Oxford's oldest student newspaper

Independent since 1920

Blog Page 19

Oxford Union believes the EU has a bright future

By
Tom Gardner
-
Image credit: Anita Okunde /

On Thursday night, the Oxford Union voted in support of the motion ‘This House Believes the EU has a Bright Future.’ The final count had 105 members voting for the motion and 71 members voting against. 

Speakers in favour of the motion included Ambassadors Ferenc Kumin and Karel Van Oosterom: the Hungarian and Dutch ambassadors to the UK respectively. They were joined by Union Librarian Isabelle Horrocks-Taylor (Balliol). 

Speaking last for the opposition was MP Mark Francois; former Shadow Minister for Europe and the current Chair of the eurosceptic European Research Group (ERG). Francois was a part of the Vote Leave campaign in 2016 and during the following years, he called for the UK to leave the EU’s single market and customs union. He was joined by Union Treasurer Robert McGlone (St John’s) and Director of Strategy Santiago Bedoya-Pardo (Regent’s Park). 

Speaking first for the proposition, Horrocks-Taylor considered how the EU has evolved with time, beginning “I am here to take you on a journey.” She explained that the EU was formed in response to times of crisis and argued that the EU has continually brought “stability” and “security” during these times. She cited the financial crisis by developing financial security; the refugee crisis with improved border security; and the COVID-19 pandemic with a combined vaccine development as examples. 

Horrocks-Taylor concluded her speech by looking more directly at the future and arguing that similar resolve would result in effective responses to issues such as the climate crisis, ageing continental populations and the digital revolution.

She argued that likely expansion of the EU would integrate more perspectives to help mould its future, sustainable growth and economic collaboration would continue, and a potential labour government could strengthen ties between the UK and the EU. She wrapped up by concluding that the EU has a “future that is full of potential,” considering that “to be an optimist is not to be naive.”

Opening the case for the opposition, McGlone argued that “the EU has become a time-capsule for a bygone age.” He said that the EU had gradually become an outdated institution since its conception, citing how the share of global GDP made up by EU member states had dropped from 30% in 1995 to just 17% in 2020. He also pointed out how the EU currently contains under 6% of the world’s population, an ever decreasing figure. 

McGlone continued with an affront on the “structural deficiencies” of the EU. He underlined how an opaque governance structure led to a lack of accountability for citizens of the EU, and pointed out that “a quarter of MEPs are currently implicated in judicial issues or scandals”, citing this as a consequence of this apparent lack of accountability. 

McGlone then disputed the notion that the EU had successfully combated issues such as the migrant crisis, Brexit or the eurozone crisis, citing these as further reasons to lack confidence in the future of the EU. Drawing these points together, McGlone reasoned that “such a project cannot have its most prosperous times ahead of it.” 

Furthering the case for the proposition, Van Oosterom underlined how the EU is the “biggest consumer market in the world [with] 450 million people and growing.” He argued that the size of this market led to plenty of opportunities for further economic growth. 

Here, he stressed the importance that the EU fundamentally reconnects with the UK. This stemmed from his belief that one of the key strengths of the EU is that it “offers safety in numbers”, citing the response to the Ukraine war as an example of successful collaboration. 

He also argued that the EU provides ease of access for young people to travel across the continent because of the lack of borders within the EU. After considering how freedom of movement within the EU has led to improved youth mobility, he concluded by declaring that the “EU is a catalyst for opportunities for today’s youth.” 

Speaking next for the opposition, Bedoya-Pardo centred on the idea that the EU is plagued by internal bureaucracy. He argued that so-called EU elites in Brussels – home to the European parliament – have ignored the common man, leading to policy failures and protests across the continent. 

EU agricultural policy, for example, had a detrimental impact on European farmers and jeopardised food security. “Europe herself is sick,” he said, “And her ailment is terminal” to underline his bleak prognosis regarding the future of the EU. 

He further said that the EU runs in authoritarian manner. He referenced Article 7 as an enforcer of this apparently authoritarian governance, saying that nation states face “political exclusion unless they align ideologically with [central EU] values.” 

He said that leaders of the EU “blackmail” democratically elected governments into obeying the demands of the commission. He concluded by blaming EU leaders for the institution’s failure, repeating the phrase “the rot comes from within.”

Speaking last for the proposition, Kumin pored over the semantics of the motion, noting that it considers the future instead of the current state of the EU. He argued that future enlargement of the EU would bring increased stability to the continent and told the house “it is our duty to believe in the bright future of the EU.” He also considered the democratic foundations of the EU and argued that voters have a voice: “member states have internal democracies” he said, which can be used to express discontentment with the EU. 

He also argued that the EU was likely to have a prosperous future, provided greater control of illegal migration, a crack down on criminal gangs and “competition between the nation states.” Summarising three key concepts that the EU was founded on: peace, democracy, and prosperity, Kumin concluded saying “if we stay true to these ideals … then the EU has a bright future.”  

Speaking last in opposition, Francois expressed concern with three areas where the EU had failed: economically, socially, and military. Economically, he believed that the EU is not competing successfully with the Asian market, highlighting how its “share of world trade is shrinking, not growing.” Socially, he emphasised the problem of ageing populations and falling birth rates in most European countries. Militarily, he argued that NATO has kept the peace, not the EU and how key EU member states such as France and Germany invest only a tiny proportion of their GDP into defence spending. 

Francois also refused the idea that the EU is democratic. He expressed a concern with an over-centralisation of power, arguing that the EU had become a “supranational state” that lacked “affinity” from the “demos” of its member states. 

He cited a second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty as an example of the undemocratic decision-making nature of the EU, emphasising that although the “EU could have a bright future”, this will not be the case “if it keeps going the way it’s going.” He finished his speech by declaring “vote for freedom, vote for prosperity … oppose the motion.” 

Eat the rich! (Unless it’s Taylor Swift?)

By
Amy Seal
-
Image credits: Eva Rinaldi / CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Taylor Swift’s impact as a singer-songwriter is astonishing, but so too is her impact on the planet. Despite quietly downsizing to one private jet in January 2024, her carbon footprint cuts deep: generating in two weeks 14 times more than the average American household emits in a year. Her response? To send a cease and desist to the university student who publicized flight data on the basis of “stalking and harassing behavior”. This did not help her case. In classic billionaire style she used the legal system to dispel criticism, a move camouflaged by a feminist smokescreen. Which begs the question – does being a female billionaire make you a ‘feminist icon’, or does it protect the idea of the billionaire under the veil of the ‘girlboss’? 

