Sunday 24th August 2025
Blog Page 2186

Real sell ‘HUNTELAAR 19’ Champions League shirts

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I wrote last week about Real’s problem: only one of their January buys can be registered for the Champions League.  Both Lassana Diarra and Klaas-Jan Huntelaar have played UEFA Cup already this season, and only one of them can have their registration switched. 

After some deliberation, Spanish football daily (and Real mouthpiece) Marca reported on Wednesday that they’ve gone for Huntelaar. 

What a poor decision! Never mind the fact that in Gonzalo Higuain and Raúl they have two decent centre forwards, with Javier Saviola on the fringes.  Higuain has confounded everyone this season, with 11 goals in 14 La Liga games thus far – behind only Eto’o and Villa in the race for the Pichichi.  Huntelaar’s a good player, but not desperately needed for the moment.

Things are different in midfield.  In the long term absence of Mahamadou Diarra, they are left with: Guti (nice passer, can’t hold), Fernando Gago (nice passer, can’t hold), Rafael van der Vaart (nice passer, can’t hold) and Wesley Sneijder (fantastic player, but only when free of responsibilities).  Their other front line cental midfielder, Ruben de la Red, had a suspected heart attack in October and won’t play again this season.

But who cares about solidity when you can sell shirts to kids that play Fifa?

 

 

"Yeah he’s a great player, I’d love to have him here"

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I love the transfer window. I love the gossip, the intrigue, the ludicrously-spun out dramas and sagas. I’m really looking forward to City signing some more goalkeepers, defenders, midfielders and strikers. One thing, though, that I cannot stand, and that almost ruins the transfer season for me, is Harry Redknapp.

Every morning he’ll be there, on Sky Sports News, conducting his transfer policy in public. You know the drill. Some friendly hack mentions a player (let’s say, Peter Crouch) to ‘Arry.  He responds,

“Crouchie? Yeah I’m a big fan of Crouchie. I’d love him here. He’s a top player.  But that’s an issue between Daniel Levy and Peter Storrie – nothing to do with me.”

So far this window he’s done this with Jermain Defoe, Bobby Zamora and Craig Bellamy, having done it last summer with Peter Crouch, Shaun Wright-Phillips, Richard Dunne and many more. Next up will be Glen Johnson, then Crouch for real, then Joe Cole (former Redknapp protege), then whichever other players he wants to unsettle.

But with the London media (both press and television) full of Redknapp fans, there will be no criticism, no tough questions, nothing. But don’t expect them to keep quiet if Juventus keep sniffing around Luka Modric.

Interview with Alan Davies

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Television does strange things to people. I don’t mean the experience of being in front of a camera does strange things to a person’s self-image, though it probably does. I just mean it makes people look different. David Starkey, for instance, is much shorter and fatter in real life. Alan Davis is much bigger, older, and somewhat more sombre than he appears on screen.

The impish star of Qi and Jonathan Creek began his career in stand-up comedy, with trademarks of zany silliness and extremely curly hair. Jonathan Creek was the show which brought him to national attention, zaniness and silliness reappearing in a larger role, in the show’s rather improbable plots. As the regular panellist on Qi in recent years, Davies has found his niche, brilliantly playing off Stephen Fry’s attempts to bring gravitas and edification to the Great British public.

Davies surrendered a few minutes to us when we spotted him in the Maths Faculty on St Giles – he was waiting to film in the lecture theatre we had just vacated. He was in Oxford on a slightly unexpected mission – making a documentary about maths with Marcus Du Sautoy, the don who recently took over Richard Dawkins’ chair in the Public Understanding of Science. ‘I’m the guinea pig who stopped learning maths after his times tables’, he explained, ‘Marcus is going to explain all these clever concepts to me in very simple language’.

I put it to him that Oxford’s quite a Qi-ish sort of place, and he agreed, pointing out the short-lived Qi Club on Turl Street, which still features the logo etched into its glass door. When I admit having heard of it but never visiting, he laughs. ‘That was the problem; everyone said ‘yeah, I heard about that place, what happened to it?’ The people of Oxford completely failed to support it.’ He suggests that the proliferation of coffee table books inspired by the show (currently up to five) was intended to make up for the club going bust. The Qi brand is certainly still strong, going into it’s sixth series and moving to BBC One, something Davies expressed some trepidation about.

