Wednesday 16th July 2025
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Oxford University criticised for its tracking of Israel’s vaccine delivery

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The University of Oxford has been criticised for its tracking of Israel’s coronavirus vaccine delivery numbers on Our World in Data, a scientific online publication affiliated with the University.  

In an open letter signed by organisations, rights groups accused Oxford University of using “politicised” numbers and “misleading” figures as well as “celebrating” what they describe as “one of the oldest regimes of military occupation.” The number of vaccinated people published on the website does not include Palestinians. 

Our World in Data is an online research and database which aims to make the knowledge of the world’s largest problems accessible and understandable. The website tracks international covid-19 cases, deaths and vaccination doses. The open letter acknowledged its status as a “leading tool for tracking vaccination delivery.”

The open letter has been signed by groups such as Amnesty International, Physicians for Human Rights Israel and a coalition of Palestinian human rights groups. Citing the Fourth Geneva Convention, 19 NGOs said that the 4.5 million Palestinians living under Israel’s military occupation should be included in the figures. The letter’s signatories have called for the site “to accurately include all Israelis and Palestinians living under Israeli control as a denominator when calculating Israel’s percentage of vaccination coverage”.

On their website, Our World in Data notes that “Israel has conducted the fastest campaign to vaccinate its population against COVID-19 so far”. Over 10 million vaccine doses have been administered in Israel according to the World Health Organisation

However, in the open letter, rights groups said: “it omits the fact that, as an occupying power, Israel has failed to fulfill its obligation under the Fourth Geneva Convention to provide vaccines to all 4.5 million Palestinians living under its military occupation, as affirmed by leading Palestinian, Israeli and international health and human rights organizations.” 

The letter also reads: “With the ongoing devastating effects of the coronavirus pandemic and the impending hope for a better future in sight, it is more crucial than ever for scientists and policy makers to accurately track and follow vaccination coverage.” 

United Nations experts quoted in the letter stated: “International human rights law, which applies in full to the occupied Palestinian territory, stipulates that everyone enjoys the right to ‘the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health’. The denial of an equal access to health care, such as on the basis of ethnicity or race, is discriminatory and unlawful.”  

In a written response shared with The Independent, Our World in Data said it agreed with the concerns of the signatories of the letter but declined to change its way of tracking the rollout. 

A spokesperson from Oxford University told Cherwell: “The international COVID-19 vaccination dataset is designed to help with understanding how the pandemic is evolving worldwide. The data is drawn from the most recent official numbers from governments and health ministries worldwide up to the previous day. This follows the approach of other international organisations monitoring the epidemic, including the World Health Organization (WHO) and Johns Hopkins University.” 

They added: “Figures for Palestine and Israel are shown separately, as they are reported separately by the Government of Israel and the Palestinian Ministry of Health. Again, this follows the approach of other international organisations monitoring the epidemic.”

Our World in Data has been contacted for comment. 

Local election candidates reveal views on climate action

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Communities for Zero Carbon Oxford, a collective of local environmental groups in Oxford, has created a twelve-question survey for Oxford candidates in the May 6th local elections, covering a range of environmental issues. The responses have been published on their website, organised by ward.

The questions cover active travel, energy, nature, the importance of the climate emergency for local authorities, and how candidates will contribute to a green and just recovery. The survey asks candidates to indicate their agreement to a range of statements and offers the opportunity to candidates to explain their answers in their own words. 

40% of all candidates have responded (105 out of 260) as of writing. Nearly all respondents heve indicated that they “agree” or “strongly agree” with the importance of the environmental issues highlighted in the survey. Some who have expressed disagreement did so because they believed the statements did not provide enough environmental protection. The strongest support is for the statement “The climate emergency should be an explicit and integral consideration in all local authority decision making”, with 92.5% of respondents indicating that they “strongly agree”, and the remaining 7.5% saying they “agree”.

Rebecca Nestor, Chair of Low Carbon Oxford North, said: “We’re thrilled that so many candidates are engaging with this survey. The responses so far show that there is near universal recognition of the climate and ecological emergency we face – and the need to take action. We urge more candidates to respond. Voters can help by encouraging their local candidates to add their views.”