In her 2020 documentary, Miss Americana, Taylor Swift describes her ‘choice’ to endorse Democratic candidates. But politics is not an opt-in opt-out situation, especially at her level of fame, wealth, and influence. Politics, and political oppression is all around us. Complicity is found in silence, and we expect more of public figures whose voices carry further. So they trip over themselves to be seen as one of the ‘good ones’. The question of what they communicate to their millions of fans is essential, and telling. In the case of Taylor Swift, the way she behaves and the way she thinks matters. For instance, in ‘The Man’ she sings:

 “I’m so sick of running as fast as I can, wondering if I’d get there quicker if I was a man” / “I’m so sick of them coming at me again, ‘cause if I was a man, then I’d be the man” 

The lyrics do little to challenge hegemonic masculinity, or the legitimation of traditional masculine ideals and their dominant place in society, rather they lean into it. Though the speaker suffers under the patriarchy, she doesn’t challenge its hierarchical nature. She is jealous of ‘the man’, more specifically an ‘alpha type’ who would assert masculine dominance over other men as well as women. As she cannot achieve this, she increases her power through amassing personal wealth. Once she has ran as fast as she can, won the rat race, and broken the glass ceiling she takes her place at the top: she is a billionaire. Taylor Swift’s journey may have been different, but her destination is the same. In this neoliberal form of feminism social hierarchies are untouched. While one ‘girlboss’ is empowered, she leaves her peers in her wake. No one is truly liberated. 

For Swifties, I imagine, this must be difficult to hear. I understand, to some extent, the knee-jerk urge to protect her. To be a woman in the public eye is to be a victim of sexist virtriol – or bitterly harsh criticism on a misogynistic basis. Particularly with Kanye West’s ‘Famous’ lyric controversy, there were swathes of people who insisted Swift must have agreed to being presented as “that bitch” who “owes” Kanye West sex for “making her famous”. For the Swifties who actually made her famous, whose support put her in the public eye (and the line of fire), the guilt must be substantial. 

Though guilt does not justify the endorsement of superficial “girlboss” feminism, the authenticity of Swift’s music calls for us to connect with her on a personal level. A level that, for some, supercedes political allegiances. Taylor Swift makes it clear: whatever you are going through, you are not alone. Or, are you? With her ‘easter eggs’ and relatable lyrics she may feel like a built-in best friend, but, to put it bluntly, Taylor Swift has no idea who you are. This sense of adoration is parasocial, entirely unidirectional. Though this is certainly not a new idea, nor one unique to Taylor Swift, the impact of parasocial relationships has been enhanced by social media and pandemic loneliness. This has transformed some of Swift’s fans into a force to be reckoned with – an army entirely convinced ‘Blondie’ is their bestie, who are eternally prepared to mobilise in her defence, even when they shouldn’t. 

Taylor Swift’s billionaire status, endorsed by neoliberal feminism, is built on the one-way adoration of her fans who consume everything she creates – and she knows it. Her latest album, The Tortured Poet’s Department, has four different vinyl versions. Each one has a different bonus track and each one is priced at $34.99 – meaning that, if a fan wants to listen to all four tracks, their total will be just short of $200. Similarly, her ‘Eras Tour’ tickets are notoriously extortionate (averaging at $1,088.65), and the fans who couldn’t make it were asked to pay $19.89 to rent the Eras Tour movie for just 48 hours. At the end of the day, we are free to do what we want with our own money. But there is no denying Taylor Swift’s business strategy exploits the leagues of fans who would do anything for her. 

To Swift’s fans, I must ask – is her behavior that of someone who cares more about you, or your money? Is it right that Taylor Swift is a billionaire who is almost entirely immune to criticism?

Ultimately, if someone does something damaging, we should be able to criticize their actions. Even if that person is a woman, even if that woman is Taylor Swift. 

‘Women don’t look like that in Algeria’: An interview with Houria Niati

By
Amelia Dovell
-
Image credit: Houria Niati and Felix & Spear Gallery.

“Yes, I love flowers and I love landscapes, but I am far away from that. When we talk about political art, I didn’t even know I was doing political art until somebody pointed it out to me.”

Houria Niati grew up during the Algerian War of Independence. Amidst this backdrop of violence, which lasted seven years, and claimed the lives of over one million Algerians, one thing remained certain: she was an artist. She is most renowned for her 1983 piece No to Torture, which questions the French artist Eugene Delacroix’s Women of Algiers (1834). Inextricably tied to both Algeria’s history and her own multicultural identity, Niati’s work was recently featured in the Tate’s 2023-4 ‘Women in Revolt!’ exhibition.

Niati’s love for Algeria radiates from the warm description of it she gives me. “[When I think of Algeria] I think of my family. I’ve got six sisters, and one brother. We have a very big bond. In Algeria, we have the landscapes, the sea, the Sahara is amazing. We have different types of cities – we had so many invasions in the past, so each city has a different stamp, different colours. It’s really amazing that we have different places in Algeria that express the past, basically, the history.”

“We have [had] so many problems in the past, the history, the wars. But we have an amazing sense of humour. Despite all odds, that’s who we are. We love art, too, and music.”

Under French rule since 1830, Algeria became a part of France, yet was simultaneously viewed as a racial and cultural ‘other’. The prevalence of European influences in the period can be seen in Niati’s own childhood: her father was a landscape painter influenced by Paul Cézanne, and she was educated in a French school amongst French classmates. 

“When the war started, I was six years old […] We all had French friends, you know, we were kids. We didn’t know exactly what the war was about, it didn’t concern us in the beginning. But gradually, when you grow up, and you see people are killed […] it was really, really shocking. You’re in the street and suddenly people [tell you] to hide, to go home, because there are bombs in the cafe next door.”

Niati tells me about her experience protesting the French colonial authorities, which happened when she was only 10 years old, in the late 1950s. Though it’s been over 60 years, she still remembers it vividly. “One day, there was a demonstration in France, people [shouting] ‘stop the torture!’ – it was everywhere. My father used to read the newspaper – whatever he used to read I used to read.”

“Automatically, I stood with the Algerian people. I stood up and I wanted to fight, believe me.”

Outside her French school, Houria and 3 friends staged a protest. “We were saying, ‘French out, stop the massacre, stop killing!’. Everything was spontaneous, we did not plan it… [Afterwards] we calmed down a bit and returned to our other school for Arab class. The moment we were entering, a car stopped. It wasn’t a police car, it was a normal car. And there were three policemen in it.” 

“They started interrogating us. They invited our parents to come and meet us – they thought: ‘They’re children, it must be coming from the parents.’ But it wasn’t coming from the parents, they never asked us to do anything.”

“They put us in jail. I [found] myself in a cell. I was very, very scared. One by one, they were taken [to be] interrogated with their parents. I was the last one. So I was the longest in the dark […] And believe me, that stuck in my mind. I was a child. You know, for many, many years, I couldn’t stay in the dark on my own.”

Niati was interrogated by the French authorities who demanded she supply them with the names of who had instructed them to protest. “They interrogated me in French, but I didn’t want to speak in it. I don’t know why, but I didn’t want to speak French! I was speaking in Arabic.”

“I was really proud of what we’d done,” she says to me. “It was for our country, for independence, you see? From that day on, [the school] treated us like delinquents. It wasn’t considered an act of politics, because – [they thought] that was impossible! They didn’t think kids could do that.”

By her 20s, Niati knew she wanted to study abroad and pursue her dreams. “I was counting the days until I could go somewhere to do art.” That place ended up being England, where Niati balanced English classes, working, and an art foundation course, before enrolling in Croydon College of Art.