A loyal follower of the show like many students here, I sometimes wonder if our faith in Stephen and chums is such that we’d believe them even if they told us gravity was a piece of General ignorance. ‘Funnily enough’, Davies began, ‘they did diligently go through all the mistakes that they made in the special features on the series’ DVD.’ The show has always had a team of researchers – the voices at the other end of the little headphone in Fry’s ear. Problem was, to begin with they weren’t always, well, listened to. ‘Stephen would ignore the researchers – he would decide that the research was a bit boring and tell and anecdote about John Gielgud instead. The problem was, Stephen was getting a few things wrong. What you really want on the DVD is the naughty stuff, but on Qi we had chastened producers reciting facts.’

Far too much of a gentleman to respond properly when asked if any of the less frequent panellists had to be carried by their more talented comrades, he speaks affectionately of the camaraderie. ‘A lot of panel games people are quite rude to one another’, but Qi works simply because the panellists are nice to each other. ‘It’s the same reason people like watching Jackass – you just sense they’re all enjoying it together.’ The original plan for Qi had been to mix comedians and academics, something taken up on Radio 4’s The Museum of Curiosity (which Davies has appeared on), though dropped from the TV show because the academics were apparently insufficiently funny.

Does Davies miss doing Jonathan Creek? No, because he hasn’t stopped – a new episode will air on New Years’ Day. Once again, the complex plot may confound us all: ‘I was in it and I didn’t work it out’, he said, refusing to divulge the mystery’s solution. He’s equally reluctant to be drawn on the possibility of a new series, though it seems unlikely. ‘It was a bit of a reunion’.

It’s probably been apparent, but I think Davies is a rather nice chap. That’s the impression you’d get from Qi or his stand-up, and it’s certainly the impression he gave in person. I lacked the rudeness to ask about it, but I’m pretty much prepared to believe any kind of extenuating circumstances he might give for the whole ‘biting a tramp’s ear’ incident last year. Blinkered perhaps, but I couldn’t think ill of the amiable pescetarian who tolerated two bumbling hacks one bleary-eyed morning. He even managed to express interest in student journalism, and he expressed his guilt at ‘taking the shilling’ by writing for The Times after feeling disgusted at Murdoch and Thatcher’s treatment of the unions so many years ago. In person, Davies was almost as spaced-out as he appears on screen (though less garrulous), which made me question the assumptions I’d made about his state of mind on the show. All in all, this was a relatively easy mystery to solve: older and bigger than he appears on screen, but just as spacey, and just as nice.

New York, New York

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The question of who Gov. Paterson will pick to fill Hillary Clinton’s senate seat has, over the last two weeks or so, become progressively harder to answer.

Two weeks ago yesterday, Marc Ambinder at The Atlantic all but said it would be Caroline Kennedy, citing her support from New York’s other Senator, Chuck Schumer, and the Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. Next some prominent Clintonites voiced opposition to the idea, citing Kennedy’s lack of experience, whilst quietly promoting the cause of Andrew Cuomo, NY’s Attorney General (and a former member of President Clinton’s cabinet). Then came the New York Post’s story about Kennedy’s poor voting turnout record, and all started to get a bit bumpy.

Now, it seems, much of the mainstream New York press has got cold feet. These New York Times interviewers seemed irritated by her (and her by them). The New York Daily News has been fairly brutal (here and here in particular). Polls show the public unsure, divided.

There are twists left in this one yet, I think.

My thought is this: Paterson should pick neither Kennedy nor Cuomo, nor any of the other ‘big names’ in New York political circles who are angling for the job. Not because of who they are or what they believe, but because there is a better solution.

There are two problems to be dealt with here. The first is the obvious legitimacy problem. It is the job of a Senator to represent the people of his or her state. A Senator not elected by the people is not the legitimate representative of those people. The inevitable upshot: democratic election is preferable to appointment.