Oxford Climate Society has also released a Voting Guide for the May 6th elections. The guide details how to sign up for elections, what the key competences of the Councils and Police and Crime Commissioners are and why local elections matter: “Policy and action for climate change does not just happen at a macro national level – local actions are just as important”. The guide also mentions Communities for Zero Carbon’s survey tool, calling it a “fantastic tool” which “gives great insight into key environmental issues that should be paramount to these local elections”. 

Image credit: JimKillok / Wikipedia Commons / CC-AI 4.0

Concerns raised over Oxford Law Faculty’s new £2,500 summer programme

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Oxford University’s Law Faculty has launched a new online summer programme which will offer participants who are not eligible for access and outreach programmes the opportunity to find out more about studying at Oxford and practicing law in the UK. Members of the Law Faculty and of the wider University have expressed their concerns over the consequences of promoting this course from the Oxford Law Access and Outreach account.

The summer course ‘The Oxford Introduction to Law in the UK: Thinking Deeply about Law’, will be held online in July 2021 and is open to anyone at university level. The cost of the programme is £2,500 per person. Students enrolled on the course will engage in “enrichment activities” and will have the opportunity to write an essay and receive feedback from Oxford tutors. The course will include more than 50 contact hours made up of lectures, seminars and tutorials. 

The new course, offered directly by the Faculty of Law, was advertised by the Oxford Law Access and Outreach account on Twitter but the post has since been deleted. Members of the University have responded with concerns over the impact of promoting the programme on wider access efforts. 

The course outline on the faculty website reads: “The programme is not connected to the extensive work the Faculty of Law does to promote access to University and its outreach activities to encourage the best to attend University, read law or study at Oxford. The Faculty offers free dedicated summer programmes for students who are under-represented at Oxford, as part of our commitment to attracting the very brightest students regardless of their background.”

Course Director and Associate Professor at the Faculty of Law, Matthew Dyson, wrote: “The Oxford Introduction summer programme is a specialist course designed to engage the best students with key aspects of law, its context and its place in the UK. It is unique in its combination of lectures, seminars and tutorials, giving an insight into the best that the Faculty of Law at the University of Oxford has to offer. If you are looking for a summer school to really stretch your mind, you’ve found it.”

Amy Gregg, Contract law tutor at Exeter and Balliol, and DPhil Law student, told Cherwell: “I sincerely hope that prospective Oxford law applicants do not look at the ‘Introduction to Law in the UK’ summer school (and its price tag) and be put off from applying to Oxford. If you are bright and hardworking, there is a place for you here at Oxford. It is absolutely not necessary to attend that summer school; when I was applying for undergraduate law, I certainly could not have afforded it. The Law Faculty and Oxford University offer a huge range of other fantastic and free resources dedicated to widening access to Oxford (including a free summer school) which I strongly encourage prospective applicants to look at.”

Dr Rebecca Menmuir, a non-stipendiary lecturer at the English Faculty, told Cherwell: “It actively goes against the idea and goodwill of outreach and access programmes to advertise a summer course at £2,500 per head, whether or not this is a reduced fee or not. It’s beyond disappointing to see such an elitist programme promoted through an account and programme which nominally should be working against such educational inequality.” 

Law student at Worcester College and UNIQ summer school alumna, Eleanor Bennett, told Cherwell: “Seeing the Faculty not only organise the summer school but then promote it on the access and outreach Twitter page was incredibly disappointing. If aged 17 I had seen that the Faculty was promoting a £2500 course, I think it would have put me off applying. I would have thought that others were able to purchase an advantage and that I didn’t really belong in a university where £2500 was seen as an ‘access-friendly’ fee. As someone who has spent the past 3 years volunteering to push the narrative that Oxford is for people from all socioeconomic backgrounds, I felt let down – it feels like the Faculty are jumping on the access bandwagon without real commitment or an understanding of how to support social mobility.” 

Arun Smith a final year undergraduate reading law at Christ Church told Cherwell: “As an undergraduate student of the faculty and a volunteer outreach ambassador at my college, it is disheartening and perplexing to see official channels being used to promote courses that are prohibitively expensive and perpetuate inequalities of access to education.” 

