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Students hit by Council litter fines

University students and staff have slammed an Oxford City Council decision to issue £100 penalties for breaking new rubbish collection rules.

Seven fines have been issued for "side littering", where household rubbish encroaches on the pavement in front of a house. The new scheme affects the properties of many staff and students who live in houses across Oxford, but has been criticised for failing to inform residents of the consequences of breaking its new regulations.

A senior member of University staff, who wished to remain anonymous, said the system was fundamentally unfair. "It’s a draconian and aggressive attitude that the Council have adopted. Of course I’m against the fines. Oxford County Council has failed to educate the public, and now they’re punishing them for it. It’s privative government," she said.

She called for the University to take action on behalf of students affected by the scheme. "There’s no protection for the students. As soon as you step out of the colleges you’re in a cesspit of political manipulation," she said. "The students’ parents can’t help them, and the moment that they put a foot wrong, the Council come down on them."

Tom Smith, a second-year student who lives in Jericho, criticised the conflict between the new scheme and the recently introduced fortnightly bin collections. "With the ridiculous bi-weekly collections, in a house which contains six male students, we naturally generated a lot of rubbish which we had put in front of our house as usual," he said.

"We then got a letter threatening us with legal action if we didn’t comply, and a photograph of our house with the rubbish in front of it. We keep our rubbish at the back of our house, but now it’s taking up our garden space."

City Councillor Jean Fooks claimed that the ‘three strikes’ scheme had been effective in deterring offenders. "After the first inspection, the officers sent out 1,200 letters, then the second time only 200 letters were sent out, but just seven fines were issued in the end, which shows that the warning system worked and made people a little more diligent," she said.

Annie Skinner, co-founder of CROW, a pressure group campaigning for a return to weekly household waste collections, said that provisions for waste disposal were not satisfactory and the problem was worst for properties that didn’t have wheelie bins. "4,500 households are unable to have wheelie bins, for example houses without front gardens," she said. "These households are allocated two refuse sacks a week and are often houses of multiple occupation. Despite diligent recycling, for many, particularly for those in shared houses who have different schedules, two sacks are not enough. The rubbish has to be stored somewhere – inside the house, in the back garden if there is one, or in the street."
Eric Murray, another co-founder of CROW, added, "It’s hypocritical, it really is."

TT07: 5th Week

Referendum: VP Women Here to Stay

Female students rejected proposals to abolish the position of OUSU Vice-President (Women) and replace it with a student advisor by a three to one majority last Thursday.

Over 2,000 students also voted in referendums to approve OUSU becoming a registered charity and to replace the Vice-President (Finance) with a professional finance manager.

A number of criticisms have been levelled at campaign groups for failing to obey electoral rules that may have undermined the fairness of polling.

The campaign against abolishing the Vice-President (Women), led by Labour Club members Olivia Bailey, Rachel Cummings and Joel Mullan, was penalised for allowing activists to send messages to a National Union of Students (NUS) mailing list.

NUS Women’s officer Kat Stark and NUS Committee member Sofie Buckland sent emails to the ‘Education Not for Sale’ mailing list, encouraging unregistered activists from around the country to come to Oxford on polling day.

OUSU President Alan Strickland wrote in his complaint, "The arrival in Oxford of unregistered activists, from other universities, secured through illegal electoral publicity on a national scale, clearly significantly undermines the chances of a free and fair election."

After the vote, Strickland said that activists from outside Oxford were detrimental to the entire process. "Many of the outside campaigners were canvassing men, as they had no idea men couldn’t vote, they were unaware of the financial issues, unaware of the real arguments on either side. It was a waste of everyone’s time and not contributing to the informed debate the referendum was designed to encourage," he said.

Stark apologised after the campaign’s publicity limit was reduced as a penalty, calling it a "mistake", but saying that Strickland’s version of events was "highly inaccurate." She added, "There were five campaigners from outside the University, only one of whom was male. All activists were fully briefed on the situation and were also briefed in detail on the rules of the referenda."

Olivia Bailey, JCR President of St Hilda’s and also one of the campaign’s agents, said that the five activists from outside the University were irrelevant to the overall result. "The women of Oxford spoke in their hundreds on Thursday and I think those who are claiming that the five external, concerned activists who came to Oxford on the day in some way changed people’s minds are being disrespectful to every woman who voted for their own representation, and for thoughtful, considered reform."

The ‘yes’ campaign for abolishing the Vice-President (Women) was repeatedly attacked for breaching electoral rules.

In his report, OUSU Returning Officer Peter Wright described the campaign as "disorganised and shambolic," and detailed five separate complaints regarding the content of the campaign’s posters. "The number of false and misleading statements on the campaign’s posters was staggering and suggests a lack of careful thought or preparation by the campaign’s agents. Although they at no point acted maliciously, they did act without due organisation or forethought and came close to forfeiting their deposit," he said.

Current VP (Women), Jenny Hoogewerf-McComb, complained that the campaign’s posters were false and misleading for stating that "This year we have no Safety Bus because two successive years’ VP (Women) failed to find a single penny of funding for it." An investigation by the Returning Officer revealed that it was the responsibility of the OUSU Business Manager to find funding and that consequently all posters were to be removed.