There is also a practical problem. Under New York election law, whoever is picked would have to be defend the seat in 2010 and again in 2012 (when Clinton’s term in the Senate was due to expire). This means that if the appointee is intending to run again in 2010, they would have to spend the next twenty months fundraising, contesting a primary campaign, and then contesting a general election. In other words, for twenty months they’d be a bad Senator; their time spent electioneering, not representing. And then, were the appointee to win in 2010 and wanted to hold the seat beyond 2012, the process would begin again. More fundraising, more campaigning. For the first four years of his or her tenure in the Senate, a Paterson appointee would not spend his or her time representing New York, but fighting elections.

What should happen: Paterson should do as some have suggested, and make an interim pick. H

e should choose someone who will not run for election to retain the seat, and let the people of New York decide who will be their Senator in 2010. The arrangement would be known publicly. Similar things have been done before, notably in 1960 when Benjamin Smith was chosen to take JFK’s seat in Massachusetts, acting as a ‘seat warmer’ until Ted Kennedy was old enough to run himself.

If Paterson were to make an interim choice, he or she would serve as the senator for two years unencumbered by the need or desire to win election in 2010. Meanwhile, Kennedy (et al) could run for the seat legitimately and democratically. And whoever won that election in 2010 would have a full six-year term before re-election, allowing them to give the people of New York the representation they deserve.

Democratically this solution is right; practically-speaking it is sensible. Likely it will not happen – Paterson will seek to use the pick to shore up some part of his political base. He himself wants to run for re-election to the office he took over upon the resignation of Eliot Spitzer, and he’ll need all the help he can get. The poll bounce he’d get from a headline-grabbing, popular pick would be just the ticket.

 

Theatre isn’t supposed to be grey

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It started out as a clever idea: get away from fussy sets, concentrate attention on the actors; put on classic plays with no scenery or stage flats, with the actors up in front of simple black, grey, or brown. Then everyone started copying it, and the marketplace of ideas got knocked down and replaced by a Tesco Express. Over the years, I’ve seen Hamlet, Macbeth, Henry IV and so, so many more, all looking exactly the same. The setting could change from a blasted heath to Canterbury cathedral and the spotlights pointed at the actors would only get a bit brighter and stop flickering. All you had to do was squint a bit and everything blurred into dark grey or brown (Hamlet was the exception, going for light grey). For a rogue’s gallery, just flick through the RSC website. Or are they trying to kid us that they have no money?

What’s wrong with a little realism every now and then? The aim of theatre is to transport you to another place, and staging should reflect this. When I read the text of Romeo and Juliet, what I see in my mind is the action unfolding in and around beautiful Italian architecture, lit by a ripe yellow sun, not a few actors standing around lost in hyperspace. Granted, this is how Shakespeare did it, but he had limited resources and no other option. Professional directors of today do and if they want to pretend to be living in the 16th century, they can start wearing a ruff.

And if they feel that a play really would work better with a minimal staging, why should the backdrop be greyish-brown? Why not pink, or sky blue, or lime green? Looking through the Dulux catalogue, I see that, for the same price, these directors could have chosen Grecian garland, fragrant cloud, polar flame, nectar jewels, or seduction (a yellow so glorious I picked it, cackling, for my bedroom when we repainted it). Imagine the programme: Twelfth Night. Backdrop painted in seduction from Dulux Ltd. That’s more appropriate than grey, surely?

A sense of perspective, please?

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So Liverpool captain Steven Gerrard was arrested after a disturbance. The average football fan and media pundit has expressed shock that a professional footballer could (allegedly) be involved in a fracas in a nightclub. A fracas which is witnessed on every other night in every other city.

Naturally, the good old British press have reeled off incidents, locations and names as if they were playing a game of Cluedo. The biggest debate in newsrooms across the city last night was whether Berbatov or Gerrard’s strike dominated this morning’s back pages.

But I think a sense of perspective is badly needed from the media. I’m not condoning Gerrard’s alleged actions, but surely this festive arrest should be dominating the newspapers.

Jordan Robertson has been released on police bail after being questioned, according to the BBC. The alleged crime in question is much more severe than the aforementioned Gerrard case, yet many portions of the media seem to have neglected this in pursual of a flashbulb upon Gerrard’s furrowed brow.