He added: “It is understandable (although regrettable) that the current state of higher education funding and the marketisation of universities has led to the creation of ‘cash cow’ courses to generate additional revenue. However, marketing such courses under the pretence of ‘outreach’ and promoting them to prospective students is deeply problematic and will have caused offence to many students who have relied upon and valued genuine access and outreach support.”

A spokesperson for the Law Faculty told Cherwell: “The Faculty of Law is piloting a summer programme to give people around the world a chance to engage with the research and teaching for which Oxford is famous. This pilot is a non-profit enterprise. Applications are not yet open and the final details of the programme are still being finalised.”

“We apologise that an announcement was made about the programme via the @OxLawOutreach Twitter account. This should not have happened and we have made steps to ensure this channel remains focused on our access and outreach activities in the future – activities to which we remain wholeheartedly invested in. The original tweet has been deleted to avoid the risk of confusion.”

“The Oxford Introduction to Law in the UK programme will be open anyone who to is currently at university; has graduated from university; has an offer to study at university; or is at least 19 years old by 12 July 2021. This programme is not suitable for those looking to apply to study law at undergraduate level.”

Image Credit: Simon Q / CC BY-NC 2.0

5/5/21, 16:53 – edits made to wording, changes to statement requested by Law Faculty after initial right of reply was requested

The Map to Happiness: Sweden and ‘Lagom’

As I stepped into the freezing cold water of the Thames I wondered whether this was such a great idea after all. What had started out as a fun, harmless experiment suddenly seemed like the very real risk of hypothermia. Wading further into the river I called back to my friends shivering in the shallows. It’s fine (it wasn’t), Honestly it’s not too cold when you get in (it was). But even though I was lying through my chattering teeth, I felt a huge grin spreading across my face as we began to swim. Maybe, I thought, the Swedes are onto something here. 

Our trip to Port Meadow had been inspired by the Swedish idea of lagom, or more specifically by the Scandinavian Winter Bathing Championships. Held in the town of Skellefteå every year, competitors in the race must plunge into 0.3⁰ water wearing nothing but swimming costumes and a hat. Our version of wild swimming was more Butlins than Bear Grylls, but that was what made it lagom. It was enough but not too much. A perfect balance. 

When I spoke to Dr Kersti Börjars she described lagom as “not too little, not too much”, saying “lagom is not just an upper boundary it’s lower boundary as well, it’s important to have a little of [everything]”. The phrase itself is derived from the Swedish word for law and so originally meant “(according) to the law”. However, in folklore it’s origins are said to date back to Viking times, when warriors would pass a horn of mead between them, with “lag” meaning team and “om’ meaning around, so that it literally meant “around the team”.

After our conversation she lent me a Swedish game called Kubb, which involved a different kind of teamwork. Getting out and about, she explained, was important in Sweden and many people enjoyed spending time together outdoors. That afternoon we played Kubb in Uni Parks, which consisted of flinging wooden sticks at a row of blocks belonging to the opposing team in an attempt to knock them all down. It was very fun, and as I gleefully watched the other team’s blocks topple I could understand why the game brought so many people happiness. 

As part of lagom I also decided to wake up at 6:30 every day this week, in what can only be described as a peculiar form of self torture. I’m someone who values their sleep, and so waking up at this time didn’t exactly ‘spark joy’ as Marie Kondo would say. However, in “The Atlas of Happiness” Helen Russell writes that there is a particular Swedish word for the kind of happiness generated by waking up early. Daggfrisk means ‘dew fresh’ or “the kind of pure, clean feeling one might have from waking refreshed in the early morning at sunrise.” and so I felt that it was only fair to give it a go. 

Every morning I dragged myself out of bed and began the day hours earlier than usual. Once I’d gulped down a strong cup of coffee, I found that I could actually get quite a lot of work done. There was something very peaceful about starting the day with the early morning light streaming through the blinds, and it was satisfying to feel like I’d managed to get a chunk of work done before 10am. The only problem was that by the afternoon I was flagging and struggling to concentrate. In the evenings I often ended up collapsing into bed with the sinking feeling of having to do it all over again tomorrow. 

All in all, I decided that daggfrisk probably wasn’t for me but otherwise lagom had made me happier. Getting outside and going wild swimming had definitely boosted my serotonin levels and I was glad I’d made the time to try something new. I might not be signing up for the Scandinavian Winter Bathing Championships anytime soon, but I’ll definitely be heading back to Port Meadow this summer.