Other complaints about posters criticised statements made by Ben Harris, the Imperial College SU Welfare Officer and Katie Chevis, the Warwick SU Welfare Officer, neither of whom were registered activists. Another poster featuring a statement made by Maria Burgess, OUSU’s General Manager, was ruled as illegal for using a member of the permanent staff to support a campaign.

Bailey said that the campaign’s actions were trying to change the referendum’s result unfairly. "The yes campaign broke the rules on a number of occasions, having posters that were defamatory, breaking the rules on endorsements and failing to apply election barcodes. I think it’s sad that yes activists are trying to distort the result of this referendum with unfounded claims," she said.

Ed Mayne, the Vice-President (Finance) who led the campaign to abolish his own position, said that the result of that referendum was a success for OUSU. "It will lead to better service provision and financial management," he said. "OUSU currently has too many politicians and not enough civil servants, and judging by the result of this referendum the majority of those who voted agree with this statement."
New College JCR President Lewis Iwu added his support for Mayne, saying, "I welcome the reforms, it will bring professionalism and continuity to an organisation that in the past has been riddled by financial naïvety."

TT07: 4th Week

TT07: 3rd Week

TT07: 2nd Week

TT07: 0th Week

First Night Review: Murder on the Nile

Agatha Christie’s plays are often tightly timed and suspensefully wrought, simultaneously thoughtful and entertaining. The same, unfortunately, cannot be said of the present production. It dragged on for hours without any feeling of momentum or excitement. The first half alone, lasted a full hour and a half without any sort of plot development until the very end. The second half too, even after the expected murder, sullenly plodded on until the great Belgian detective, Hercule Poirot, finally revealed the who and how of the crime. The show was, therefore, quite disappointing; not particularly awful, but not special in any way either.

Various factors contributed to this sense of stasis, but chief among them was the cast. The play is very much an ensemble piece with characters as one dimensional place-holders all thrown together in a strange environment. Here we have the aristocrat, the star, the socialite, the Americans, the nouveau riche and so on, and much of the interest comes (or should come) from their interactions. Yet, the cast consistently failed to work together in any real way. At times it seemed almost as if they had only been rehearsed individually, with characters not physically reacting until their opposite number had finished speaking. The result was farcically disjointed, with actors staring deadpan waiting for lines to finish and then suddenly springing to life when it was their ‘turn’ to do so. There were standout performances by Gareth Russell as the dandy Timothy Allerton and Emerald Fennell as the washed up star Salomé Otterbourne, but even they were not so much acting as offering caricatures merely to draw laughs. Matt Lacey’s Hercule Poirot was less the quirky Belgian detective so absorbed by his work that he cannot see his own oddities than a twitching buffoon whose skill as a detective was only believable for the lines
he is given. Indeed, Lacey’s attempted francophone belge accent was so thick that he often tripped himself up.

Eventually we find out who and just how in the truly surprising style of Agatha Christie (don’t worry, I won’t give it away), but Poirot’s explanation of the crime came more as a relief to cold audience members than as the sort of shocking revelation that one might expect. 

Jay Butler

Cyprus: "Turn that damn radio down!"

