a UK University now costs a good annual salary. If you are an international or graduate student, it can be even more – you’d better find yourself a generous employer, a large scholarship, or some very serious loans.

It hasn’t always been this way, though. Until 1999 – the year I was born – Higher Education was free in the UK for British students. In living memory, students were not expected to pay anything towards their education costs.

Slowly throughout the following fifteen years, the ‘free-at-the-point-of-us system’ that existed for decades before the millennium unravelled. Tuition fees trebled in 2011, fundamentally changing them from a ‘top-up’ to what the government spent to a full-on education market, with even maintenance grants being abolished in 2016.

The current system, however, is not all that it seems. You do not make repayments on your loan unless you earn more than £25,000, and above that you pay 9% of your additional earnings. Furthermore, since the interest rate on the loans is very high, many people will never pay it all back.

Consequently, for many people, tuition fees already behave like a tax. Admittedly, it is a bad tax – regressive and avoidable if your parents or employer can fund your tuition, but it is virtually a tax on graduates.

Nevertheless, the abolition of tuition fees and its replacement either with an explicit graduate tax or funding from general taxation is a contentious point of debate.

University funding, whatever form it takes, poses a policy ‘trilemma’ – you cannot have high quality and well-funded universities, affordable costs, and high student numbers. We could go back to the pre-1992 situation, with tight restrictions on how many people could go to university, we could cut funding per student, or we have to find some way to raise money. We cannot avoid all three.

The graduate tax vs general taxation vs tuition fee debate, then, is mostly about distribution of payment. How much of the cost of Higher Education should be paid by graduates versus the general public, and how much by high income graduates versus lower income? Does it matter how rich your family are or how rich you are after graduating? These questions are important, but ultimately not related to whether we pay via fees or taxes.

Tuition fees manifestly do not work as intended. For all the talk of ‘marketisation’, there is no price competition and only limited quality competition.

Why? Because education is what economists call an ‘experience good’ – you can’t reasonably assess its quality until you have consumed it. Consequently, reputation and brand dominate in the market.

Given how things have turned out, it would better to acknowledge that it’s essentially a tax, and stop the pretence of ‘repayments’ or the opportunity for the rich to avoid it. The problem for those of us on the left, however, is that transitioning from tuition fees to a graduate tax is not straightforward.

The Treasury sets aside some money to underwrite tuition fee loans each year, but it is the Student Loan Corporation that actually pays out the fees. Since you would not pay a graduate tax straight away – perhaps even for many years after graduation – the government would be immediately liable for all university funding. The 2017 Labour General Election Manifesto budgeted around £11.5 Bn for the abolition of tuition fees, likely an underestimate now due to increased student numbers and inflation, and this would need to be paid before a graduate tax would begin to generate any revenue at all.

A government could borrow the money, in theory. The SLC is essentially part of the government anyway; it is accounting smoke and mirrors to put tuition fees on a separate entity’s balance sheet. Unfortunately, that case needs to be made not to me, but to the markets and voters. Given the blowback to Liz Truss’s unfunded tax cuts, it seems unlikely that a government could borrow £15Bn without problems.

He could pledge to raise other taxes for a while to fund the transition, but a £10 – 15Bn tax rise is a very big deal. It’s more money than the Corbyn-era corporation tax hike was set to raise and of similar magnitude to the Conservative Party’s proposed Health and Social Care Levy. That is serious money which is hard to justify on Tuition Fees when there is so much else for the next government to tackle.

The only feasible way to move to a graduate tax, then, is slowly. Starmer (and Sunak, though that feels a little optimistic) should pledge taxation-based solutions for lowering tuition fees and reinstating maintenance grants, with the eventual aim of a hybrid system in which fees cease to function as a bad pseudo-tax. However, he cannot credibly promise to abolish tuition fees in the next parliament.

That reality is not going to be popular with fellow students, but the political, economic, and fiscal reality will not flex. We live in a world in which positive change compounds; a small amount of positive change will add up to a very different world in the long-run. We cannot overhaul the university funding system overnight, but the next generation can inherit something much, much better.