Artwork by Rachel Jung

WATCH3WORDS: Black Bear – Funny.Stifling.Psychodrama.

Despite being set in a vast and remote mountainous region in North America, the atmosphere of Lawrence Michael Levine’s psychological drama, Black Bear, is stifling. As the film explores what it means to be an artist – from ego and behaviour to  influences, creative process, and even chosen medium – the line between artifice and reality becomes blurred in a wildly original display of metanarrative. Claustrophobic, erratic, and prickly all at once, Black Bear is an experiment in film which entangles its audience deep in its intellectual web.

At its centre is Aubrey Plaza as Allison, a witty young filmmaker who, having fallen prey to writer’s block, goes in search of inspiration at a lakeside cabin. Once there, her presence becomes a point of contention in the relationship between her two hosts, Gabe (Christopher Abbott) and Blair (Sarah Gadon), who happen to be expecting a child together. Plaza is probably best known for playing the offbeat queen-of-awkward April Ludgate in the office comedy Parks and Recreation. Some might also know her from her brilliant performance as a psychotic stalker in Ingrid Goes West (2017), or perhaps even from that time she accepted an award on behalf of Amy Poehler and proceeded to thank the devil himself before jokingly being pulled away from the mic. Plaza’s characteristic dark humour certainly bubbles under the surface in her portrayal of Allison, and the role almost feels as if it was created with her in mind. Black Bear’s comedy isn’t gimmicky, though. It’s too ominous and calculating for laugh-out-loud humour. Rather, the film borders on the absurd in the way it makes you feel so very uncomfortable, especially when the social blunders we are supposed to laugh are revealed to have toxic consequences.

When Blair becomes increasingly suspicious that Gabe is falling in love with Allison, tensions boil over, and all social etiquette is thrown out of the window. At dinner, conversations about film and feminism quickly turn personal as accusations of artistic failure and misogyny are thrown around. Black Bear’s oppressive atmosphere is also aided by its original soundtrack, composed by Giuio Carmassi and Bryan Scary. There aren’t any really ‘recognisable’ songs or, even voices – only very rarely are the mysterious instrumentals infused with some more melodious jazz. The result is an intensely insular focus on the loaded words, actions, and silences of the love triangle at the story’s centre.

Without revealing too much of the dramatic plot twist of the second act – which is well worth waiting for – it is at this point that the artistic anxiety and social discomfort which dominate the film’s first half become explosive. Passion, fury, and self-destruction take over as what some might first perceive to be a bit of a slow burn gets set on fire.

Black Bear is one of those rare films that doesn’t treat its viewer simply as the passive voyeur. It gleefully toys with its audience as much as the characters it pits against one another but, most impressively, you won’t realise what’s happening until it’s too late. 

Black Bear is available to purchase on Amazon Prime Video.

Art by Sasha LaCômbe.

“Well-behaved women seldom make history”: Hills, Poetry and Protest

At Joe Biden’s inauguration I, along with the rest of the world, watched Amanda Gorman reignite a marriage of unparalleled power: poetry and politics. Described by commentators as being the tenth Greek muse, this time not of history or poetry but of democracy, one line of Gorman’s poem The Hill We Climb particularly resonated with me:

‘being American is more than a pride we inherit. It’s the past we stepped into and how we repair it.’

Gorman’s poem promises salvation through struggle, and it is this willingness to step into the darker aspects of America’s historical struggle that makes this poem whole. You’ve probably learnt about some of the injustices Martin Luther King and Malcolm X fought against in this struggle. You’ve also probably read To Kill A Mockingbird, which addresses the injustice of false-rape accusations against black men. 

Cue, now, Ida B. Wells, a significantly less known figure, yet one who was instrumental in exposing and campaigning against violence against black people. Above all, Wells was a potent orator and writer whose fearless, raw, poetic speeches paved the way for women like Gorman to address the nation. 

Born into slavery during the civil war (1862), Wells had many-a-hill to climb during her life, but her primary struggle was against the institutionalised lynching and mob violence against innocent black people, primarily men, during her life. 

