Thursday 7th May 2026
Blog Page 3

Oxford MP takes Ultimate Picture Palace Campaign to Parliament

The MP for Oxford East, Dame Anneliese Dodds, raised the ongoing campaign to save the Ultimate Picture Palace (UPP) on Jeune Street in parliament last Monday, urging the government to “go further” to protect “community assets like the UPP”.  

The independent cinema is struggling to go ahead with renovations to the premises on account of uncertainty over the length of its tenancy. Its landlord, Oriel College, has so far refused to extend its lease beyond 2037, citing plans to create a “Fifth Quad” to accommodate graduate students.

“Too often, as in the case of the UPP, we see a David and Goliath situation for communities that want to control local assets”, Dodds told the House of Commons in an adjournment debate last Monday. She argued that the challenges faced by the UPP reflect wider difficulties experienced by community-owned assets across the UK. The dispute has also raised broader concerns over the University’s gradual encroachment into the town of Oxford. 

The UPP’s management told Cherwell: “We very much welcome Anneliese Dodds raising the situation facing the Ultimate Picture Palace in Parliament, and we are hugely grateful for her support as her comments are an important recognition of the serious challenge we face. Without a longer lease … our community-owned cinema – recognised nationally as a leader in cultural cinema for its programme, access, and audience engagement – cannot unlock the investment it needs to survive.”

The lack of long-term security has already prevented the cinema from accessing major grant funding, raising concerns that it could become financially unviable before its current lease expires. Executive director of the UPP, Micaela Tuckwell, told Cherwell that she hopes both the College and Picturehouse can “collaborate” and incorporate the cinema “within their Fifth Quad plans”.

Dodds echoed this in Parliament: “There are some brilliant examples of higher education institutions working with arts organisations in the UK, and such co-operation could make the UPP an even more special place. So far, Oriel College appears not to have recognised the potential benefits of engaging with the Ultimate Picture Palace in this way. I urge it to reconsider, and to grant the UPP its long-term lease.”

In response to Dodds’ comments, Oriel College told Cherwell it had “no plans to extend the lease at this early stage in the tenancy.” The College added: “We are very proud of our heritage cinema and are in dialogue with the new managers about how to ensure it remains open to the wider public.”

Founded in 1911, the UPP is the oldest picture house in Oxford. It is currently owned by over 1,200 stakeholders in the local community and is a registered Asset of Community Value (ACV) by Oxford City Council, which recognises places of social or cultural significance to a local area. The petition to keep the cinema open surpassed 20,000 signatures this week. 

Dodd’s appeal comes amidst the government’s proposal for an English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill, which aims to introduce stronger protections for ACVs such as the UPP. The bill would create a ‘Community Right to Buy’ provision, giving local groups the first opportunity to purchase such assets, alongside a fair market valuation and additional time to raise funds. However, as currently drafted, the policy would apply only if the asset were to be put up for sale by its owner, meaning the UPP, which is facing an unrenewed lease, would not be protected under the Bill. 

Speaking in support of the measures, Dodds told the House of Commons: “The community right to buy will mark a landmark shift”, but added, “we need to go further”. 

All in a day’s Work.txt: Metatheatre’s extremes

For £5 (and a 42p booking fee), I found myself in a room full of theatre kids who had finally attained that cherished jewel of our modern world: a job. I first heard about Work.txt when I was asked by a friend (or coworker?) if I was free Saturday night. Being instinctively adverse to clubbing, I was, indeed, free. Unemployed, even. And this was a gilt-edged proposition I just couldn’t turn down. At the mention of the name Ted Fussell, I threw £5 (plus the emphasised 42p booking fee) of my student loan at Ticketsource, completely unaware of what I was getting myself into. All I knew was that I was expected at ‘The Place of Work’ (Lecture Room Six at New College) at 8pm that Saturday. Since punctuality is one of the traits that makes me such a team player, I met Teddy Farrand (or the receptionist?) outside the lodge ten minutes early, presented him with my ticket, and announced that I was clocking in for my shift. 

Upon entry, I followed the instructions on the screen, placing the book that I was asked to bring with me onto the growing pile in the centre of the stage. I struck up a conversation with my fellow audience members, or coworkers, as we began to immerse ourselves into this bit to which we had already committed £5 plus (say it with me) a 42p booking fee. “It feels like we’re talking around a water cooler”, Rebecca Harper remarked before she mimed holding a little paper cone. We speculated about whether this would count as work experience on LinkedIn. The audience was already taking the “play performed entirely by its audience” pitch very seriously. 

The show centred around a script-cum-PowerPoint presentation. Yellow text flashed on a black screen, encouraging either the whole audience to speak or only a specific group who had something in common. The categories ranged in specificity, from “runners” to “people who don’t sleep well”. This technique was rather revealing: you never knew whether your voice was going to be part of a chorus or if you would be reading a line alone. You could learn a lot about how your fellow audience members characterised themselves through their silences and their responses with this technique, and you shared a lot about yourself in return.