Image credit: Rawpixel / CC0 1.0

“A fantastic story of love and liberation”: An interview with the cast and director of ‘An American In Paris’

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Anuj Mishra: For our readers who aren’t so familiar with the show, could you give us an outline of where we find ourselves in An American in Paris?

Ollie: The scene is set in the chaotic and vibrant world of post-War Paris: American soldiers and Parisians are trying to build their lives. We meet Jerry Mulligan, a young GI soldier, who falls in love with a French ballerina, but there are many more complications along the way… The show portrays a world trying to understand what it means to be liberated, and moves towards the future after so much conflict.

How did you respond to the challenge of attempting to reinvent such a well-known and well-loved musical production?

Ollie: An American in Paris is a huge show, and it is such a spectacle, but there is also a fantastic story of love and liberation at the centre of it, which has been fantastic to re-explore. At the same time, the show also presents these massive choreographic challenges, which are something that Oxford student drama doesn’t always necessarily have to deal with – so it has been such an exciting challenge as well as being a great opportunity to showcase the dance talent we have here.

The score is so unlike other musicals in that it is so whimsical and fantastical. Jake Sternberg, our musical director, has done a fantastic job with our band – a 20-piece orchestra which will be on stage alongside the dancers, which should really allow us to showcase this union of dance, music, and story.

Cormac: I’d say that my original conception of the show was very ballet-heavy, and some people may have this image of An American in Paris as being like a static series of beautiful images. But I think at the core of this production lies the humanity of all the characters, which is really brought to life by the acting and song and dance.

Is there anything that you would say drew you to directing this show?

Ollie: I saw a West End production of the show and it screamed spectacle – but revisiting the show has, personally, been a really fun chance to explore the story and understand what it means to perform it now. It’s been a process of figuring out how we can tease out those themes of love and liberation: fighting for love and for self-expression, how do you love other people in the million meanings that ‘love’ has. We’re not just restaging the show, but reviving it. Even with the choreography we’re trying to shake it up a bit, with some tap, some jazz, some ballroom as well!

How has learning so much choreography, alongside the script, been for you both?

Molly: Terrifying! I’ve always described myself as an actor-singer, not a dancer, so it has been very daunting to rise to the challenge. Cam Tweed is fantastic as a choreographer and he brings so much joy to the show, it’s been fabulous to work with him and all the other dancers as well. I saw a West End production of An American in Paris in 2017 and don’t remember much from it – apart from the dance. It’s been great to revisit the show and realise that there is such a rich narrative at the centre of it.

Are there any cast-favourite lines or scenes?

Cormac: We’ve been enjoying our scenes as the central trio of mischievous young men out on the Paris town, the writing is very funny and light, as well as dramatic when it needs to be. There are so many jazz standards and favourites, so its been really fun to sing as a trio, “They Can’t Take That Away From Me” has probably been my favourite song.

What can audiences expect from this production of An American in Paris?

Cormac: I think audiences can expect to be surprised by how much relevance they find with it. It’s not a cold product of ‘40s beauty, but, as tiring as a pandemic comparison is, I find the idea of a story following many confused people trying to shape their own identity relatable. I know that, even from my experience from first year of having come to Oxford just after lockdown, there is a commonality in this idea of people working on how to love, and express themselves between the post-War period and now.

Any final thoughts you would like to add?

Molly: Performing in The Oxford Playhouse is always so exciting because for a week, or two, you get to feel like a professional, which is really exciting. The Playhouse offers so many possibilities with light and sound in such a large space. An American in Paris is very much like an ensemble piece, there are lots of different stories and ideas of love which are weaved into and explored by the story.

Cormac: The Playhouse has also offered us the possibility of representing Paris on such a large scale. Take, for example, the band, which is huge, and potentially bigger than what you would see on the West End.

Ollie: The crew have also been fantastic, we have over a hundred people working on the show and it’s been wonderful to be supported by such a huge crew, a huge band, and a huge cast as well.