The first incident where Wells’ commitment to equality was demonstrated was when, aged 21, she was ordered by a conductor to move from her first-class carriage to a ‘coloured only’ one, despite having bought a first-class ticket. Wells refused, biting into the conductor’s hand when she was forcibly dragged out and eventually launching a legal battle against the train company, Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad. Despite winning the court case, the verdict was overturned by a higher level court. 

Undeterred, Wells’ turned her eye to a new method of protest: journalism. In 1889 she became editor and co-owner of The Free Speech and Headlight, a black-owned newspaper in Memphis, Tennessee. Enraged by the People’s Grocery Lynchings, the first mob killings since the Civil War, in which three successful black businessmen were murdered, Wells began to investigate the shameful prevalence of unjust lynchings. 

Wells denounced the People’s Grocery Lynchings, then embarked on a journey across the south to investigate hundreds of mob-killings committed against innocent black people. What is so extraordinary about this is that Wells conducted all this research in a time when women did not even have the vote, and a black woman would certainly not have had the protection of law enforcement in towns where law enforcement would have been involved in the killings. Armed with only her pen and her pistol, Wells walked straight into a battleground where black people had been quite literally mutilated for no good reason. 

One of Wells’ most famous phrases is that ‘the way to right wrongs is to shine the light of truth upon them’, and this still rings true for investigative journalism today. Years before To Kill A Mockingbird was published, Wells had proof that rape was not alleged against black men in two thirds of the cases which she looked into, and even then it was only alleged after a consensual relationship. 

The irony of Wells’ situation is that, whilst her reporting aimed to hold violent perpetrators to account, the offices of her newspaper in Memphis were burned down by violent opponents of her reporting. Wells continued her work from New York and actually travelled to England, Scotland and Wales to try and gain a sympathetic audience to speak to her pamphlets, and she succeeded as the Londonn Anti-Lynching Committee was established: the first of its kind. 

In 1895 Wells married civil rights lawyer and activist Ferdinand L. Barnett, and became more involved in the national civil rights campaign from her new home of Chicago. Wells was an egalitarian in more than one aspect, however, showing her proto-feminist streak by adopting a double barrel surname rather than just taking her husband’s name. 

Wells’ involvement in the national civil rights movement can perhaps best be epitomised by an excerpt from one of her speeches to the 1909 National Negro Conference:

‘During the last 10 years, from 1899 to 1908 inclusive, the number lynched was 959. Of this number 102 were white, while the colored victims numbered 857. No other nation, civilized or savage, burns its criminals; only under that Stars and Stripes is the human holocaust possible. Twenty-eight human beings burned at the stake, one of them a woman and two of them children, is the awful indictment against American civilization – the gruesome tribute which the nation pays to the color line.’

It’s here that we see how the true power of Wells’ activism is a forerunner of Gorman’s, as she combines statistics from her own fearless research with poetry of the vanquished. The haunting synecdoche of the ‘Stars and Stripes’ which Wells links to a ‘human holocaust’ cuts right to the heart of the American identity at a time when such rhetoric could have cost Wells her life. 

Wells was a trailblazer in many ways, and perhaps one of her most relevant battles was that of intersectionality. As well as raising awareness of racial injustice, Wells was greatly involved in the women’s suffrage movement. The white female suffragists did not always see eye to eye with Wells, however, and at one suffrage parade organised for Washington, D.C. the day before the inauguration of Woodrow Wilson Wells, she was informed that she, alongside other black women, would walk at the end of the parade in a coloured delegation. Undaunted, Wells stepped into the middle of the march to link hands with her white colleagues: yet another symbol of her progressiveness, even within current civil rights movements. 

Ida B. Wells is not a textbook figure associated with civil rights, yet now more than ever she seems to be relevant to our world. Her strategies of investigative journalism and speech-making even when faced with violence remain admirable, but most of all it is her courage as a black woman without the protection of the society she was in that deserves to be celebrated.

Artwork by Emma Hewlett

Lost City

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The undulating sands stretch out, 

a vast expanse, sweltering

under the gaze of the sun

as it burns its way across the sky,

dunes flowing like currents, 

tides on an endless sea 

the color of ground cumin,

of cinnamon.  

 

A wall reaches toward the sky

weathered and incomplete, broken. 

Columns stand alone,  

lonely sentinels from a forgotten time, 

swallowed by ever shifting sands

beside a courtyard full of chipped cobblestone 

and dusty mosaics, glass

colorless.  