Work.txt often works metatheatrically and draws attention to its scripted nature. The stage manager’s digression about Gilmore Girls, for example, then diverged into something along the lines of “I haven’t even watched Gilmore Girls. This is just what the screen is telling me to say”. The screen could also edit your perceptions of a character trait with which you had already aligned, gradually revealing information after you had already committed to reciting the assigned script. For example, I took on the role of “a person who hasn’t said very much yet” and was caught off guard when this character then spiralled into one spouting criticism against the show. I found myself complaining that this wasn’t real theatre, that it wasn’t Mamma Mia the Musical, regardless of the fact that I (the individual, not the character) was having a great time. 

The show emphasised the £5.42 ticket price as a way of pointing out the peculiarity of the fact that we had paid someone else to let us do work for them. This was likened to the structure of university; we get loans to do work that will eventually help us do more work and pay back the loans until we are sixty years old. For now, though, that £9,535 a year is only a number on a webpage, and we can forget that the drudgery of our degrees is not only self-inflicted, but something we pay for. 

These more bleak illuminations were mingled alongside other excellent comedic moments, executed successfully thanks to the energy of the audience. This article would not do the show justice without a nod to the single best moment of student theatre I have ever experienced, as either cast, crew, or audience. The screen flashed up with these words on separate lines: Every. Night. In. My. Dreams.

The melancholic whistling of the opening notes radiated from the screen before us, and the slide changed into a karaoke video of Celine Dion’s ‘My Heart Will Go On’. We sang all 4 minutes and 40 seconds. Arms swayed. I turned to the others in my row and began to dedicate my performance to Maggie Kerson, who likewise responded with a dramatic air grab, as she informed me her heart will, in fact, go on. We turned our phone torches on and waved them in the air. It was a live concert on a small scale, but the energy could have filled Wembley Stadium. I choose to believe that this was an accurate reflection of the corporate world, that each working day is punctuated by the collective belting of 90s pop classics.  

At the end of the play, the humour melded with an unsettling bitterness. It jumped from the subtle commentary on the working world and our place within it, not as human beings, but as employees, and shifted to a more blunt, bleak outlook of the world. Our main character and fellow audience member, Holly, lay on the floor and told us all the reasons she wanted to “stop”. The printer, which had been inconspicuously set on a table in the corner of the room for the duration of the play, then took over as the narrator, providing an epilogue. This speech moves beyond the end of the working day and blends cosmic existentialism with meaningless corporate speak. It tells us about the destruction of the natural world, the death of the human race, yet the persistence of work nonetheless. “God tries lateral thinking”, the audience is told. “Sound gets put on a zero-hour contract.” It was bizarre yet depressing to hear this workplace jargon being applied to the world beyond humanity. The universe became a workplace, striving towards nothing in particular. It was a reminder of how far we have come from where we started as part of the natural world, how we have produced our own prisons in the form of deadlines, networking, and contracts. 
While my heart will go on, so will the corporate cesspools we have built for ourselves, but Celine Dion has only sung a power ballad about one of these things. Still, Work.txt provides something of a solution to the horrors of the modern workplace in its call to inaction in a world of hustle culture and relentless productivity.

Trade unions and students rally in Oxford to mark General Strike centenary

0

Students and the University and College Union (UCU) joined a march and rally in Oxford today to mark the 100-year anniversary of the 1926 General Strike. 

The march left Manzil Way, Cowley, at around 12.30pm and arrived at Bonn Square in the city centre around 1.15pm. Those attending included the Oxford District and Trade Unions Council (ODTUC), the UCU, the Teachers’ Union, the National Union of Journalists (NUJ), the National Pensioners’ Convention, and the Renters’ Rights Union. They were joined by members of Oxford Stand Up to Racism (OUSTR), the Socialist Worker’s Party, the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty, the Communist Party, Your Party Oxford, and other groups. Several students attended, including a group from the Oxford Labour Club (OLC).  

The event commemorated the anniversary of the 1926 General Strike, a sympathy strike which took place across the United Kingdom from 4th to 12th May 1926, in an attempt by the Trade Union Congress (TUC) to pressure the UK Government to improve working conditions and prevent pay reductions for coal miners. In Oxford, railway, print and building workers took strike action in solidarity with miners in other regions of the country. The strike was largely seen as unsuccessful at achieving its aims. 
A commemorative banner was commissioned by ODTUC for the anniversary. Designed by Jeannie Harrison, it was officially launched at an event in East Oxford on 24th April. The event was attended by Lord Mayor-elect, Cllr Chewe Mukonge, and Master of Balliol College, Dame Helen Ghosh.

Image credit: Hattie Simpson, for Cherwell.

In a comment to Cherwell before the event, Co-Chairs of the Oxford Labour Club (OLC) described the General Strike as “one of the most prominent points in the history of the British trade union movement…two million people joined together in solidarity to show both their employers, and the ruling political class, that working people in the United Kingdom deserve to be heard, seen, and respected”.

A UCU committee member told Cherwell they were here to “try and honour that tradition” of workers’ strikes and warned that “in many ways, we’ve gone backwards”. They noted it was “important to show solidarity with members of other UCU branches who are experiencing significant attacks on their working rights and working conditions.