“[The interviewer] said to me: ‘Look, it seems you don’t have money. You don’t speak English very well. How are you going to do it?’ I told them I had time [within the 3 year degree] to learn the language –  I had already started. When I think about it, I was really very, very incredible. I cannot believe where I got the strength, you know. And they were very compassionate.”

It was there that Niati produced her work, ‘No to Torture’. “The idea started growing in me in art school, in the 3rd year.  We had a lecture about Delacroix. He did sketches in Algeria, taking artefacts with him [to France], installing them in his workshop and hiring women as his models.” 

“I started getting really nervous. I said: ‘Women don’t look like that in Algeria. They’re hard. They fought during the war. Why are you saying that they are idle, they do nothing?’” Playing into the Orientalist representations Said described in 1978, Delacroix’s work showed women as passive, romantic and sensual. Yet, as Niati had experienced, women had played a significant role in the struggle for Algerian independence, both violently, and non-violently. Niati’s work was born of this disconnect, subverting Delacroix’s depiction with fierce colours, and erasing the identities of each figure to highlight their dehumanisation. 

Niati’s spirit of resistance, born out of conflict – both in terms of colonial violence in Algerian history, and the clashing gendered artistic representations of women – have guided her work ever since. “I wanted my art to confront, and bring solutions to things. Yes, I love flowers and I love landscapes, but I am far away from that. When we talk about political art, I didn’t even know I was doing political art until somebody pointed it out to me. I was doing without actually knowing it.”

“What I had in my heart was to do art, to actually support my country in some way. Algerian women, after the war, [were sent] back to the kitchen. They didn’t have any role in the government. But why? We’d been fighting for seven years, and a lot of them died.” 

“I submitted the work. Lubaina Himid came to see it. I was hiding it, rolled up under my bed, because I thought nobody would be interested in it.” The work has not been hidden since, having been exhibited internationally since 1983.

The atmosphere of the 1970s and 80s was one of transformation: “in the family, work, the politics. Thatcher came along and the [funding for] art schools started to be cut. Croydon College of Art started to close down. There were so many things going on.”

One of these things was the emergence of second-wave feminism, with women artists creating art to make political commentary on reproductive rights, equal pay and race equality. “Women, we started really fighting for our identity as artists. [At the time] no woman was exhibiting in the museums.”

It was an exciting time to be a young artist in London. For Niati, London was a “melting pot, of all kinds of things, people. I was nurtured there.  […] The music was amazing. I was going to shows, to see rock music. The Rolling Stones, that was my thing. There were a lot of women too, playing rock and roll too. We used to go out, going to raves. I loved it so much.”

Combining the two art forms of music and art, Niati experimented with performance art by using her haunting, melodic singing in the 9th-century ‘Arab-Andalusian’ style, to accompany her art. “The music I sing came from the Arabs who lived in Spain. After the Inquisition, they came to North Africa with this music. [I thought], ‘What am I going to do with this music?’. Then I realised I would perform it in the galleries and museums.”

“The gallery was a stage, which was amazing. Performance singing started in the 1980s. People would ask: ‘What’s she doing, singing in Arabic in a museum?’ I wanted to make a point, about the culture, about my cultural background.”

“There were problems, but the 1970s and 1980s [were] the starting point of so many things. I’m so glad I came.”

Though Niati’s work is exhibited internationally, and she is now represented by the gallery Felix & Spear, the journey wasn’t easy. “I was really lucky to be invited to many exhibitions. Groundbreaking exhibitions.” She points to the exhibition of 1993, titled ‘Forces of Change: Artists of the Arab World’, which displayed 160 works from 70 artists. 

“But I have not been represented. We had other issues in Algeria – the war just finished, we didn’t have those institutions in place yet. I had to do it by myself […] I’m not complaining because it can be such a good thing to struggle in some ways. It challenges you even more, you know?” Even now, she remarks there are financial difficulties: “it is the trouble of any artist, I suppose”.

Turning to more recent years, Niati expresses excitement at the revived interest in feminist art, and her work. In a full-circle moment, the Tate curators discovered her from her very first exhibition, ‘Five Black Women’ (1983). “They said, ‘who is Houria Niati? Where is she? We want to know her!’”

Installation view, Houria Niati ‘No to Torture’ exhibition. Image credit: Houria Niati and Felix & Spear Gallery.

“It’s very exciting. In French, we call it ‘le second souffle’ (a second wind): a second time of my life.  I’ve been so, so grateful to be a part of these groups [such as the ‘Five Black Women’ group exhibit] because now they are reappearing. I met many, many artists through the Tate’s ‘Women in Revolt’. It’s amazing. Because now it gives me this conviction and confidence to carry on.”

Niati also notes the power of art to unite communities, which she wishes to continue through working with charities who support victims of domestic violence. “You know, you can say ‘I work alone’, fine. But believe me, it makes a big difference to make people happy. A lot of those women have never painted, had never drawn. They produced amazing pictures. They couldn’t believe that they could see their work framed and [exhibited]!”

After a career of over 40 years, Niati expresses the same perseverance and optimism, revolutionary spirit and creativity from her earliest moments in politics and in art. “The future is art, art, art. I would love to promote the music I’ve done. And I’ve started a series of paintings, but I won’t tell you the subject. I want to keep it a secret!”

To end the interview, I asked Niati for some words of advice for young people, and young artists in particular. “Never, never give up,” she says. “Never! There is hope that you can carry on no matter what. For me, I was myself. I [knew] what I wanted to do, and nobody blocked me. I just did it […] Have courage, really persevere. If you are an artist at heart, you can actually do it. That was always my motto, you know. Never give up.”

Orange is the new orange – the many trials of DJ Trump

By
Seán Timon
-
Image credits: Gage Skidmore / CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED via Flickr

Like most people who’ve read accounts of the 2016 campaign and Trump’s White House, I’m sure he never really wanted to win. Losing to Hillary Clinton would have transfigured him into a nationalist martyr for his endlessly re-rallied fanbase. Trump wanted to be the most famous unemployed person in the world when the votes were counted, free to phone his friends on Fox News, tweet, and watch three TVs at once while eating hamburgers in bed. When it became clear he was winning, he was horrified, his wife even more so. 

Perversely, when he finally lost an election he was equally horrified. Trump put incredible pressure on US institutions to cling to power, attempting to bully his own vice president into setting aside the election results. On January 6th 2021, Trump whipped up a crowd to attack the Capitol with the same goal, leading to five deaths. Trump had gone from cynically calculating the benefits of coming second, to a kind of desperate, dead-eyed denial of the reality that he had lost, a reality he came close to overturning. 

I think I might know why. It is not about the rallies, or the brand, or the art of the deal any more. He’s been out of his depth for a long time and he is afraid that the sharks are finally closing in. Three years after the Capitol attack, Trump is appealing civil court judgements against him of hundreds of millions of dollars. Allegations of sexual assault have also been upheld. He faces 40 criminal charges related to handling classified documents, four related to the January 6th insurrection, 13 related to election fraud, and a criminal trial that has just begun in New York where he is charged with 34 counts of falsifying business records.  