In a sport where top stars earn almost £200,000 a week, perspective is always needed. When it comes to a matter of life or death, it is essential – and the media have an important role in gaining that perspective.

Credit crunch cuts Oxford’s assets

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A recent survey has concluded that estimates over £100 million of Oxford’s endowments has been lost due to the credit crunch

The survey has concluded that British universities will lose as much as 15% of their wealth as the economic recession lowers the value of land and shares.

For Oxford, this figure would suggest around £102 million of the university’s £680 million would disappear. If a similar loss hit the endowments of the colleges, total losses could be over £500 million.

A university spokesman said, “we believe the university has sound policies in place to mitigate the impact of any longer term declines. Higher education remains a vital investment for the future.”

These setbacks come after Oxford embarked on a massive campaign for funding last year. This aimed to raise £1.25 billion to help the University compete with wealthy American rivals. Among the projects university administrators hoped to fund were the development of the old Radcliffe Infirmary site and new buildings for the Bodleian.

University Vice-Chancellor John Hood said at the time that his team, “must significantly increase the University’s endowment.”

It is unclear how much of the funding gained in the campaign will be cancelled out by the effect of the credit crunch.

Oxford also had £30 million invested in the collapsed Icelandic banking system. It is uncertain whether this will be restored to the University.

Interview: Kieran Oberman

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It’s a week before Christmas. Somehow, I’ve contrived to be back in the Social Sciences Library – I blink ferociously, attempting to extract myself from this nightmarish hallucination. No use, this is really happening. At least there is a good reason for it – I’m meeting Kieran Oberman, a Jesus D.Phil student who shares my current geographical predicament. He also happens to share my view on immigration controls – namely that there shouldn’t be any. There the similarity ends, because unlike me he should know what he’s talking about, given that he’s about to publish his thesis on the matter.

Extreme anti-immigration and nationalist voices don’t seem have much traction in Oxford, but an open border policy would probably seem just as radical to many. I want to know what the basis is of Kieran’s position. The question is met with a chuckle – “My position, first of all…?”

“People have a human right to international freedom of movement. “

Luckily, he seems willing to elucidate. “My view is that we should treat international freedom of movement in the same way that we treat domestic freedom of movement. You can go anywhere and live anywhere inside the UK, and the government would violate your human rights if it stopped you. That is a human right recognised in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights, as well as a number of other documents. I think that people have a human right to international freedom of movement on the same grounds.”

As Kieran later tells me, his argument immigration controls is based on ethical, rather than economic or practical, concerns. If he believes that it is an ethical requirement that we have freedom of movement between London and Oxford, a border isn’t going to stop him asserting that the same is true between London and Paris. On this basis, his disdain for any difference of treatment between domestic and international freedom of movement makes perfect sense. The borders are irrelevant. The question then, is why we should be ethically compelled to allow freedom of movement to as great a degree as possible. For Kieran, it is a matter of basic human existence.

“This is what human rights are about.”

“We need to be able to move in order to see who we want to see, associate with who we want to associate with, practice different religions, express ourselves as we want to, marry who we like, be with who we want to be. All these things are the most important things about our lives. This is what human rights are about.”

As a child of immigrants, this seems immediately appealing to me. My parents came from South Africa and the United States, had they fallen foul of immigration controls I probably wouldn’t exist. Still, for those few not immediately converted by the prospect of my non existence, I know there are questions to be raised. Even Kieran seems to concede this, admitting that there are circumstances where immigration controls would be appropriate, even required – “If there are criminals trying to move around the country , or terrorists, or there is an environmental problem such as foot and mouth disease, then we can place restrictions on (domestic) freedom of movement, and the same goes for international freedom of movement.”

As our discussion continues, I begin to wonder if cultural threats, as well as material threats, would justify immigration controls to Kieran. In particular, I’m interested in the example of Native Americans, whom are almost universally acknowledged to have had some sort of ‘right’ over their lands, before outsiders exercised their ‘international freedom of movement’ .