“Oxford from the outside has a reputation of ivory towers, but there are lots of problems with poor job security… [and] attacks on higher education. Oxford isn’t immune.” Another UCU member, Rob Blundell, emphasised the importance to Cherwell of “recognition of the unions within colleges because at the moment the 36 independent colleges do not recognise unions”. 

Many attendees of the march also made reference to the continued relevance of the original strike. Harrison, who also attended the rally, told Cherwell: “What caused it to begin with was the miners… but in this climate with zero hours contracts…[there’s] a lot of insecurity around work, I think it’s really important. You can’t do these things on your own, you have to join a union”. An attendee from the Alliance for Workers Liberty also told Cherwell: “We need not only a sense of how we might change the world but where we’ve come from.” 

Image credit: Hattie Simpson, for Cherwell.

OUSTR and the Socialist Worker established stalls at Manzil Way and Bonn Square, and various groups distributed leaflets and campaign materials at both locations. Marching to the City Centre, those gathered shouted chants including “Here to stay, here to fight, workers of the world unite”, “What do we think of landlords? Shit. What do we think of shit? Landlords”, and “Whose streets? Our streets”.

Speakers at the rally at Bonn Square included Steve Wright, General Secretary of the Fire Brigades Union, who described May Day as “a day written in struggle”. Speaking after his address, Wright told Cherwell that he aimed to “bring the message that it’s only workers that can fight back and push back employers…I think it’s about looking forward and building a society and country that’s built in the interest of workers.”

Speaking to Cherwell, an attendee praised “left-wing unity on the basis of joint action where we agree, and honest debate where we disagree”. Referencing representation at the event from OLC, a Communist Party activist told Cherwell: “If they’re here to support workers, I’m here to stand with them”.

Multiple groups also praised the government for recent legislation, including the Employment Rights Act and the Renters’ Rights Act. A spokesperson for the Renters Rights Union celebrated the ban on no-fault evictions, which came into law at the beginning of May, and said they “want people to know that their rights have changed”.

Image credit: Hattie Simpson, for Cherwell.

Dr Pushba Chaure, Vice-President of the Oxford and District Trade Union Council and member of the Teachers’ Union, told Cherwell how the UK was “hiring teachers from abroad” to fill vacancies, and said migrant workers in education were “treated like second-class citizens”. Oxford Stand Up to Racism organiser Ian McKendrick told Cherwell: “It wasn’t migrants who crashed the banks…who imposed austerity” and called for unity between those campaigning for the rights of workers and the rights of migrants.

In a speech, Paula Dunne, Chair of the steering group for Strike Map, a national trade union activist organisation, referenced the upcoming local elections in Oxford, set to take place on the 7th May. She told attendees that “it is important to look at which political parties have stood in union with the workers”.

A brass band accompanied the marchers and played throughout the journey down to Bonn Square, with one performer describing the event as “part of the history of music within the trade union movement”.

Today’s event will be followed on 16th May by performances including live music at the Museum of Oxford to tell the story of the 1926 General Strike in Oxford. 

Additional reporting by Stanley Arlidge, Ned Remington and Hattie Simpson.

Oxford Mutual Aid re-opens after month-long closure

0

Oxford Mutual Aid (OMA) has reopened after a month-long closure due to “emergency repairs” at the hall they operate out of, which the charity described as “the longest closure period OMA has ever seen”.

The community organisation, founded in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, provides “essential weekly support” to 190 households in Oxford, supporting around 750 people. They have distributed 30,000 food parcels since 2022, including around 250 emergency food parcels per month. The group also distributes toiletries and baby supplies to those in need. They described themselves to Cherwell as “Oxford’s biggest direct food support provider”, supporting over 2000 people, or 1.2% of Oxford’s population, every year. The majority of those supported are children.

OMA re-opened on 27th April after “the repairs and safety issues” to the hall were resolved. In a comment, OMA told Cherwell they were “very grateful” to those who donated to cover the costs of repairs, with donations exceeding a “stretch goal” of £4,000 during the month of closure. All donations not spent on financing repairs have “gone to purchasing more supplies to ensure we can fully provide everything our community needs” during a time of “heightened demand”. 

OMA told Cherwell: “We have had to replace much of our food stocks and replace a substantial amount of shelving amid other equipment…Support from the community to cover these costs has ensured our financial stability has not been put in jeopardy.” 

OMA added that their closure had been “devastating” for the community: “OMA is the only support they can access. We are the only org to deliver across the entire city, meaning we’re able to reach people with disabilities, health issues, stringent childcare or work responsibilities and/or low mobility – people who find it hard to reach more traditional food support.” The charity added that they have referred those in need towards alternative provision where possible during their closure. 

On their website, OMA describe “two Oxfords”, with the University and surrounding “wealthy districts” making the city “one of the most expensive places to live in the UK”, whilst also being home to “some of the most deprived wards in the country”. According to OMA, between 9 and 14% of the city is estimated to be experiencing food poverty.

The organisation has described itself as a “grassroots action network…born out of LGBTQ and trade union organisers, and local community groups”, believing in “solidarity, not charity”. Following their re-opening, OMA told Cherwell they “will continue to support everyone we can in Oxford, across the whole city”.