 

The ground bears deep lines, 

like scars etched onto its skin, 

from building foundations

long since withered away, 

long since disappeared to 

the wind, 

to the unforgiving hand of time, 

the coarse brush of sand. 

 

Beside the broken wall,

between lonely columns,

in the dusty courtyard, 

between etched lines,

where footsteps once echoed

where voices swelled over cracked desert sands, 

and fires once blew smoke into starry skies,

There are only ghosts. 

Dunkirk: the unknown soldier on screen

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Christopher Nolan’s films confuse me. It’s far from new for blockbusters to treat ‘character work’ as secondary to spectacle – as I’m writing this, the world’s number one film is Godzilla vs Kong – but it’s rare, and really quite special, to see a filmmaker build their style around this choice and yield some honest-to-god emotionally rousing stuff. I’m not sure I even like his films. Yet I can’t deny that when the formula works (as it does in Inception, The Prestige and The Dark Knight), the results get to me; they prove that a film can skimp on its characters and still be powerful and compelling.

But that’s not the end of my confusion, because then there’s 2017’s Dunkirk. For his tenth film, Nolan ditched his usual formula without fixing the character problems, and yet the result doesn’t just survive – it works even better than before. That improbable success is fascinating to me. So with finals upcoming and who knows how long until lockdown ends, what am I gonna do – not try to figure it out?

Let’s start with the usual formula. Nolan characters tend to be defined entirely by a single role: either their in-world jobs, like the thieves of Inception, who each get one-word labels like ‘chemist’ or ‘architect’, or their dramatic role as the embodiment of an ideal the film concerns itself with. The latter sort often come in pairs, as in The Prestige, a cautionary tale about obsession: one of the rival magicians sees and accepts the cost of his obsessions from the start, while the other ignores all warnings and learns of them the hard way. By the end, both have been driven to acts of literal self-destruction, but the one who regrets the damage he’s done to others gets the semblance of a happy ending. There’s something very mechanical about it all.

This approach makes for flat characters – not uninteresting per se, but they don’t exactly talk about much except plot details or personal philosophies, meaning the films crumble if their thematic cores aren’t rock-solid. Another effect is that the characters don’t typically inspire devotion from the audience. I don’t get the impression Nolan really cares about most of his characters, which is why so few get proper epilogues, and why we as viewers aren’t encouraged to fret about their struggles so much as contemplate them. It’s noteworthy that the only enduring fan-favourite his movies have produced is Heath Ledger’s Joker, who doesn’t even appear in The Dark Knight’s closing montage – he’s literally left hanging before the movie’s climax. Bane would get a similar treatment four years later, and Nolan’s leads aren’t given much either. Several of them don’t even have names, such as Tenet’s “Protagonist”.

The emptiness should be engulfing. Instead, when Nolan’s films work, they are spectacular.

His dialogue might sometimes be clunky or thick with exposition, but it’s also narratively efficient, well-performed and fascinating to listen to. Every person is a genius, every monologue a TED talk in miniature covering chaos, dreams, or the structure of magic tricks. Timelines are intercut to raise and answer questions in precise order. Nolan approaches story not as a sequence but as a tapestry, dissolving the usual separation of events in time and space so that we see the full picture all at once and feel the meaning of the characters’ speeches. Nobody wields montage for catharsis quite like him. The nearest thing to it might be Tom Stoppard’s play Arcadia, which merges two centuries-apart stories until the characters stand side-by-side, grappling with mysteries whose answers can only be seen from the other’s vantage point. Rambling monologues about entropy and rice pudding become commentaries on futility, lost knowledge and the play’s own narrative structure. And in this space, it no longer matters that Stoppard’s or Nolan’s characters are mere playthings, because their words are the only thing that’s important; they are the glue that binds the pretty pictures to their meaning.

Which brings us to Dunkirk: a film that keeps up the symphonic cross-cutting, but with minimal plot and with characters who have no philosophy, to the point they barely even speak. Nor are they any more fleshed-out than usual – on the contrary, it can be hard to tell one baby-faced soldier from another. So we have a Nolan film without the Nolan keystone, and with no apparent substitute. Again – it shouldn’t work.