A narrow line crosses the island, untouched by either side: an isolation zone. Grubby concrete barriers split the cit of Nicosia in two. Peering through a gap, there’s a bizarre sight: a street, abandoned thirty years ago and untouched ever since.  The cars look like something out of Sunday morning TV: drawn lace curtains, grey with dust.  
 Cyprus is close to Turkey, it’s only 75 km away across the sea, and its other neighbour Greece is a distant 600. If you ever travel there, you’ll find beautiful weather, friendly locals and mediocre beaches. You’ll also hear a lot about Nicosia, ‘the last divided city in Europe’. 
 Cyprus has been ruled by Phoenicians, Franks, Egyptians, Romans, Venetians and Crusaders.  After three hundred years of being ruled by the Ottomans, Cyprus was nabbed from Turkey by the British after World War I.  It became independent in 1960.
   The joys of independence! Now you are free of the brutal oppressor you can turn your attention to the noisy sod next-door. Cyprus is split between ethnic Greeks and Turks, 80% to 20%. Traditionally they have got on reasonably well, but each side has always seen themselves as being primarily Greek or Turkish, not Cypriot. To shorten a long story, the two communities didn’t (and still don’t) trust each other, and so they failed to negotiate a constitution that both worked and protected the rights of the minority. The result: a bitter low-level conflict, which involved both motherlands. When a military junta took control of Greece (1967), they encouraged EOKA-B, a terrorist group that committed atrocities against Turkish Cypriots. A main street of Greek Cypriot Nicosia is still named after EOKA-B’s founder, Grivas.
Now, take a step back. It’s the cold war. Two NATO members are squabbling over an island in the Middle East, upon which Britain maintains sizable military bases.  The leader of this country, Archbishop Makarios, is supported by the local communist party and plays a major role in the non-aligned movement (avoiding both the US and USSR).  He has also come into conflict with the Greek junta which is rumoured to be backed by the US.  In 1974, the Greek government, with the foreknowledge of the US State Department (headed by Henry Kissinger, a man with a reputation for hard-ball), topples Makarios, and replaces him with Nikos Sampson, famed for demolishing Turkish Cypriot houses with JCBs.   In response, Turkey launches a massive (and well-prepared) invasion, with the stated goal of protecting Turkish Cypriots.  The army succeeds rather well and ends up with 38% of the island.  Feel free to insert your own conspiracy theory here. 
Take that situation and freeze it, for thirty years. During that time the forced migration of several hundred thousand people has taken place, encouraged by the British.   The Turkish army has stayed, and Turkish Cyprus declared itself a republic, which nobody other than Turkey has recognised.  Meanwhile, the UN patrols the dividing line, where the lace curtains get dusty.
 Enter wealthy uncle EU. The EU negotiates with Greek Cyprus, led by Tassos Papadopoulos, saying, in effect: “You join, then unite with the Turkish Cypriots under the Annan plan (a revised power-sharing deal).  The Turkish forces leave, and we’re all happy bunnies.”  Papadopoulos concludes the negotiations, then campaigns vehemently against the Annan plan in a national referendum.  Turkish Cyprus votes in favour, Greek Cyprus votes against.  Cyprus joins but as a divided island, with Turkish Cyprus frozen outside. 
Murky waters.  Turkey is desperate to join the EU, and wants its troops off Cyprus as quickly as possible, but it needs to maintain its face. Greece also wants Turkey to join, since it minimises the chance of future conflict (which would most probably see Greece being creamed by  Turkey). The Turkish Cypriot ‘republic’, which has been ostracised internationally, is dirt-poor and likewise desperate to join.  Finally, the US also wants Turkey in the EU, since that stabilises the Middle East and (if you’re cynical) weakens EU political unity.  However, anybody in Europe who doesn’t want the Polish plumber replaced by the Turkish construction worker, breathes a quiet sigh of relief.
And Greek Cyprus? Comfortable. Wealthy, with EU membership and plenty of tourists. Morally superior victims of invasion. Finally, they don’t have to share power (and funds) with Turks. The government is outwardly keen to continue negotiations, but they’ve been going on for fifty years. It’s debatable whether the devil is in those details.
Solution? The EU needs to get its act together, present a united front on Turkey, and sit on the Greek Cypriot government’s head. Prognosis? It’s going to take time, enough for those embittered by 1960-74 period to leave politics, and it’s going to take a whole lot of EU money, but eventually they’ll wash those curtains.
 

First Night Review: The Irreverence Crusade

While student-written comedy is often a hit-or-miss affair, there is much in Jack Sanderson-Thwaite’s sketch-show which is original and very funny, giving new and bizarre, yet enchantingly simple perspectives on the world. The content of the sketches deals with altered perceptions and irrationality, creating an aberrant world where fairy tales come to life through mediums as far removed as the business of dealers and TV news reporting. The moment the audience thinks they have a handle on the action, that they can find a meaningful link between the sketches, enabling them to keep their feet on the ground, is the moment when personifications of day and night duke it out or the world is viewed from the point of view of a lamp post. It is quite clear that all bets are off.

Occasional recurring characters are all that tenuously links together some sketches, and it is truly the lack of rationality present in all which create this convincing world of madness and delirium. One fully believes that even
the most bizarre of the sketches viewed could occur whilst walking down the street in this self-proclaimed ‘wondrous realm‘. The difficulty of disentangling oneself from this world is a testament to Sanderson-Thwaite's
success in enticing the audience with the ludicrous goings-on.

The energised ensemble cast almost manages to saves the few sketches which run too long or lack pace, and adds to the accomplishment of those which Sanderson-Thwaite's surreal writing already illuminates. Alexander Craven and Ben Forrest are particularly worthy of mention for their impeccable comic timing – it is the scene consisting of only these two which is perhaps the funniest in the show.

James Callender performs brilliantly as Demetrius Skylark, the 'compare extraordinaire', our guide through the anarchic and tumultuous world created by Sanderson-Thwaite. Speaking directly to the audience, Skylark's comments on the characters and this bizarre world provide a surprising tone of downheartedness and uncertainty to the proceedings, as he struggles to express himself in logical terms in a world where no logic exists.

The oddball action culminates in chaos around our guide, in a sketch parodying the nature of sketch shows themselves. Making the audience fully aware of the writer's sophisticated talents, Skylark then delivers a Puck-like summation, addressing the desires and intentions of the characters in a suddenly sobering and not unwelcome turn.

The action is outlandish without being absurd, and the charming daftness of the better sketches is what makes them the most memorable. It's entirely likely that if the play lasted any longer than an hour, the topsy-turvy world would crumble into the preposterous or the laboured, but a jolting halt is put on the proceedings at just the right moment. Sanderson-Thwaite, always in control as both a writer and flawless director, drags the audience, busy peering at this surreal world, away from the brink just as suddenly as they were thrust towards it.

Laura Williams