“The question is -why? Why would a state or a domestic community, like native peoples in North America- why should they have this right to exclude people? The kinds of grounds I might accept are: “Our culture is under threat, our way of life will be totally destroyed”- really extreme situations – “we will be oppressed.” That describes the situation of native peoples in North America, they’ve gone through a period of genocide, they live in small communities- if they were swamped by outsiders there is a good chance their culture and way of life would be destroyed.”

At this point, I am about to spring the trap that I had thought I was cleverly setting. “So, Mr. Oberman, would you not accept that to some modern immigration into the UK constitutes a similar cultural threat?” Unfortunately, Kieran pre-empts my question, and the answer is no.

“That isn’t the situation for most states. States like the UK, like France, like America, they’re enormous political communities, they can take millions of people, people have already come and more people could come without their way of life being threatened. “

“The history of immigration restrictions has been closely tied to the history of racism.”

It’s beginning to seem unlikely that Kieran is going to convince the BNP. It’s difficult to tell someone their culture isn’t under threat when their definition of what constitutes a threat is their Tesco local becoming a “Polski Sklep”. I ask Kieran if he feels that much of the opposition to his position is down to xenophobia and racism.

“The history of immigration restrictions has been closely tied to the history of racism and the subordination of other human beings. If you look through the history, its only until recently that there’s been a norm established that you can’t, at least explicitly, say that immigration is just for white people. Australia has ended its explicit white Australia policy. Nevertheless, if you look at who is granted visas, who is not granted visas, who can move around freely, who can’t… It’s absolutely appalling, it reminds you of apartheid. Having said that, I don’t think that anyone who argues for immigration restrictions is racist.”

“In one hundred years time there might well be international freedom of movement. ”

Racists aside, even I’m not entirely convinced that large states like the USA are immune to the effects of mass immigration, and if I’m not convinced I have difficulty seeing Kieran’s ideas gaining broad support. I ask Kieran if he genuinely believes that abandonment of immigration controls is a practical possibility.

“It depends what you mean by ‘practical possibility’ – if you mean is it going to happen – Politically, can we persuade politicians and the public and those in power to do it? In the short term the answer is no. If you mean “could we bring this about without devastating consequences”, well, yes, we could at least raise immigration restrictions significantly without bringing about devastating consequences. On the political front I’m not totally pessimistic. I think in one hundred years time there might well be international freedom of movement. If you take the European Union, it’s absolutely incredible, you’ve got a situation that you didn’t have 25 years ago, in which members of the EU can go and with very few restrictions live in any other state within the European Union. “

Of course, opening your borders to Europe is not equivalent to opening your borders to the world. The drain on public services and the stress increased population could bring in general is probably the greatest argument against relaxation of immigration controls in the UK. Kieran accepts that, for a single country like the UK, it’s entirely possible that an open border policy would be ruinous. Still, he doesn’t accept that it would be necessarily.

“No one has a clue what the effects of abandoning immigration controls would be.”

“It depends on what the empirical evidence is, and the empirical evidence- no one has a clue what the effects of abandoning immigration controls would be. We know that lots of people would come, the question is how many would come. I think its entirely plausible that in the UK there would be so many people that would want to come from poor states that at some point there would be devastating consequences. If that is the case then to stop those consequences you can impose immigration restrictions. But you can’t do that now- you can only do that when you’ve admitted so many people that admitting more would trigger these devastating consequences. It’s a bit like having a lifeboat and saying “we can’t take any more people in because our lifeboat will sink” when half the seats on the lifeboat are empty.”

It would seem then that Kieran is fairly optimistic, and being a UK citizen why wouldn’t he be? He is, after all, already in the lifeboat, and what is more, he can go pretty much wherever he wants. He quickly points exactly why he wouldn’t be. Firstly, his privileged position come at the expense of those “billions of people around the world” living in “desperate poverty”. Secondly, he, I, and most anyone else still faces vast restrictions on our international freedom of movement.

“Almost anyone in the UK will have no problem getting tourist visas for almost any state in the world. But still, even for people in the UK- you go to America, you fall in love with an American and your tourist visa runs out and you can’t stay there. Unless you get married, or you lie, or do all the kinds of things that people try and do to get around immigration restrictions. Immigration restrictions constantly destroy people’s relationships, and get in the way of our lives.”