These cases are coinciding with the election, and we have not yet reached “Peak Trump”. Former Republican Speaker of the House of Representatives Kevin McCarthy tweeted in April that Trump’s trials are politicised and “a threat to the rule of law”. He’s right, but not in the way he means. Polling consistently shows that a significant cross-section of US society believes that Trump is being persecuted by prosecutors. Of the 96 original jury candidates for the NY case, 50 immediately recused themselves because they felt they could not be impartial. 12 jurors were finally selected and cautioned in court that the case is “not a referendum” on Trump’s presidency. It may be difficult for Trump to get a fair trial in the atmosphere he has created. There is also the danger that guilty verdicts will lead to violence, perhaps the danger that he will unfairly be found innocent is even more serious.

For years Trump and senior Republicans have been warning of widespread civil unrest if he is convicted, arguably an encouraging dogwhistle to Trump’s supporters. Trump has verbally attacked members of the court and their families on social media and has paid $9,000 in fines for making intimidating statements in contempt of court. These outbursts have led his supporters to threaten the safety of people connected to the case and seem designed to undermine and delegitimise the proceedings. Legal observers note that defendants have been jailed for much less. Indeed, most defendants with Trump’s history (if not his profile) would have awaited trial in jail.  

All of this comes in a wider context of the fragility of democracy. Investigative organisations have been reporting a decline in democracy globally for years, and the US is not exempt. Leaving aside Clinton’s dire campaign and flaws as a candidate, Trump’s election was swung by a successful Russian interference operation. This operation which capitalised on internal division and out of control contradictions – peace through war, growth through inequality, image without substance – led to a victory that has been a loss for Trump and for US society. In office Trump weakened the judicial branch and the Justice Department through cronyism and back-channel personality cult building. This mafia leadership style enabled him to almost overturn an election and continues to be a strong element of his support base today, highlighting further vulnerability of the system. 

Trump seems like the kind of person who would crash a car to scratch his nose. His actions do little to show respect for the rule of law, much less a willingness to defend it. I strongly suspect that he has no stable values at all apart from a kind of avarice. Despite this, Trump coming through these trials and remaining electable would be an indictment and a warning for institutional decay which demands a response. The fact that he almost certainly will not remain electable much longer, and that we may all soon get to see him in a prison jumpsuit to match his makeup, remains grounds for cautious optimism. If the US is able to convict Trump and put him in prison despite his power and money, maybe we can have the audacity to hope that it will go further, reform its institutions and protect them from a very American kind of fascism. Nowadays we’re less comfortable with the image of the US as the world police force, unless delivered with a measure of satire. Maybe a more appropriate metaphor is a canary in a coal mine. The next year in the US will show us something of the next decade everywhere else. May we all continue to live in interesting times.

Flights to Rwanda? Navigating political, economic, and moral turbulence 

By
Oliver Hall
-
Home Secretary James Cleverly during the voting of the Safety of Rwanda Bill, 22.4.2024 Image Credit: CC-BY-2.0 Brandon Hattiloney / Home Office via Flickr

“Batshit crazy”, was how one cabinet minister (James Cleverly) described the Rwanda policy.  In his former role as chancellor, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak was characteristically more reserved, saying “it won’t work”.  Human rights organisations are less kind: “This would be a clear breach of the refugee convention and would undermine a longstanding, humanitarian tradition of which the British people are rightly proud.”, said the UNCHR when the policy was announced.  When announced in 2022 by then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson it was branded by most (including initially Johnson himself) as a laughable concept that would never be implemented and yet here we are two years later.  All norms of parliamentary and legal process have been tossed out, the right wing of the Conservative Party continues to call for Britain to withdraw from the European Court on Human Rights (ECHR), and the Sunak will have you believe that “No ifs, no buts, these planes are going to Rwanda”.  So how did we get here, what planes might actually go to Rwanda, and will they have anybody on them?

The only place to start is more than two years ago on 14 April 2022 when Boris Johnson announced his plans to deport those arriving in the UK on small boats to Rwanda for their claims to be processed.  Independent human rights organisations disagreed but Johnson insisted that the country was in fact “one of the safest countries in the world”.  How that would also provide “the very considerable deterrent” that he claimed it would was a mystery at the time and continues to be today.  Importantly, the plan that Johnson outlined at the time would allegedly have seen “the capacity to resettle tens of thousands of people in the years ahead”.  Fast forward to June that year and the first flight bound for Rwanda was grounded minutes before takeoff after an injunction issued by the ECHR.  That plane only had seven people on board.  

After that, the plan somewhat vanished from public consciousness until Suella Braverman rekindled it at the Tory party conference in October, telling a crowd that “a front page of the Telegraph with a plane taking off to Rwanda, that’s my dream, it’s my obsession”.  (It is also worth pointing out that Braverman is against the current plans, which she doesn’t see as extreme enough).

In March 2023, Home Secretary Braverman introduced ‘the illegal migration bill’, which became law in July.  It was there that the home secretary was given ‘a duty in law’ to detain and remove those arriving in the UK illegally, either to Rwanda or another ‘safe’ third country.  Notably, detainees were not entitled to any appeal, bail, or judicial review for the first 28 days of their detention.

In November of that year, the Supreme Court ruled the policy unlawful, upholding a court of appeal ruling that there hadn’t been any proper assessment of whether or not Rwanda was safe, with ‘substantial grounds to believe that deported refugees are at a risk of having their claims wrongly assessed, or of being returned to their country of origin to face prosecution’.  That might surprise the more trusting of you, who believed the government line that sthe policy had been “designed with empathy at its heart”. It did not surprise Sunak.   Rather, he already had civil servants working on a new treaty to get around the ruling and that ‘he was willing to change the law’.

And so to December, and perhaps the most barely believable moments of the saga to date.  James Cleverly became the third home secretary to travel to Kigali and announced a new treaty that he said ensured migrants would not be returned to a country where their lives would be threatened.  The next day, the government introduced the ‘Safety of Rwanda (asylum and immigration bill)’, perhaps the most extraordinary example of government overreach into our judiciary in memory.  Former Supreme Court Judge Lord Sumption, said at the time that “it would be constitutionally a completely extraordinary thing to do, to effectively overrule a decision on the facts, on the evidence, by the highest court in the land.”  This bill rules that Rwanda is a safe country and must be viewed by politicians, judges, and anyone else as such.  There is no time limit on this judgement, there is no scope for its review.  Despite the attempts of various crossbench and Conservative peers in the House of Lords last month to add amendments, the government refused to compromise on any.  That was when, once again, Sunak stood behind his podium in Downing Street emblazoned with ‘Stop the Boats’ and said that Parliament would sit for “as long as it takes” for the bill to pass.  