Local election manifestos published as student candidates contest key wards

The Labour Party, the Green Party and the Liberal Democrats have released their manifestos ahead of the upcoming Oxford City Council elections, as a number of current and recent University of Oxford students contest seats across the city.

Voters will go to the polls on 7th May to elect half the members of the city council. The council is currently in no overall control, meaning no party (or coalition of parties) holds a majority. Labour is the largest group of the council and (until the resignation of ten councillors over Gaza in 2023) had been in the majority for the past 13 years. According to projections from PollCheck, the Council will remain without overall control, with Labour losing six seats but remaining the largest party. 

In some wards, Oxford’s residents will have the chance to elect current and recent University students. Holywell, the ward where most central colleges are located, will be contested by Labour candidate Awab Kazuz, a first-year History student at St Edmund Hall, and Green Party candidate Alfie Davis, a 2024 St Anne’s College graduate. In 2024, the City Council elections in Holywell saw the incumbent Labour councillor narrowly beaten by a Green Party candidate.

The Green Party are also fielding PhD student Zelalemawee Asheber in Walton Manor – home to Somerville College and St Anne’s – and Modern Languages finalist Indigo Haynes in Blackbird Leys. In Carfax and Jericho – home to Worcester College and Gloucester Green – Oxford University Conservative Association President and Lady Margaret Hall History student Harriet Dolby is running against Reform candidate, and Oriel College student, Vittorio Cuneo-Flood. The Liberal Democrats are contesting the Osney & St Thomas ward with Harry Morgan, a second-year at Pembroke College and last term’s Oxford Students’ Liberal Association President. 

The local Labour party released their manifesto last month, focusing on housing, climate policy, supporting the local economy, and local pride as it’s four major priorities. It proposes action on second homes and short-term lets, alongside making housing carbon neutral, and a commitment to campaign for rent control powers in the private rented sector, a policy the Labour government does not support. Whilst no specific reference is made to the impact of their policies on students, Awab Kazuz told Cherwell that housing pressures are central to his campaign, describing scenes of students queuing for accommodation as “absolutely unforgivable”. He said Labour’s plans to crack down on short-term lets and second homes, alongside stronger protections against “bad faith landlords” and an expansion of affordable housing, will ease the strain on student renters. He added that although the council does not have the power to introduce rent controls, the local Labour group would continue to campaign for “tangible, radical action” at a national level.

The Green Party has proposed an “Oxford Living Rent”, alongside similar promises to campaign for stronger rent control powers and restrictions on short-term lets. Other policies include to lobby central government for the power to introduce a tourist tax, an increase in the Oxford Living Wage, and a commitment to support congestion charges and low traffic neighbourhoods. The party has also called for the closure of Campsfield House Immigration Removal Centre (located outside of the City Council boundaries) – the only major party to make such a commitment in their manifesto. 

Zelalemawee Asheber and Indigo Haynes told Cherwell they would seek to expand Oxford’s “city of sanctuary” policies, criticising recent visa restrictions and calling for greater support for students affected by changes to asylum and immigration rules. They added that a Green-led council would work to increase support for local organisations assisting asylum seekers and push for more community-based housing, with affected students included in these schemes.

The local Liberal Democrats’ manifesto sets out goals including a “fairer Oxford”, “healthier Oxford”, and a “net-zero Oxford”. Its housing plans centre on increasing supply through “densification” of existing buildings and development of underused land. It also emphasises  support for Oxford’s status as a “city of sanctuary”. These elections come after the government’s announcement last month of an emergency brake on new student visa applications from Afghanistan, Cameroon, Myanmar, and Sudan. Harry Morgan told Cherwell that a Liberal Democrat-run council would work with local MPs, including the Lib Dem MP for Oxford West and Abingdon, to “exert pressure on central government” and prevent visa changes affecting students.

Currently, neither the Conservative Party nor Reform UK have published local manifestos for the Oxford elections. Cuneo-Flood told Cherwell that Reform UK opposes the “woke-driven policies which make travelling in and out of Oxford both time-consuming and possibly expensive”. On housing, Cuneo-Flood raised concern that “places of accommodation given to illegal immigrants and asylum seekers” resulted in “less houses for locals”.

The Conservative Party is fielding candidates in every ward, whilst Reform UK is contesting all but Holywell. Alfie Davis claimed on BlueSky that Reform were unable to attain the two supporting signatories necessary to stand a candidate, writing “it’s clear young ppl [sic] reject Reform”. Speaking about Holywell, Cuneo-Flood told Cherwell: “No candidate is fielded in Holywell because no student candidate was found. To any student who would have voted for Reform had they the chance, I say that a change from the direction in which this country is heading is only possible if those who seek the change are willing to say so.”

Alongside the main parties,  a number of independent groups are also contesting seats across Oxford. In the 2024 local elections, independent candidates and groups – including the Independent Oxford Alliance (the largest group) – secured a significant share of the vote, with the Alliance alone winning over 15% and 4 City Council seats. Several of these groupings are standing candidates again in 2026.

Harriet Dolby and Reform UK Oxfordshire were approached for comment.