00Productions’ An American in Paris will run at The Oxford Playhouse between the 15th and 18th of February. Tickets are now on sale.

HT23 Week 1 Solutions

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The answers for the week 1 issue of Hilary term 2023:

Cryptic Crossword
Sudoku
Sudoku
College Confines

Trinity Chemistry Professor Wins Prestigious Research Award

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Susan Perkin, a professor of physical chemistry and fellow of Trinity College at Oxford University, has won the 2023 Blavatnik Award for Young Scientists in the United Kingdom. The award, whose winners receive 100,000 pounds in unrestricted funds, is designed to promote the efforts of the fresh faces in academia within the “Life Sciences, Physical Sciences & Engineering, and Chemistry.” Perkin’s research, which falls into the lattermost category, concerns the study of ionic fluids—that is electrolytes. In an interview with Cherwell, Perkin admitted that:

“Most people, when they think of electrolytes, they think Lucozade, energy drinks, things like that, and they are not wrong—that is certainly an electrolyte,” Perkin said.

However, Perkin would go on to make the important addendum of the presence of electrolytes in not only food and drinks, but in our bodies and industrial tools—electrolytes are all around us. As Perkin would go on to explain, our world is chockful of electrolytes, with just a few examples being the electronic devices and tools we take for granted in our everyday lives.

“Our cells’ physiological environment is largely made up of electrolytes as well. It is well known among scientists that more than 60% of your body is water, but it would be more accurate to say that it is water and salts, which are electrolytes. The ocean is also a massive reservoir of electrolytes,” Perkin’s said.

“These are all natural electrolytes, and they make up a large fraction of earth. There are also synthetic electrolytes, which we make when we try to design energy storage devices, such as in your phones and devices, but also in cars, where you need a large battery, which involves electrolytes as well. What they mostly have in common is that they contain a large number and concentration of ions.”

The current focus of Perkin’s research is describing the physical chemistry behind the high concentrations of electrolytes present in the many avenues of our life today. Although Perkin acknowledged that the scientific community has a number of good theories for solutions with a very low concentrations of electrolytes, the theories do not explain the behavior of electrolytic solutions as they exist in many real-life situations, such as in our bodies and batteries, which has implications for the understanding of any field that lies among electrolytes.

“And so the focus of our work is to understand the physics and chemistry of electrolytes which are at high concentrations. And it turns out, the properties of those electrolytes, are very different from the dilute ones. It’s really very different,” Perkin said.

“But why does it matter? If I go to my colleagues in biochemistry, they might be very focused on understanding how proteins interact with one another, or how they sit in a membrane, and sit in other molecules in a cell membrane, and all of this is happening within a sea of electrolytes, and so the nature of those interactions depends upon [electrolytes]. And the scientific assumptions that we have been making until now with these biochemical interactions have been mainly with the dilute concentrations of electrolytes. And understanding how these interactions really work in the real world with the actual concentrations of these electrolytes, helps inform these other fields like biology.”

Perkin was not always interested in the finer details of chemistry, of electrolytes and their machinations. As Perkin would explain, she began as a lover of mathematics due to its neat resolutions and elegance, which appealed to Perkin’s sense of rigorous patterns and solutions to problems. However, it was after attending Oxford University, that Perkin attended Oxford University for her bachelor’s and master’s degree, where she discovered a love for uncovering the basal details of the sciences, where Perkin was able to find the root truths of a science that were often mathematically based:

“In my school, it was not very cool to be interested in what you were learning. […] When I arrived at Johns, suddenly it was like arriving in a another world where I was surrounded by people who were really interested and talking about [their subject], and I loved that environment where you could sit down in the dining hall surrounded by people and find out they’re studying many different things, but they all have something interesting to say about what they just learnt. It was just electrifying fun,” Perkin said.