Now, this is a lot of information to take in but it is crucial to acknowledge the context of this policy, why it was suggested, and why such unprecedented measures have been taken to secure its passing. Just like the EU and the United States, there is no doubt that the UK faces a substantial problem with illegal migration. Last year, 52,530 irregular migrants were detected entering the UK, up 17% from the year before.  85% of these arrived in small boats and since 2014, some 245 migrants have tragically lost their lives in the Channel. Far more important to Sunak however, is the significant proportion of the electorate who he believes could be persuaded to vote Conservative again at the next election if he manages to get this plan in action.  On this, it is nevertheless hard to claim that Sunak is anything other than extremely out of touch.  Just 11% of voters cited immigration as a priority issue at the end of last year, the lowest level in two decades.  Even worse for Sunak is that if this plan does actually come into force, he will all of a sudden be left with no-one else to blame and nowhere else to hide.  All of a sudden, failing to fulfil one of the ‘five pledges’ central to his leadership will be entirely on him.

Now it cannot be denied that there is a genuine economic debate to be had on migration.  Modern Britain has been built on immigration; from the post-war Windrush generation and as an out for our most serious economic problems ever since. Between just 2000 and 2011, according to a UCL study published in 2014, “the net fiscal balance of overall immigration to the UK between 2001 and 2011 amounts therefore to a positive net contribution of about £25 billion.”  Immigrants were also 39% less likely to claim state benefits than natives during that time. Economists tend to agree with this pattern with The Migration Observatory stating in 2022 that “immigration had little or no impact on average employment or unemployment of existing workers”.  Evidently then, the problems with the UK economy are not the fault of the comparatively small number of people driven to make tragic journeys across the channel.  Only 6% of immigration to the UK in 2022 was attempted via the channel (most of those journeys would be unsuccessful).  If the government wanted to limit migration (which is bizarre, given the labour shortage in countless areas of the economy) then it would be able to via other methods which aim to better control legal migration.

Likewise, if the UK government wanted to stop hundreds of innocent children dying in the channel and eradicate the criminal gangs at fault it could straightforwardly establish safe and legal routes to asylum from France. Similar efforts in Ukraine and Hong Kong have been rightly praised but the fact remains that there is absolutely no legal way for someone in a war-torn country to apply for asylum in the UK without crossing the channel.  It would also be wholly disingenuous to suggest that those coming do not qualify for support: 92% of those who made the crossing between 2018 and 2023 applied for asylum and of those who received a decision, 86% were granted protection.

Has there been any immediate, observable change since the Rwanda bill has passed?  Tragically not.  On the 23rd of April, five more people lost their lives in the channel, crushed whilst French police watched on from the beach in Wimereux. On Wednesday alone, 700 people made the journey to bring the total since the bill’s passing up above 2000.  The initial deal with Rwanda would see only 300 people travel there.  

Perhaps the only tangible impact so far has been in Ireland, where foreign minister Micheál Martin has said that increases in asylum applications are as a result of the Rwanda bill passing in the UK.  When the government in Ireland confirmed that they would be returning asylum seekers to the UK, as per an agreement in November 2020 and the UK Common Area Travel policy agreed more than a century ago, Westminster rebuffed it.  Instead of honouring the agreement or talking compassionately about the hundreds who have set up camps in Dublin, Rishi Sunak claimed that it was an example of his policy changing immigrants’ behaviour to deter them from entering the UK (one of his own ministers later disputed this).

This comes as little surprise.  Many have pointed out that having made the journey from war-torn countries, across multiple continents, the odds of being one of the 1% of people who are  sent to Rwanda is unlikely to serve as much of a deterrent.  Numerous interviews with prospective asylum seekers have rubbished the idea that it would make any difference; most fail to understand the complexities of the policy and the gangs profiting from illegal migration devote significant efforts to paint the scheme as nonsense.

It is in its impracticality and economic irresponsibility, where the Rwanda policy is at its most shameful and most disappointing.  Whitehall’s official spending watchdog found in February that each and every one of the first 300 people would cost £1.8 million to send to the country. As Sophy Ridge pointed out to the Chancellor this week, every such payment could fund the education of 234 schoolchildren for an entire year. 

For the government, this has never been about finding a workable solution.  Instead, it is about standing behind aggressively emblazoned podiums, claiming to be “up for the fight” against human rights law, and showboating non-existent solutions.  Instead of wholesale reform, investment, and the establishment of safe and legal routes in an attempt to save lives, Sunak’s government has chosen impractical showmanship.

Oxford Israel Society and Jewish Students For Justice release statements addressing pro-Palestine encampment

By
Cherwell News
-
Image Credit: Adam Saxon

Oxford Israel Society issued a statement on Wednesday condemning the pro-Palestine encampment organised by Oxford Action for Palestine (OA4P), which was set up on Monday 6th May in front of the Pitt Rivers Museum. The Society condemned OA4P’s “failure” to mention Hamas’ role in the war in the Gaza strip and called on the University to reject the protesters’ demands.

Jewish Students for Justice (JSJ) also issued a statement in solidarity with Oxford Action for Palestine saying they “fully support the encampment’s struggle” and “call for the University to accept their demands in full.”

Oxford Israel Society’s statement expressed disappointment that students and staff at Oxford “have chosen to mimic” pro-Palestine encampments at US universities which it says “have already led to violence and antisemitism there.” 

The encampment in Oxford follows dozens established across the US, notably at Harvard, Yale and UCLA, where instances of violence and police-involvement have occured. The Society stresses that in Oxford “the demands of the petitioners and protestors are not the way forward.” 

Oxford Israel Society also says the statements from protestors “have failed to mention Hamas” which the Society describes as “by design” and states: “by not calling out Hamas, they are unwittingly complicit in its propaganda and strategy.” 

The Society describes itself as “a Zionist organisation, defined as desiring the maintenance of the sovereign democratic Jewish State of Israel.”

On 2nd May, the Union of Jewish Students, which represents 9,000 Jewish students across the United Kingdom of Ireland, issued a similar statement. “While students have a right to protest, these encampments create a hostile and toxic atmosphere on campus for Jewish students.” They also called on universities to take “their duty to care for Jewish students seriously.” 

JSJ expressed support for the encampment stating it is “a diverse and welcoming space” and that “as Jewish students we have felt nothing but support and solidarity.” Their statement also referenced “attempts of zionist communal organisations…to trivialise antisemitism by conflating it with antizionism.”

The statement urged “the University to abandon the toxic IHRA definition of antisemitism” since it “shuts off legitimate criticism of Israel and does nothing to protect Jewish students.”

Since the beginning of May, encampments have been set up at the universities of Cambridge, Manchester, Sheffield, Bristol and Newcastle. Today Rishi Sunak will meet with vice chancellors from universities across the country at Downing Street to tell them to do more to combat antisemitism on college campuses. 

He issued a statement ahead of the meeting stating: “Universities should be places of rigorous debate but also bastions of tolerance and respect for every member of their community. A vocal minority on our campuses are disrupting the lives and studies of their fellow students and, in some cases, propagating outright harassment and antisemitic abuse. That has to stop.”

The statement from Oxford Israel Society ends by “call(ing) upon the University to reject all the protestors’ and petitioners’ demands” and expressing confidence that the University will ensure that “antisemitism is swiftly and sharply addressed, and that the rights of Jewish and Israeli students and staff to move about the University free of harassment are respected and safeguarded.” 