Both rags and riches: Social media is heightening Oxford’s class disparities

According to the University of Oxford’s admissions data, in 2024, 14.5% of students admitted were from the most socio-economically deprived areas in the UK. Many students at the University come from comfortable, more middle-class backgrounds, but sprinkled in are members of the elite: the children of aristocracy and the ultra-wealthy. For many working-class, state-educated students, coming to Oxford allows them to interact with people from this world for the very first time.  

It can be very disorienting to enter this new social sphere. At first, you can feel overwhelmed by its strange traditions and the people you are suddenly interacting with. It is bizarre to have a Scout who automatically cleans up after you. To be wined and dined in black tie, and to have a bursary that allows you to spend without worry, can feel uncomfortable for those who grew up with less. It’s very easy to feel out of place, both academically and socially.  

As time goes on, immersion in this fantasy land can make you out of touch. There is an illusion of student solidarity, that we are somehow all the same. We all know the trauma of essay deadlines, we use the same Oxford lingo, we study in the same libraries, we eat hall meals together, and we attend the same events. But then the vacation rolls around. As people return home, you realise that this Oxford bubble is not real life. The reality of class differences smacks you abruptly in the face.  

For working-class students, the truth is that many university acquaintances do not live the same lifestyle as you do. Most students at Oxford never need to worry about  whether their household will make ends meet this month. They do not have the burden of a maxed-out student loan, a crippling overdraft, and a laborious part-time job awaiting them in the vac. The vacation period is one where the vibrant world of Oxford feels very far away. What can connect you is the friends that you have made there, and social media is the easiest way to catch up on their lives. 

A dopamine-boosting doomscroll is particularly tempting for those of us who have few entertainment options during the vacation. Instagram shows you the lives of your new acquaintances and the alien world they reside in – a montage of huge houses, constant travel, and smiling friends in chalets and pools. It could not be more different from how you and most people live. It is difficult to escape the realisation that not only does this lifestyle exist, but it also exists near to you, and yet remains unattainable. It opens your eyes to the true class difference that exists between you and many of your peers, which amplifies the feeling of not quite belonging to the environment of Oxford. The unequal nature of the lottery of life is made more apparent when social media allows you to take a glimpse into the lifestyles of fellow students.  

In term time, there are always subtle reality checks that remind you of the class differences that exist at university, and they tend to be cliché – what school did you go to? Blank stares at your reply. Where do you typically holiday in the summer? Awkwardly state that you will probably be at home working. These reality checks are far harder to dodge when your scrolling takes place in an uncomfortable home, shattered, after a long shift at work. 

The whiplash that comes with oscillating between a comfortable, social, and cosy time at university and a harsher time at home is an exhausting experience. It can feel like you don’t really belong anywhere. A sense of isolation is inevitable when you are one of the few people in your circle who live in real financial struggle. It can seep into your confidence academically and socially. The thoughts of “I don’t really fit in here” get louder in those moments where class difference is made apparent, which only exacerbates imposter syndrome.  

As petty as it may seem to whine about  social media, which is entirely curated anyway, it doesn’t undermine the fact that this is a symptom of the core experience of working-class students at Oxford. The solution seems simple – just delete social media during the vacation and try accepting that your lifestyle is different from your peers. Whilst that is certainly a way to escape the toxic comparisons, it is not that easy, nor is it the main problem. Social media enables you to witness the unaffordable lifestyles of people around you. Even without that tool to help you sneak a peek, the cutting realities of being working class in Oxford will always find a way to follow you around.  

Like stones in your shoes, it can add pressure to change yourself to fit into this new world, as your own feed transforms in response to this different social circle. Working-class students can attempt to glamorise what little they have by changing their social media habits. Perhaps post some snapshots of the budget holiday you worked the whole summer for? The story behind that picture of a nice meal with friends, or snaps of the Varsityski trip, is that it has plunged you into the (not so) warm embrace of your overdraft. These attempts to blend in are made in vain and can feel depressingly shallow. 

But it’s not all doom and gloom. There is extraordinary pride in knowing that making it to Oxford from a socio-economically deprived background is a sign of true strength and resourcefulness. The pains of adapting to a world where most people will not understand the life experiences that come with this pay off. The ability to live two contrasting lives certainly makes you a well-rounded person. Despite having the burden of financial worries, fewer networks, and feelings of social isolation, working-class students at Oxford still manage to adapt and thrive.  

What I learned from Tracey Emin about regeneration

0

CW: Abortion

I left the Tate Modern’s latest headline show, Tracey Emin: A Second Life, feeling unmoved by the artworks. I found the paintings somewhat derivative and the neon signs plain tacky, and lots of the text featured on her artworks struck me as faux-poetic and edgy. That is not to say I got nothing out of this exhibition: what moved me was not so much the individual works as the force of the exhibition as a whole – its conception and emotional reach – and I left with a far stronger respect for Tracey Emin than when I entered.