But once again, it does – this time because a central theme in the film is how war has reduced these people in the exact same fashion. The soldiers in Dunkirk have no soldierly goal; their situation has turned them into a logistics problem, literally a payload stuck at point A that needs moving to point B. And even given a task, they would still be reduced by it, because the goals a soldier pursues are not their own – their targets are picked by context and commanders, for whose purposes one soldier is no different from another. The men of Dunkirk fight for their lives because they want to survive; their commanders want them to succeed partly for that alone, but also because they will be needed for the next battle. Similarly, the threats they face care nothing about their identities. It’s like what gambling expert David Sklansky says in his book The Theory of Poker: “when the cards are dealt, you are no longer a grandson, a friend, or a nice guy; you are a player.”

So unlike Nolan’s other works, where the neglect of character is a by-product of his focus being elsewhere, here his disinterest in the individual is thematically central. The whole film deals with the experience of being reduced by one’s situation to an object, a means – a character in a story that doesn’t care about you. In another Tom Stoppard play, this is what Rosencrantz and Guildenstern experience, realising they exist in Hamlet to complete a single role and then die for reasons they are not destined to understand. And with the experience comes angst, because it reminds them – and reminds us – that the systems within which we exist do not see us the way we see ourselves. That doesn’t mean these systems are right, but it creates friction between our personal and impersonal goals. That, at least in my view, is at the heart of Dunkirk. It’s why the film closes with the crinkle of a newspaper as a young man looks up after reading Churchill’s iconic speech, wondering, ‘What will this mean for me?’

I don’t know how much of this is deliberate. Nolan’s films are packed with self-referential subtext (Film Crit Hulk’s piece on the matter is so comprehensive that I cut several sections of this article when I discovered it, and I’m still worried about being derivative), but it’s hard to argue Dunkirk is Nolan’s conscious commentary on his stylistic shortcomings, when his next project, last year’s Tenet, doubled down on most of them. So perhaps the alignment of style and theme in Dunkirk is a happy accident.

Even if that’s true, however, I like one way it allows the film’s epilogue to be read. Much of the original literature about the angst of feeling ‘reduced’, from existentialists like Jean-Paul Sartre, emphasised the role of other people’s gaze in making us feel such a way. But in Dunkirk, it takes being seen for the soldiers to remember they are human. Harry Styles’ Alex dreads the judgemental looks of his compatriots, but their quiet applause is what allows him to leave the French beaches behind. There are limits on what such gestures can do – this past year has seen the British government co-opt one, the Clap for Carers movement, instead of doing its actual duty to essential workers – but Dunkirk, which freely admits to being a tale of colossal military failure, reminds us that treating others with dignity doesn’t need to solve our problems for it to be worthwhile.

In this, it might be one of the warmest war films ever made. And of all people, it came from Christopher Nolan. That’s a twist not even he could have written.

Image Credit: Cassowary Colorizations via Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

Haute Kosher: No one is coming to save you and other Jewish parenting lessons

“No one is coming to save you. You have to save yourself.”

This sticks in my mind as one of my mother’s great nuggets of advice. Alongside “only buy diamonds in America” and “it doesn’t matter how you drive, so long as you don’t hit anyone”. Unlike the notorious latter two, however, this was not said in a jocular tone. This was a lesson passed down, implicitly or explicitly, through generations, and now to me. I think my mother meant it to apply to a range of things – my being shy, my being a woman, but none more so than my being a Jew. Thus it was instilled in me from an early age that however small my voice is, I have to use it; because no one is going to speak up for me if I don’t speak up for myself.

My mother, when watching the news, or in conversation, would often say that most people are, to some degree, antisemitic. I used to tell her not to be so silly; it couldn’t possibly be true, I reasoned, that so many people could dislike us simply for being Jewish. In school we were taught that this was something which had happened in one isolated incident in the past, far removed from our present day British existence. It had come out of nowhere because of one man called Hitler and then gone away forever. Besides, I was barely Jewish: my father is an avowed atheist, raised Catholic; we never went to synagogue; we rarely celebrated most Jewish holidays. We were safe.