The full statement from Oxford Israel Society follows here: 

“The Oxford Israel Society is saddened and disappointed that students and staff at our shared university have chosen to mimic the encampments at US universities, which have already led to violence and antisemitism there. The suffering of innocents in Gaza is heartbreaking, a terrible consequence of a war Israel never wished to fight. However, the demands of the petitioners and protesters are not the way forward. Their statements contain a litany of half-truths and outright lies, and crucially, they have failed to mention Hamas, the source and cause of this war. This is by design.

To acknowledge Hamas would be to acknowledge that Hamas initiated this war, with its horrific invasion on October 7th, when it murdered over 1200 people in Israel and took 200 hostages – filming and celebrating the massacre and torture of innocents. To acknowledge Hamas would be to acknowledge Hamas’ use of innocent Gazans as human shields and propaganda props. To acknowledge Hamas would acknowledge the twenty years of terror inflicted not just on Israel, but on Gazan civilians. To acknowledge Hamas would therefore acknowledge the necessity of military action against them. These protesters are not protesting for the safety of innocent Palestinian civilians and peace, for if they did, they too would demand the removal of Hamas from Gaza. By not calling out Hamas, they are unwittingly complicit in its propaganda and strategy.

We call upon the University to reject all the protesters’ and petitioners’ demands. We are confident in our expectations that the university and its administration will ensure that any antisemitism is swiftly and sharply addressed, and that the rights of Jewish and Israeli students and staff to move about the University free of harassment are respected and safeguarded.

Israel has a duty of defence towards its citizens and must pursue that duty to the best of its ability. We maintain our confidence in the IDF’s commitment to minimise any harm done to innocent people. We grieve for all the victims of Hamas, in Israel and in Gaza, direct or indirect, and hope for a lasting resolution to this terrible war. We pray for the swift release and rescue of the hostages.”

The full statement from Jewish Students for Justice follows here:

“Jewish Students for Justice stand in total solidarity with the Oxford Action for Palestine encampment.

We stand with the people of Palestine, and fully support the encampment’s struggle to end the University’s complicity in Israeli occupation, apartheid and genocide. We call for the University to accept their demands in full.

The encampment is a diverse and welcoming space, and as Jewish students we have felt nothing but solidarity and support there. We reject the attempts of zionist communal organisations – including the Union of Jewish Students (UJS) – to trivialise antisemitism by conflating it with antizionism, attempting to stoke fear of these encampments among Jewish students of this University and elsewhere. This is why we demand that the University abandon the toxic IHRA definition of antisemitism, which shuts off legitimate criticism of Israel and does nothing to protect Jewish students.

The IOF has begun its invasion on Rafah. We stand in unconditional solidarity with Palestine and call on our community to continue the fight until Palestine is free.”

OA4P was approached for comment on the statements.

Celebrating 70 years: The Bannister mile

By
Isabel Valovin
-
Image Credit: Isabel Valovin

Seventy years ago, on a blustery day at Oxford’s Iffley Road sports track, history was made. On May 6th 1954, a young British medical Oxford student named Roger Bannister achieved what was once deemed impossible: he broke the four-minute mile. This monumental feat which had captivated the imagination of athletes and spectators for decades not only transcended the realm of athletics but also became a symbol of human endeavour and perseverance.

The starting bell echoed across the track at 6:00pm, and the race had begun. With Brasher and Chataway as pacers, Bannister determinedly raced and finished the final lap with the crowd erupting. In that moment sporting history was changed forever as the electronic timer displayed a time of 3 minutes and 59.4 seconds, making Roger Bannister the first man to run a mile in under 4 minutes. His name was now etched into history. Bannister created a legacy that others can learn from; through hard work and self-belief nothing is impossible.

On May 6th 2024 Oxford marked the 70th anniversary of Roger Bannister’s historic feat by celebrating with a community mile for the first time in the morning, with over 1,500 people running in the typically British rainy conditions. Sports clubs, universities, children, and even members of the Bannister family took part to remember the accomplishment. At Iffley a museum was set up to teach people about the story of this event. Special guest speakers, including prominent athletes and the vice chancellor of Oxford University, reflected on the significance of Bannister’s achievement and its lasting impact on sport and society. Max Anderson Loake ran in the community mile and stayed to spectate the elite races in the afternoon. He told Cherwell: “This morning I participated in the community mile with a group from the swimming club. It was my first mile, so it was good fun. I wanted to be a part of it.”

“Sport does such a big thing for culture and community because it gets people out of the libraries and spending time with each other, having fun and getting some endorphins going. It’s a bonding experience.”

This event started to take form in 2012 but with Covid-19 it had taken a hit. Thomas Renshaw, one of the co-directors of the event, spoke to Cherwell about the importance of bringing the Oxford community together through events like this. He shared: “It’s been really nice to have lots of families and students, as well as the world record holders. People have clearly enjoyed the afternoon and learnt a lot, even though the rain has been pouring. Thanks everyone for coming and hope we’ll see you next year.”

Matt Buck, a member of the Achilles club, the Oxford and Cambridge athletics alumni, spoke to Cherwell about the races and their impact for generations. He shared: “This is the first time in my memory that they’ve organised events and races all throughout the day. Inviting younger children and getting the community up and running and racing is great. It’s a big day for Oxford.”

At precisely 6:00pm on May 6th 2024, with the crowd in complete silence, the same bell that rung for Roger Bannister rang loud and 70 years later the elite men’s race set off. The crowd erupted in unison as a close and competitive race took place. The winner, Ossama Meslek, completed the mile in an amazing time of 3:56.15, closely followed by James Young and Tiarnan Crorken who were both also under the 4-minute mile. This new generation of athletes showed that there is no limit on human capabilities if we have passion and perseverance for what we do. From the crowd it was an incredible watch, and I myself felt inspired by the atmosphere created.

Even though this event marked the historic event of a man, it is important not to forget the women that raced, they too also showed the capabilities and improvement of humanity after we remove the mental barrier. The women’s A race set off at 5:45pm, with the top 4 runners creating an exciting and close race for the spectators. In an astonishing time of 4:36.09 Khahisa Mhlanga won, followed by Bethen Morely and Lauren Church. Speaking to Cherwell, Mhlanga shared: “It’s a very unique event and nice to be part of the elite mile, with a pb as well!”

Overall, this day successfully celebrated the sporting icon Roger Bannister, showing that no matter how daunting the odds may seem if you persevere you can chase your dream. This historic milestone honoured the legacy of Roger Bannister, who paved the way for generations of future athletes to come. Oxford University were proud to commemorate this sporting excellence, and with Irene Tracey (the vice chancellor) the University has an ongoing commitment to nurturing and fostering sporting achievement. The future of sport is unpredictable and incredibly exciting, with athletes motivated more than ever.