The first thing that struck me about Tracey Emin: A Second Life was how busy it was. The first room was filled with a constant beeping of alarms, as the crowds of people had no choice but to stand too close to the artworks due to a lack of space. Half of the screen showing her film, Why I Never Became a Dancer, was obscured by the audience’s silhouettes. A queue wrapped around the sides of her installation, Exorcism of the Last Painting I Ever Made. It is no surprise that this exhibition is a hit – Tracey Emin is one of the most famous British artists of our time. But the fact that the visitors were predominantly women of all ages, all eagerly and closely engaging with the many, many artworks on display, is something to be noted. People have claimed to leave teary-eyed, having had a visceral reaction to Emin’s work – clearly, her works resonate deeply with her audience.

Such an emotive response feels particularly significant because Emin’s work has so often been discussed in terms of scandal, confession, and spectacle. Yet in the exhibition, this sensationalism falls away, and what remains is an artist who has spent decades refusing to disguise pain, humiliation, desire, grief, and shame. Even though the work did not move me aesthetically, I could still feel the force of that refusal. There is something powerful about watching a woman’s emotional life, once dismissed as messy or excessive, being treated with tact and seriousness by an institution like Tate Modern, and by the crowds gathered inside it. For much of Emin’s career, that emotional exposure was treated as something embarrassing for its confessional and raw treatment of female experience. What feels different in A Second Life is that this abrasiveness is celebrated. In that sense, the exhibition measures a broader cultural shift in what kinds of feelings are acceptable as art. To see her work so positively received, then, is the culmination of a lifetime of scrutiny which came both from herself and from those around her.

The exhibition is clearly succeeding on its own terms. People are queuing up to see it, and, more importantly, responding to it with real emotional intensity. And it was precisely seeing Emin’s triumph which moved me, rather than the artworks themselves. If there is one thing clear from Emin’s work, it is that her life has been full of struggle, even after achieving fame as an artist. The centrepiece of the exhibition, the powerful film How it Feels, captures this well. In it, she discusses ‘how it feels’ to have an abortion in a sober, neutral, deeply moving way. She travels to the clinic at which the abortion happened, and discusses what went through her mind before, during, and following the procedure. It is the piece which stuck with me most, for the precise reason that Emin describes how her traumatic abortion changed her self-perception from a ‘failure’ of an artist, to a ‘failure’ of a human being. If there is one thing Tracey Emin is not, it is a ‘failure’. 

It was, therefore, a strange feeling to see artworks so full of self-hatred become transformed into something victorious for Emin. She, who was once deemed the ‘enfant terrible’ of the Young British Artists, is now an inspiration, having achieved what any aspiring artist dreams of: a survey exhibition which is as vast and unfiltered as it is reverent and sincere. By the gift shop, there is a notebook where visitors can write about how the exhibition made them feel. The most recent entry stated: “Thank you Tracey, you’ve inspired me to finally start painting again”. A Second Life.

What this exhibition taught me is that what matters in Emin’s work is the permission it seems to give: to be ugly, exposed, excessive, wounded, honest – and to make something anyway. I did not leave the exhibition thinking Tracey Emin was my new favourite artist, but I left feeling proud of her, and grateful for the fact that an artist can remain difficult, even unappealing in places, and still resonate strongly with people. The exhibition is an example of what can happen when an artist survives long enough to outlive the versions of herself that others tried to fix in place. I left feeling that making art, and continuing to make it, can itself be a form of survival. That, more than any single work in the show, is what stayed with me.

Carl Benjamin disinvited from Oxford Union amid backlash from FemSoc and IHH

0

On Thursday, the Oxford Union held a debate on the motion ‘This House Believes That Being British is a ‘Birthright’, Not a Choice’. Carl Benjamin, who had been scheduled to speak, was disinvited from the event shortly before it took place. 

In a video posted on YouTube an hour after the debate was due to start, Benjamin said he had received an email “this [Thursday] morning” informing him that his invitation had been rescinded. A screenshot of the email, shown in the video, states that the decision followed concerns raised by a “partner organisation” to the Oxford Union regarding what the email described as a “direct threat of sexual violence against a woman in public office”. The email added that, while the Union is committed to free speech, “the right to free speech does not and has never extended to threatening sexual violence against others”.

In the video, Benjamin disputed this characterisation, stating that he had “never made a direct threat of sexual violence against anyone” and describing the allegations as “a lie”. He added that he did not consider the issue to be one of free speech, saying the Union “can invite or disinvite whoever they like” but that “they’ve made these allegations against me, which would consist of a crime, in order, I guess, to just blacken my name”.

Benjamin, who had been scheduled to speak for the proposition alongside Eric Kaufmann, had faced opposition from student groups in the lead-up to the debate. In a joint statement issued on Wednesday, It Happens Here Oxford and Oxford Feminist Society said they “firmly uphold the principles of freedom of speech” but expressed “strong reservations” about Benjamin’s invitation. The groups cited his past comments about sexual violence, including multiple remarks directed at Labour MP Jess Philips, as well as allegations of harassment of women online. They also raised concerns about previous racist, homophobic, and antisemitic remarks attributed to him. The statement argued that his presence would not be “conducive to the safety of Oxford students”, particularly women, LGBTQ+ students, and ethnic minorities, and called for the invitation to be withdrawn.