Indeed, Perkin acknowledged her academic debts to not only her education but to the scientists who came before. Many  scientists are not as well known now, but were integral (such as David Tabor) in establishing the research methodology that Perkin employs: that of the Surface Force Balance. The Surface Force Balance, which was one of the main components behind Perkin’s winning of the Blavatnik Award, helps to measure “shear forces between surfaces.” Looking to the future, Perkin hopes to build off the base of knowledge of her lineage and her own research towards researching the environment, and understanding the chemical mechanisms behind the various effects of pollution on marine biology.

“In the coming years, I really expect my research to look more towards natural electrolytes and mineralization processes and other natural processes that happen in electrolytes. I am interested in the way in which CO2 from the atmosphere, which to a large extent is dissolved in the ocean into carbonates, forms large interfacial regions near rock surfaces which organisms then take in and process. Understanding how all these ions interact with one another, at very high concentrations, is very important towards understanding the CO2 cycle,” Perkin said.

Perkin ended with a bit of advice towards those looking to follow in her footsteps, the next generation of young scholars looking to make an impact in academia, but in a world where there the job outlooks for fresh DPhils is increasingly grim, Perkin also acknowledges the harsh reality of looking for a job in an oversaturated, albeit growing market.

“My advice is just to do what you really enjoy,” Perkin said. “I just followed my nose and saw what I was interested in, and I did it to the best of my ability that I could, and opportunities just sort of arose. But I did not expect that these opportunities would arise. I was always ready to go do something else. There are a lot of great things to do in life, it’s a bit like children wanting to be a premier league footballer, but when it often does not work out, you can do something else, and that can also be great.”

Oxford named second-most ‘radical progressive’ university in the UK

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A right-leaning think tank has described Oxford as the second-most “radical progressive” university in the UK, following Cambridge.

However, a Cherwell poll of around 200 students suggests that Oxford students disagree with this – 42% of respondents voted that the students in Oxford are not progressive enough and 51% voted that the teaching staff are not progressive enough. 

The college voted most ‘woke’ by a large majority was Wadham, receiving 33 votes out of 50.

Civitas, a think tank described as right-wing by the Guardian, published their Radical Progressive University Guide as part of a series on new academic realism. According to their findings, the “best and most prestigious” universities tend to be the most progressive, exemplified by Cambridge and Oxford who, respectively, topped the rankings. 

Their results are based on universities’ endorsement of “trigger warnings, white privilege, and anti-racism” along with other factors, such as free speech controversies. Universities which have definitions of ‘white privilege’ on their website, or conduct anti-racism training are considered to be more radically progressive. 

Civitas allege that this newfound ‘hyper-morality’ stems from the “mutation and splicing of past radicalism that include Marxism, postmodernism, feminism, Freudianism, and Maoism”. 

However, Oxford students are seemingly not in agreement with these findings. According to a Cherwell study, only 18% of respondents believed that Oxford students are too progressive. 40% voted that the students were “just the right amount” of progressive, and 42% voted that they are not progressive enough. 

The results for teaching staff are similar, yet more pronounced – only 12% thought that teaching staff was too progressive. 37% considered them to be the right amount of progressive and 51% of respondents voted that Oxford teaching staff are not progressive enough. 

When asked for thoughts, one student said that Oxford is “probably too woke in the sense of language policing / perspective exclusion but not woke enough in terms of keeping out and holding accountable people who do actual harm”.

Another said: “New [C]ollege isn’t accessible enough to have problems relating to class or race”. 

On Russian History

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In his new book The Story of Russia, Orlando Figes narrates an account of Russian history which at its zenith demonstrates the way in which historiographical debate about its own past is central to Russia’s political and cultural identity. Set against the backdrop of the ongoing Ukrainian War, Figes’ book is an easy and thought-provoking read offering stimulation without demanding high academic retention. Well-known for his Liberal historiographical standpoint, Figes identifies tension to be at the heart of Russia’s complex history. Indeed, the idea of a ‘story’ is central to his argument for what Russian history bequeaths: a tale of tension between reactionaries and modernisers; conservatives and liberals. And yet, for Figes, all this stuffy intellectual debate overlooks the idea that Russia has a profound history of missed opportunities.