The death of the FA Cup

By
Sebastian Page
-
Image credit: seanbjack/CC BY-ND 2.0 DEED via Flickr

For the majority of people, Joe Ironside could be a next-door neighbour, or an aptly named blacksmith. For myself and perhaps just ten thousand other people around the world, the name is synonymous with cult hero status. On a miserable afternoon in January 2022, he pivoted on his weaker foot, and calmly swept the ball past Martin Dúbravka to hand Newcastle one of just two losses at St. James’ Park for the calendar year. Myself, alongside the fellow Cambridge supporters were sent into raptures up in the famous away end. I’m hugging strangers and someone’s set off a yellow smoke grenade at my sixteen-year-old feet. The magic of the FA cup is a sentiment that all fans of teams below the Premier League hope to experience, and the financial magic provided by a big team are the dreams of every team owner. 

The FA cup, which first took place in the 1871-72 season, and once won by Oxford University in 1874 after a victory over Royal Engineers, boasts some staggering prize money figures. This year (2023-24) will see just shy of £20 million issued (£19,829,800), as the final distributes £2 million to the victor, and £1 million to the loser. But for the lower league teams, these figures are dwarfed by the potential for TV revenue and gate receipts. The FA cup uniquely enforces evenly split gate receipts between the home and away sides, the only anomaly being an even more favourable 55/45 split in favour of non-league sides when they play away against teams in the Football League (clubs in the top four divisions). This year’s fairy-tale run by Maidstone United of the Vanarama South (England’s 6th tier) to the final sixteen, or fifth round proper, earned them around £350,000 in prize money, but owner Simon Ash expected a total revenue of nearly £800,000 after gate receipts from an away fixture at Championship side Coventry City (where I unfortunately watched a first half hat-trick from Ellis Simms put Elokobi’s side to the sword). This £800,000 does not even include the £125,000 offered for the rights to an ITV broadcast of the fixture.

The competition rules dictate that should a fixture end in a draw, the tie must be replayed at the other team’s stadium, however from the fifth round proper fixture to the final, fixtures will instead go to extra time and penalties, as fixture congestion has become an increasingly contentious issue in regard to player health. These replays offer teams like Maidstone the opportunity to earn these huge paydays, often reviving a club’s financial status. Maidstone operated at a £200,000 loss in the 2022-23 season, so this run will extend the club’s lifespan for the next four years, regardless of any future money earned, a guaranteed future that will even make professional sides jealous. However, on the 18th of April, the FA announced that all replays after the first round proper will be scrapped. Since Championship sides like Coventry City enter in the second round, and Premier League sides enter in the third, this makes it incredibly unlikely for a minnow like Maidstone to draw the lucrative away fixture away that could preserve them for years. 

There has also been increasing controversy surrounding the selection of games for television broadcast, as lots of games are selected to cater towards pure viewing statistics, rather than offering smaller teams the opportunity to sustain themselves. Standard mid-table Premier League clashes like Crystal Palace vs. Everton, that are broadcasted twice a year, take place over games featuring teams from lower divisions such as Watford vs Chesterfield or Newport against Eastleigh. Larger games like Liverpool vs. Manchester United take place to cater to international viewership, despite the forty-six times they have played each other this century. These hegemonic clubs do not need the broadcasting fees, when they already generate £2.8 billion from national and international viewership in the Premier League alone. The playoff final for Championship clubs to enter the Premier League is already known as the ‘richest game in football’ due to the prospect of receiving these broadcasting fees, and clubs are issued parachute payments to keep them financially afloat after relegation.

Beyond the financial side, the scrapping of replays denies fans and players a possible once in a lifetime opportunity to witness the atmosphere that most Premier League fans regularly take for granted, or even a Wembley visit. Many Cambridge United fans like myself will recount that day in Newcastle as one of the highlights of their years of support, and players share similar sentiments. Manager George Elokobi told Kent Online that: ‘The magic of the FA cup is still alive. It’s about showcasing our skills and coming up against a fantastic Championship side in a fantastic stadium.’ One of his star forwards and Grenadian international captain, Jacob Berkeley-Agyepong, shared a similar view, telling me via Instagram messages that ‘the run will live with [him] forever’, and that ‘[he] wants to go on another one’. The ‘special’ experience even led him to ‘tears of joy’ for the first time in his career after both the Ipswich and Coventry fixtures.

The main opposition to the FA Cup replay is fixture congestion, as competitions such as the UEFA Champions League are being expanded, meaning that players are being forced to play a dangerous number of games. When knockout competitions progress to their latter stages nearing the end of the season, players are at their most vulnerable, and any further playing time can be detrimental. Despite this, cup competitions offer teams the capability to rotate squads, and offer playing opportunities to younger players coming through the academy system. A fine example of this came from Liverpool’s Carabao Cup win over Chelsea this year (a competition played by teams in the top four divisions), as their final-winning team featured five academy graduates. Of these five, three were teenagers who had made a cumulative eleven appearances for a total of one hundred and forty-five minutes between them this season. Replays ultimately offer larger clubs the opportunity to nurture this talent through squad rotation, encouraging efficient player management and rotation.

The magic of the cup is a phenomenon referred to when the tale of David and Goliath is echoed. Scrappy teams with wage bills one hundredth of the size of their opponent’s shock thousands. The scrapping of FA cup replays may not totally eradicate the magic of the cup, but it marks another step away from beloved traditions, towards the rampant consumerism that has progressively taken over domestic and continental football.

24 hours inside the OA4P encampment

By
Selina Chen
-
Nighttime in the Oxford encampment. Photo by Selina Chen.

Mud swamps over grass where disintegrating cardboard and puddled tarp trace a crude footpath; wooden pallets provide the only solid ground. Upon this foundation lies Oxford’s Gaza Solidarity Encampment, a community supported by donations where students learn from teach-in lectures and look after one another. As a Cherwell journalist embedded in the camp for the first night, I didn’t scrounge for polished statements but documented the mundane details of life in the “Liberated Zone.” Here’s what I observed.

Masks On

Sprung up during the pre-dawn hours of 6 May, the welcome tent stood at the encampment entrance where newcomers filled out an onboarding form asking for their first name or pseudonym only – no full names. Responses are kept encrypted and private, it said, and a legal team is advising their collective action. 

Many picked up face masks for anonymity, while some students also donned sunglasses and scarves. Some students didn’t bring their Bod cards in fear of confiscation. Tape covered up the initials and college crests embroidered on Oxford’s signature puffer jackets. All communications occurred on Signal and Telegram – two platforms chosen for their security.

A prospective camper raised his concern about losing his work visa, and a volunteer informed him that the encampment was setting up protocols to sort people into groups by levels of risk to stay or leave in case of a situation involving the police.

A Learning Environment

Prominent scholars visited the encampment: feminist philosopher Amia Srinivasan brought students lunch and Israeli-British historian Avi Shlaim gifted students a box of dates. Daily schedules are filled with teach-in lectures, poetry circles, and news announcements. Scheduled chants were interspersed with spontaneous cheers whenever a car honked its horn in support as it drove by.