Despite the late change to the speakers, the debate proceeded with political scientist and author Professor Eric Kaufmann; and two student speakers. They were opposed by Sir Vince Cable, former leader of the Liberal Democrats; Albie Amankona, broadcaster and co-founder of Conservatives Against Racism for Equality; Sangita Mysa, journalist and radio presenter; and Chief of Staff at the Oxford Union, Charlotte Wild.

This follows a series of similar controversies, including the cancellation of an event hosting Namal Rajapaksa last term after backlash, as well as criticism over invitations to Kevin Spacey and Dizzee Rascal last year.

The Oxford Union has been approached for comment.

Additional reporting by Barnaby Carter, Ned Remington, and Hattie Simpson.

Second Oxfordshire Patriots protest this term met with counterprotesters

0

The Oxfordshire Patriots held a demonstration last Saturday in the city centre outside the Oxfordshire County Council offices. They were met by counter-protestors from Oxford Stand Up To Racism (OSUTR).

Speaking to Cherwell, Oxfordshire Patriots organiser Aiden Noble referred to the revelation in January that the County Council had spent £15,500 on removing illegally displayed Union Jack flags as a reason for the demonstration. He called on the Council to “work with us [those displaying flags]. Reach some compromise and allow us to at least fly our flag somewhere”.

The demonstration began at around 11am, with the last counter-protestors leaving at around 1.15pm and the Oxfordshire Patriots leaving soon after. The protestors stood on New Road facing the Council offices, with counter-protestors appearing on the other side. A couple of counter-protestors could be seen crossing the road to talk to individuals near the right-wing demonstration. Around seven police officers were on the scene, accompanied by two police vans.

Asked by Cherwell if they had had any interactions with members of the Oxfordshire Patriots, the OUSTR organiser said they “don’t debate with fascists”. In a comment to Cherwell after the demonstration, OUSTR told us they “do not accept fascism has a place in mainstream debate…history has shown that fascism has to be stopped at the earliest time”.

The organiser for Stand Up to Racism described the Oxfordshire Patriots as following “Tommy Robinson’s line most of the time”, referring to far-right anti-Islam activist Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, who co-founded the English Defence League under the name Tommy Robinson. The organiser linked the Oxfordshire Patriots to Yaxley-Lennon’s ‘Unite the Kingdom’ march in London in September 2025. In a comment after the protest, the Oxfordshire Patriots to Cherwell: “We do not work with any big-name organisations…we are an independent group with our own voice. While there may be others who share similar values and opinions, that does not mean we are affiliated or working together.”

Mr Noble accused those counterprotesting of “painting everyone with the same brush”. Referencing a post by an anti-fascist Instagram account, Oxford Resists, accusing Oxfordshire Patriots of working with neo-Nazis, Noble told Cherwell: “Everyone’s entitled to free speech, whatever you believe. I don’t believe Nazis seem very good, however, some of our views are the same…I don’t agree with everything they say.” Following the protest, the Oxfordshire Patriots told Cherwell: “We do not support harm towards anyone.”

Asked about a Reform UK logo displayed at the protest, Aiden Noble told Cherwell that whilst he personally supported Restore Britain, a party recently set up by former Reform MP for Great Yarmouth, Rupert Lowe, “the realistic option is Reform.” He added: “I don’t think [Nigel] Farage has got it in him if you want my God-honest truth, but it’s our only realistic option for the moment.” The OSUTR organiser said he was “not surprised” to see the logo, and said “Reform enables these people – the rhetoric of Reform”, even if the party “don’t want them” to join as party members.  Reform UK Oxfordshire were contacted for comment.

Multiple Union Jack flags were also displayed by Oxfordshire Patriots, with Noble describing them as a symbol of “pride” and “unity” and urging the council to spend the money used for removing flags on tackling homelessness or repairing roads. However, speaking to Cherwell, an organiser for Stand Up to Racism claimed their movement was “nothing to do with flags” and was instead a “racist street movement where they can intimidate people”.  

OUSTR recently organised a petition calling for those illegally displaying flags to be ordered to pay the cost of their replacement, which received almost 500 signatures. Their call was echoed by Liberal Democrat MP for Didcot and Wantage, Olly Glover, who said this weekend that “the cost of removing flags, or anything else, attached to public property without permission, should be paid by those responsible for putting them up – not the taxpayer”.

The demonstration followed a similar protest and counter-protest on Bonn Square a week earlier.

In sickness, health, and wrongdoing: ‘The Drama’ in review

0

CW: Gun violence.

“What’s the worst thing you’ve ever done?” is the driving question of Kristoffer Borgli’s The Drama. The film centres around a couple whose otherwise perfect relationship is abruptly destabilised by the revelation of a shocking piece of information, mere days before their wedding. Simultaneously thoroughly thought-provoking, highly tense, and remarkably funny, it deals with issues of judgment and redemption, and has consequently fostered substantial debate and discussion.

It makes sense, then, that when I first heard about The Drama a few months ago, it was because my social media feed was suddenly flooded with discussion of the film’s ‘twist’, with people calling it shocking, controversial, and even problematic, although nowhere could I find exactly what this twist was. This mystery, aided by an innovative marketing campaign – most notably a wedding announcement in a real-life Boston newspaper – and the appeal of its A-list leads, had me curious and more than a little excited when I sat down to watch this film in my local cinema. 