Beginning with the establishment of Kiev in the ninth century, Figes demonstrates that the early   history of Russia was beset with invasion and resettlement – at first by the Vikings, and then the Mongols. Indeed, part of Figes’ point is to show that the primordial vision of the Kievian Rus is a myth, and one that has potent appeal to those who seek to establish a narrative of  Great Russia and a Pan-Slavic identity. Pan-Slavism does play a significant role in Russian cultural history, but in reading this one feels that Figes wants to shift focus away from a  view  of Russian past as  bound up with Orthodox Christianity and cultural isolationism, and instead offer a ‘normal’ account of a ‘normal’ state experiencing an emergence into modernity. Yet, in reading this, there is a moment when it becomes apparent that this is an impossible task simply because Russia is exceptional on most accounts. 

Russia’s story is further complicated by the unique role played by the Orthodox Church. Downplayed by Figes as a factor in Russia’s historical development, it may be the one weakness of his general argument. For if religion was not a crucial factor in Russia’s story, then the subsequent tension, the rise of Tsarism and its autocratic political structures, cannot be readerly explained. Indeed, one of the main claims of the book – namely the modernising force of Peter the Great, and the backlash against his regime – can surely only be understood with reference to the role played by religion in generating the necessity of an autocratic style of governance.

In the latter half of the book, attention is turned to the causes and consequences of 1917. This may be a curious remark to make, but there is a sense that for Figes, outcome of the Revolution, the emergence of the Soviet Union, and the current structure of Russian politics all stem from the failure of the political reforms of the nineteenth century. Indeed, there is a sense when reading it that the period from 1850 until 1925 should have consisted of one chapter in lieu of the lack of substantial political reforms, apart from the weak Duma experiment of the early twentieth Century.  That the current regime in Moscow is a product of missed opportunities for political reform in the nineteenth century is not the point. Moreover, it was the inertia within the nineteenth century slogan:  ‘Autocracy Orthodoxy and Nationalism’ which enshrined a sense of conservatism within the political and cultural identity of  Russia, a legacy which is still present today.

At the centre of this book is a claim about history, or rather about what history can become. For Figes, again, the nineteenth century proves a significant moment as the development of Pan-Slavism was  based on a particular vision of Russia and its cultural identity.  In a long and nuanced conclusion, he suggests that this myth-making process is central to Putin’s current political project. It is not that Putin is the new Stalin, or that we are entering a new era of autocratic leadership, but that the current leadership is living day-to-day on a historic myth, and they know it is a myth.

The concern with history as a way of understanding the past purveys much of this book. The Story of Russia is not so much a grand narrative of Russian history as it is an examination of the conjectural nature of that history itself. Taking it right up to the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Figes not only shows the precise diplomatic context in which the invasion took place, but also shows how such an act stemmed from the wholesale acceptance of the Kievian Rus historiographic reading of Russian history, coupled with an embrace of a fictional account of what actually occurred.  In this sense, Putin is seen as updating the Pan-Slavic view of what Russian history is, albeit with Peter the Great as a ‘Great Russian’ hero. Yet for Figes, along with Putin’s misreading of Ukraine, this is a fabrication based on a nineteenth Century misreading of Russian history. Putin’s own understanding of Russian history is in effect a modern twenty-first century European populist one which takes its cue not from the Slavic culture of Great Russia, but from the national-populist chauvinism of the European conservative right. Setting Russian history straight is a vital task, and this is what Orlando Figes precisely does.

Union votes against “sacramental sodomy” speaker in controversial gay marriage debate

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The Oxford Union debated the question of gay marriage in the Church this Thursday, with Anglican bishops, Christian theologians, and students taking part. In an otherwise balanced debate, two speakers’ views stood out as “very bigoted”, according to some members. The debate also featured an impromptu floor speech in favour of gay marriage from the visiting former Health Secretary Matt Hancock.

Significant online controversy surrounded the announcement of this debate motion, which Union President Charlie Mackintosh addressed, reminding attendees that a purpose of debate was to offer freedom of speech to all religious. With this in mind, Mackintosh told the chamber he was “baffled” that anyone could contest the running of the motion.