Books were stashed around the camp and readers nestled in every corner. Some were doing coursework, the flutter of their pages accompanied by shuffles of flashcards. A volunteer left after dark for a midnight hospital shift; others trickled in and out throughout the day to attend lectures. Even the encampment couldn’t keep Oxford’s academic demands at bay.

Dr Refaat Al-Areer Memorial Library, a tent named after a Palestinian writer killed by Israeli airstrike, held a waterproof bag filled with books – everything from copies of a Palestine Colouring Book for kids to Edward Said’s Orientalism.

Books inside the encampment’s library.

In the Public Eye

Journalists from national outlets hovered around the premise, greeted and accompanied by one of the media-trained campers acting as spokespeople. Shireen Abu Akleh media tent, named after a Palestinian-American journalist shot by Israeli forces while covering a raid, hosted a number of interviews.

This was also where the embedded journalist Madeleine Jane slept. She had been documenting the organisation for two weeks and planned to live in the encampment until its end. She told me: “every journalist thinks ‘yeah I totally would have covered the civil rights movement’ and every historian thinks ‘yeah I totally would have marched with the civil rights movement.’” This was the historical moment of her time, one that she wants to be able to tell her grandkids about.

Most interactions were mutually courteous, but not all media outlets were welcome: Daily Mail’s interview request was declined due to past “unfriendly” coverage, although the dissatisfied reporter was still allowed to roam the encampment. Later, two students independently alleged that she had been unzipping tents to look inside.

Camera crews trickled out by sunset and returned as early as sunrise. “I feel like I’m on a film set,” a student remarked. And indeed when I pulled up the news, I saw many of the masked faces and sombre eyes I’d become familiar with during my time there.

Night

As dusk descended, exterior lights of the Natural History Museum cast a faint warm glow upon the two dozen tents. An estimated 50 campers slept there – fewer than the two hundred during the day – their soft chatter and occasional laughter audible late into the night. Many voices carried American accents, and topics of discussion involved their jailed friends across the pond and their surprise at the gentle demeanour of the British police forces.

The organisers arranged guard shifts, taking campers’ essay-writing schedules into consideration. The pair of guards chatted by the entrance throughout the night, providing me a sense of safety the countless times I woke up shivering in the cold.

Inside a camper’s tent.

I got up at 4am, unable to sleep any longer on the ground that chilled me to the bones, and opened the tent to sludge muddier than the night before. The guards told me that many automated sprinklers had turned on throughout the night with no obvious pattern, splashing the tents and worsening the drainage situation. They had put trash bags over the sprinklers as a temporary solution. 

The police came briefly at midnight and left without many words. A few foxes also visited – only to be shooed away.

Early morning guards replaced the night guards as golden sunlight swept over the campground. Campers stretched, challenged each other to push-ups, and ran laps around the grass – a brief reminder of their youth amongst the talk of war and death.

Connections and Hostilities

One of the early morning guards was an Israeli-born student who moved to the UK at age seven. His parents supported his involvement in the encampment, but his other relatives in Israel weren’t yet aware. “I often play a hypothetical in my head,” he said, “that if I hadn’t left I would have been drafted into the IDF [Israel Defense Forces].”

Two Jewish passersby separately approached the camp in the morning and expressed their support. One of them said that he had been involved in a Jewish student group for Palestine twenty years ago: “I’ve come to meet my juniors.”

The Israeli-British camper pulled out a Star of David from around his neck, “that’s me,” he smiled.

In another polite interaction, staff members from the Natural History Museum came to check that the encampment understood that the museum remains open.

But some encounters turned hostile. A construction worker employed by the company that upkeeps the grass entered the encampment despite being asked to remain outside. “Wakey wakey!” he yelled at the sleepy campers in the early morning as he took photos. He expressed his concern for the state of grass under the tents and foot traffic.

At breakfast a camper commented on the incident: “Grass grows back. Palestinian children don’t.”

Logistics

By day two shoes were caked with mud, and dramatic slips grew commonplace, so volunteers began fortifying the sinking footpath. The site ran on voluntary action, requiring no strict duties or hierarchies to be maintained. Yet the portable toilet remained in pristine condition.

The encampment’s portable toilet.

Dr Hammam Alloh medical and welfare tent, named after an Al-Shifa Hospital physician killed by Israeli airstrike, stored boxes of supplies including first aid kits, sanitary pads, tampons, clothes, and hangers. A rigged car battery was used to charge cameras for journalists.

Central to the encampment were donations from the Oxford community. Upon seeing Oxford Action for Palestine’s wishlist on Instagram, people arrived with everything from hot meals to chairs. The community tent was quickly filled with piles of food.

There was no top-down leadership structure in the encampment despite its highly organised operations. While designated volunteers took charge of various logistical aspects such as media, the encampment had no hierarchy, and indeed the organisers’ meetings saw horizontal decision making processes.

As the encampment continued to capture Oxford and national attention, the protesters fought to direct all eyes on Gaza.

Pro-Palestine protesters rally in attempt to present demands to Vice-Chancellor

By
Cherwell News
-
Image Credit: Emily Henson

A group of around 150, organised by Oxford Action for Palestine (OA4P), rallied outside the Sheldonian Theatre during Vice-Chancellor’s awards on 8th May, aiming to hand their demands to Oxford University’s leaders.

They gathered at 2pm outside the Theatre to demand that the University reveal and divest funding in Israel and arms companies, and boycott all institutional connections with Israeli universities.

Protesters travelled from the ongoing pro-Palestinian encampment and elsewhere in Oxford to the Sheldonian Theatre to deliver their demands. Shouts of “occupation no more” and “Israel is a terror state” could be heard and a banner titled “Our Demands” read: “Disclose all finance. Divest from Israeli genocide, apartheid, and occupation. Overhaul university investment policy.” 

Some protesters standing outside the locked gates to the Sheldonian Theatre had painted their arms blood-red and held them up to onlookers. A sign was displayed at the front of the demonstration which read “Stop Israeli attacks on Gaza”. Police and members of Oxford University Security Services were also present at the protest. 

A student at the protest told Cherwell: “it’s completely justified [referring to the concerns of the protesters]” and emphasised how the conflict has reached the point where people can no longer do nothing. Students described Israel’s recent actions as a “genocide”, and one sign read “Oxford Uni complicit in genocide”. 

The protest lasted just under an hour and protesters dispersed at around 3pm. 

The rally takes place on the third day of encampment outside the Natural History Museum. During the encampment, also organised by OA4P, members of the University have called for the University to disclose and divest investments into arms companies and those with connections to Israel. They have also demanded that Oxford cuts institutional ties with all Israeli Universities. 

An open letter, written in support of the encampment, has received over 350 signatures to date. The letter also calls for the Vice-Chancellor to “unequivocally condemn the killing of over a hundred university professors and Israel’s destruction of Gaza’s educational institutes and universities.”   

The day before, Cambridge students’ encampment delivered envelopes with their demands to the Pro-Vice-Chancellors and Vice-Chancellor. 

1...181920...2,436Page 19 of 2,436

Explore

Follow us

Oxford Student Publications Limited © 2024 - All Rights Reserved | Privacy Policy