With the film labelled a romantic comedy, the opening scene certainly lives up to that. An awkward yet endearing meet-cute at a coffee shop sees Charlie (Robert Pattinson) approach Emma (Zendaya), pretending to have read the book she is engrossed in. He becomes increasingly more embarrassed as she appears to resolutely ignore him, but as it happens, she simply can’t hear him, being deaf in one ear and listening to music in the other. Once he succeeds in getting her attention, sparks begin to fly, and we’re presented with a short montage detailing the next stages of their love story. In these first few scenes, the film does an excellent job of getting you to connect with these characters in such a short space of time. You know you want to root for Charlie and Emma; yet at only the 15-minute mark, you do wonder where the story is taking them next. Where does the titular ‘drama’ come into this picture of expected marital happiness? 

This is where the promised ‘twist’ comes in. Charlie and Emma are taste-testing wines while deciding on a wedding menu with their best man and maid of honour, when the four of them take it in turns to confess the worst thing they’ve ever done. The first three answers are a little disquieting, but none prompt any real moral outrage from the other characters. Finally, Emma confesses that, as a teenager, she planned and intended to carry out a school shooting. What’s more, her partial deafness stems not from birth, as she had previously claimed, but from holding a rifle too close to her ear when practising with it. The bulk of the film deals with the fallout, and indeed the drama, of this confession, finally exploding in a chaotic and messy wedding that perfectly demonstrates the aptness of the title. 

For a film that grapples with morally complex ideas and centres around a particularly contentious topic, it may seem odd to point to comedy as one of its strengths. Nonetheless, what stood out most to me about The Drama was precisely its funny moments. The humour is most successful at its bleakest, one highlight being the exquisite dark comedy of an ebullient wedding photographer telling the couple – both clearly still reeling from the revelation – about the schedule for “shooting” photos. The line “shooting grandparents TBD” is hilarious in its absurdity. Likewise, the repeated anticlimax of a younger Emma trying to film a video manifesto with complete seriousness – not to mention decked out in all-black clothing and posing with her rifle – being persistently interrupted by mundane computer alerts makes for particularly comical, if also distinctly uncomfortable, viewing. 

This is not to say that The Drama makes light of gun violence. Instead, it deals with relevant questions about morality in an intriguing and insightful way. It is a strikingly nuanced take on a familiar question: can people who have done bad things change? The decision to use a planned school shooting to interrogate this idea is interesting, since it is one of those acts that is often viewed in black-and-white terms. It is difficult to conceive of someone who has gone as far as to plan one out as a ‘good person’, no matter how much personal growth they have undergone since.

The film acknowledges the complexity of this issue, with Emma’s confession receiving much worse reactions than the others, despite the fact that she is the only one who has not actually carried out her ‘worst action’. Rachel (Alana Haim), for one, admits to locking a child with learning difficulties in a closet for at least a day. Regardless of which is actually morally worse, Emma’s planned act is viewed as inherently more appalling due to the greater significance school shootings have assumed, particularly in recent decades, within our moral landscape. Borgli further complicates the moral question by having Emma back out from her plan, not due to any virtuous change of heart, but simply because another shooting occurs before she can carry out her own. Her road-to-Damascus moment soon follows, yet we are given the impression that, if not for circumstances outside of her control, she would have done it, and we are forced to consider whether this is as bad as actually going through with it.

Above all, with Norwegian Borgli as director, The Drama offers a European perspective on what has come to be seen as a distinctly American problem. It is fundamental to the narrative that Charlie is English – having grown up in a country with strict gun laws, he struggles to understand Emma’s reasoning, attempting to rationalise her actions by blaming American society’s attitudes to guns, a perspective that I found myself readily able to sympathise with. At one point, Rachel scornfully asks him whether he thinks America is to blame for Emma’s planned shooting, and although he denies it, the answer the narrative gives is, at least in part, yes. This is hinted at later on in the film in a brief but unsettling moment, where Charlie off-handedly points out that there was a mass shooting the other day, simply to reassure Emma when she overhears two guests discussing shootings at the wedding. In just a few lines, Borgli is able to touch on a wider truth about American society – gun violence does occur nearly every day, to the point that it can be mentioned in such a casual manner. There is no overt pro-gun control argument in the film, and yet it makes a point of illustrating how gun violence is a problem that is not just individual but societal. 

The Drama is a film defined by second chances. It opens with Emma giving Charlie the chance to re-introduce himself after a clumsy first attempt, and ends with both of them giving each other a second chance in a poignant scene reminiscent of the opening: they re-introduce themselves, signalling a fresh start, leaving both of their mistakes and wrongdoings firmly in the past. The questions raised about whether redemption is possible are answered staunchly in the affirmative by such an ending.
By no means a perfect film, The Drama is nonetheless a captivating watch that more than delivers on the promised drama, chaos, and mayhem throughout. It doesn’t always get the balance right – there are moments where the school shooting seems more a plot device than anything else – and yet its happy resolution makes a thought-provoking contribution to discussions around personal growth and morality.