Speakers from the opposition nonetheless caused controversy, with Dr Ian Paul comparing pro-LGBTQ+ rulings from secular authorities to the control of religion in “Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union”. However, a member from New College told Cherwell that he was “disgusted” with this argument.

Dr Paul went on to argue against a “new colonialism”, speaking against the growing number of liberal representatives in Western churches who have urged religious communities in former colonies to widen inclusivity for all sexualities in marriage. Another member attending the debate told Cherwell that some of the views expressed “unbelievably bigoted” and the opposition was “intolerant” of the LGBTQ+ community.

On the other side of the debate, speaking in proposition of the motion, the Bishop of Buckingham urged all to support same-sex marriage in the Church, claiming that “God is love”. 

The second Anglican bishop to speak was in agreement with this, telling the chamber, “Sisters and brothers tonight choose mercy, choose love, choose life”.

Matt Hancock MP, who was present at the Union, said he felt moved to speak on the motion during floor speeches. He told the chamber: “If we don’t provide leadership in what is right, what is debating for?” Despite an at-times awkward address on PPE contracts and lockdown guidelines earlier in the day, Hancock spoke strongly in favour of universal gay marriage.

The debate shifted tone again with the next opposition speech. Calvin Robinson, Deacon of the Free Church of England, stressed that it is “the sin that is the problem, not the sinner”. Robinson’s real qualm is with those in the Church who promote gay marriage, as they do not have “the authority to bless sin”. In response to those advancing same-sex marriage in the Church, Robisnon stated that he heard “the Devil at work”. If passed, this change would amount to “sacremental sodomy”.

At the end of the debate the members voted overwhelmingly to accept this motion by a margin of 186-41.

Matt Hancock warns of “next pandemic” at Union address

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The former Health Secretary Matt Hancock warned of the “next pandemic” in an address at the Oxford Union this afternoon. Voicing his concerns about the spread of new viruses such as bird flu, he took questions from the student body on decisions made in during COVID-19 and his views on healthcare going forward.

In a packed chamber, Hancock claimed that investment in new technology is key to reversing the current crisis in the NHS. When asked by members how he expects this to be funded amid national cost-of-living concerns and workers’ strikes for higher wages, he argued that initial expenditure on scientific advancement would ultimately enable the most cost-effective advances.

Hancock appeared well-informed of current problems in the NHS, admitting “people go in for test after test, but all the information isn’t connected by technology.” He said this is one of his main reasons for backing an overhaul of NHS computer systems as a way of counteracting “hours of wasted time.”

“There’s going to be another pandemic,” Hancock told Cherwell News after the event, expressing his sincere concern that the country isn’t prepared for new diseases. However, when asked if he thinks the current government is equipped to handle any such challenges, he said budgetary cuts would be a problem.

In terms of post-pandemic difficulties facing the social care sector, which has a knock on effect with “bed-blocking” in hospitals, Hancock said he was against care being nationalised. However, he stated, “the system needs a rethink” and called the NHS itself “enormously valuable national asset”. He also disclosed that he does not use private healthcare in quick fire questions with Union President Charlie Mackintosh.

In the main address, Hancock’s management of PPE contracts during the pandemic was also challenged. While he said “the UK never actually ran out of PPE”, it was established that the government’s approach of “throwing everything at deals” had led to uneven distribution of vital medial equipment across the country. Hancock denied that the Tory donor status of many parties to PPE contracts had ever been a consideration for him, but described the Track and Trace app, his department’s other key project, as a “total fiasco”.

On social distancing guidelines, Hancock told the Union that he followed them “assiduously” until the beginning of his affair with Gina Coladangelo. When members asked how he could justify breaking COVID rules, Hancock replied “it is what it is”, before adding “I let myself down” and that he could only be upfront about it. A student then mentioned cases where members of the public were unable to comfort grieving relatives at funerals during lockdown and was met with applause. Hancock replied that the rules had been interpreted “more firmly on the ground than we intended”, but encouraged the younger generation not to become disillusioned about politics.