With that said, I thank Kieran for his rather limited time, and in a valued exercise of my domestic freedom of movement, get the hell out of the SSL.

Getting tougher?

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City this season have been like Arsenal, but with more money and fewer points.  On our day we’ve played some miraculously good football, but on difficult away trips we’ve been shown up as physically and mentally weak.

We drew 2-2 having been 2-1 up at Hull and 2-1 up at Newcastle.  We conceded a lead to draw 1-1 at Craven Cottage.  At home we’ve been even worse: losing to 2-1 to Spurs after going ahead, and 3-1 to Chelsea.  Against Liverpool we were 2-0 up and lost 3-2.

But today we battled back from 2-0 down with two minutes remaining to get a point.  Robinho (via Andre Ooijer) set up Danny Sturridge on 88 minutes, before Sturridge returned the favour for the 93rd minute equaliser.

Of course, the real way of showing mental strength would have been to take one our of early chances and then grind out a 1-0.  But for now, this will do.

Obama’s Blagojevich Problem

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Audacious. Arrogant. More than a little absurd. Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich’s statement last Friday responding (finally) to his arrest looked like Richard Nixon on speed, which is sort of what it was. Here is a man ruined, seemingly, by his own corrupt enterprises — chiefly the attempt to sell Obama’s vacant Senate seat (he has the prerogative to pick a replacement) — who barely has a leg to stand on politically or legally. But he comes out fighting. With Rudyard Kipling quotes.

It was good. He spoke with power, with great confidence. It had such clarity. You watch and think, “I’d like this guy to be innocent. It’d be more fun.” And then you remember his past and his record and the strength of the case against him and that feeling fades. The consensus is he’s guilty and it’s not ambiguous. Caught on tape apparently trying to sell Obama’s “fucking valuable” Senate seat, his clinging on to power seems brazen at best and worrying at worst. And then, right after his statement, he pardoned twenty-two people. And you think, “what is this guy on?”

I have a feeling that this mess will be forgotten — at least outside of Illinois — as soon as the court case is resolved. The reason it’s so important is the Obama connection. And, quite simply, the handling of the fall-out by the Obama team has been their biggest mistake of the transition thus far.

When you’re faced with tough questions about a scandal like this one, the best policy is to respond with absolute clarity. Clarity of message, clarity of approach. As soon as this thing heated up, as soon as the inevitable question of transition team involvement was raised, they should have told the truth, unambiguously, in detail. It’s what you do if you are innocent. If you’re guilty, you obfuscate.

Obama obfuscated: “I had no contact with the governor or his office and so we were not, I was not aware of what was happening.” Note the use of we, and then deciding instead to go with I. He was trying to give the impression of complete distance from Blagojevich, without lying. He was ‘economical with the truth’. The truth: Rahm Emanuel, his Chief of Staff, had spoken to the Governor and had been wiretapped doing so. He seems to have done nothing illegal; today a report says he was completely innocent of any criminal activity.

Which begs the question, why obfuscate? When Emanuel’s conversation with Blagojevich was first reported, all hell broke loose. And when more questions came, Obama was vague, his spokespeople quiet or saying very little. People thought, “what are they hiding?”

It was a bad strategy, bad media management. They were innocent but they’ve made themselves look implicated. They look like they’ve tried a cover-up — a cover-up of perfectly legal and legitimate activity, but a cover-up nonetheless. And it might have hurt them.

Some mistakes politicians make impact upon the microtrend — the short term state of public opinion. Others impact upon the macrotrend — the less fickle, more solid and enduring opinions people hold. The macrotrend tends to be more important: it’s about our overall impression of something or someone, not individual little happenings that vanish from our consciousness soon after. Naturally, our overall impression is partly a product of an accumulation of microtrends: if a politician keeps saying daft things, we eventually get the impression he or she is a bit daft. The macrotrend is all about ‘bigger’ stuff, like trust, integrity, personality, character, values.

Here’s my point. In the wake of this mess, the perception about the Obama team is not “they’re innocent”, nor “they’re guilty”, but rather “they tried to mislead us”. And that impacts upon trust.