Speaking about his recent appearance I’m a Celebrity… Get Me Out of Here, Hancock believes the chance to be on reality TV enabled him to show more of his personality. He called it a “totally bonkers experience” and an “irony” that he felt freer to express his feelings to the British public from Australian than in the UK. This leads into what Cherwell News understands will be next for Hancock.

After stepping down as an MP, the former minister hopes to go into “politics outside parliament” by using his new social media following and documentaries to provide information on significant issues, starting with dyslexia among the prison population.

Recalling his time at Oxford University, Hancock told the Union, “I relied on everything I learnt here while making decisions during the pandemic”. He said he was also a strong advocate for “Oxford” appearing in the name of the Oxford AstraZeneca vaccine.

“It’s a Tory finishing school”: university staff speak out against Oxford on strike day

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Oxford University teaching staff took to the streets today, to protest against “shameful” working conditions in the first of many UCU strikes planned for the coming weeks. In a march through the town centre, many of Oxford’s lecturers, administrators, and security staff were joined by teachers from Oxford Brookes University, local schools, and rail workers, as part of the biggest strike action seen in the UK for over a decade.

One lecturer addressing the protest outside the Bodleian Libraries said, “we don’t get paid for the full time it takes to do the job”, claiming that lecture preparation and the time needed to mark students’ work is often “effectively unpaid”. For every one-hour lecture given, he stated that only an extra half-hour’s pay is received for preparation in the majority of cases, which “is simply not enough time to prepare teaching materials of the calibre expected at Oxford University”. 

Attesting to this, a lecturer on strike from the Department of Anthropolgy told Cherwell that she often works “late into the evening and at weekends” for no extra pay, in order to meaningfully mark student assignments. She added that this compromises her ability to carry out the personal research which Oxford academics are also expected to undertake.

Support for strike action is widespread in the Department of Anthropology, as a result of high UCU membership and “personal motivation”. Another Anthropology lecturer told Cherwell they were striking in solidarity with those on the lowest salaries, such as department administrators and teacher’s on temporary contracts. “It’s incredibly difficult for young people coming into education to reach a permanent teaching position” she explained, giving the example of two Mst. Creative Writing lecturers who are currently suing the university over “gig economy contracts”. A third lecturer at the protest added that “the commodification of education is getting worse every year”. 

Gerard Ward, an associate lecturer in Law at Oxford Brookes University, believes that this ongoing decline in working conditions has occurred in parallel with the “rinsing of the student loan system” by universities. Despite increases in undergraduate tuition fees and accommodation costs, Ward told Cherwell that the money often hasn’t been directed in the right ways, with funding being poured into “prestigious research projects” as opposed to workers’ salaries. Like those at Oxford University, Ward said many members of teaching staff at Brookes have precarious short-term contracts, adding that, alongside the decline in working conditions,  “general insecurity of staff employment is ultimately not good for students.” Having worked at three educational institutions across England in the last decade, Ward says that conditions “worsened noticeably” under a succession of Conserative governments.

John Wadesdon, a member of security staff at the Bodleian Libraries, said it was important that strikes are taking place here in Oxford. “It’s a Tory finishing school,” he told Cherwell, saying that the government officials who he believes are responsible for the deterioration of university administration “all came here and were taught corruption”.

Primary school teachers from around Oxford also took part in the mega-strike, in coordination with mass action by the National Education Union, accompanied by some parents. Local resident Mr Gomez, whose six-year-old daughter was unable to attend school because of the strike, told Cherwell: “our children are the future of society, and their teachers need decent pay”, adding that he completely supported the union’s action.

Oxford remains one of the most expensive cities in Europe to live in, with another speaker at the protest calling it “shameful” that teaching staff on “most likely illegal” contracts are struggling to find affordable housing despite being employed by such a prestigious university.

Along with strikes by rail workers, nurses, and teachers, UCU strikes are set to continue throughout February and March.