Except, except, except. At the age of around 8, I came across a copy of Anne Frank’s diary, accidentally moved to my classroom’s bookshelf from the school library. I was intrigued by the cover: a young Jewish girl with my mother’s surname. I took the book home and read it. And then I had nightmares. I remember sitting at the kitchen table and asking my parents why the Nazis had wanted to kill people like us, our family. Why the Jews? Why us? Rather than answering the unanswerable question, they asked sharply where this was coming from, and Anne Frank was whisked away out of my hands and placed back in the library.

Still I wondered. At 14, I seized the opportunity provided by a school history project to write up my grandmother’s stories about her family’s experiences in the Holocaust. Now I had facts, which I carefully stored away, and tried to arrange neatly into a coherent narrative, accompanied by black-and-white photos. But still no answers.

Aged around 15, in conversation with a few classmates about depictions of Jews in antisemitic propaganda, one of the girls I was speaking to asked me, “So do you have a big nose because you’re Jewish?”. I paused for a second, stunned. The worst part was, she didn’t seem to realise that there was any problem with this question – even though it had literally stemmed from discussion of antisemitic propaganda! With as much dryness as I could muster, I replied “Well, I don’t know; you’re looking at me – what do you think?” She didn’t have an answer to that.

But the damage was done. To this day, at the age of 20, I look in the mirror and wonder if my nose looks too big, if somehow the bridge of my glasses accentuates it. I hate that I do this, and I know perfectly well that it’s ridiculous – but once the seed is planted, it’s hard to shake. Maybe that’s how it is with antisemitism. Maybe this is how it is internalised.

When I moved to a boys’ school for sixth form, I became preoccupied with new versions of the old question: why all the desks were covered in swastikas and other Nazi iconography, for example. Why, while sitting alone on a bench in the school gardens, some boys decided to sit down opposite me and joke about cooking Jews in ovens and eating them. Why so many of the students thought it was funny to joke about recreating the Third Reich. I sat in my A-level History lessons, staring at images of prisoners in Nazi extermination camps, alongside the same boys who had grown up in that school and probably participated in its “humorous” and “edgy” Nazi fetishism, trying to make it all fit together. I was very quiet, focusing. Still I couldn’t.

Thus I discovered through first-hand experience that, “ironically” or not, the discourse of fascism remained alive and well, with antisemitism as one of its primary components. Well, I thought, good thing I’m a leftie. We enlightened progressives, so concerned with social justice, know how wrong this is. They’ll protect me.

In the summer of 2019, I tagged along with a friend to a local Labour Party meeting. All the people I chatted to there seemed very pleasant. All the talk was of social justice and proper reform and a bright future for all. Until, during a Q&A, a member of the audience stood up and delivered a tirade about how the accusations of antisemitism against the Labour Party were the result of a smear campaign by the Jews. A conspiracy. I stiffened, as tense as if I had been physically slapped. I looked around, waiting for someone to say something. Waiting for someone to save me.

No one batted an eyelid. I saw a few people nod their heads. The speaker, a high-profile member of the Labour Party to whom the tirade was directed, delivered a weak response about how this perhaps wasn’t entirely true and the allegations did have some substance, but at the end of the day Corbyn was a good chap, and then swiftly changed the topic. I have no idea how the speaker in question truly felt about the antisemitism scandal, but I do know that he wasn’t willing to alienate an antisemite by forcefully condemning his conspiracy theory rhetoric.

At the soonest possible opportunity, I fled the room. I no longer felt safe. I realised fully for the first time that antisemitism predates and transcends modern politics. Antisemitism is not just a problem of the “bad guys”, or of teenagers who think that being offensive is a substitute for a personality. It’s everywhere.

A little while into my time at university, the switch flipped. I decided I didn’t care anymore about trying to figure out the puzzle: why the Jews? Why us? I was done with being quiet, sure that I must have missed something, sure that what seemed the obvious conclusion couldn’t be right. I remembered my mother’s words: save yourself. And so now I speak up, and I stop trying to comprehend the incomprehensible. I stop being made to feel small and embarrassed and uncertain. I stand tall and I open my mouth and I save myself.

So, I don’t care how many people I alienate, how many people will inevitably see me as the loud Jew, the annoying Jew, the self-important Jew – the Jew who can’t shut up about antisemitism. Because I can’t shut up. No one is coming to save me. So time and again, when I see antisemitism, I do not just drag, but throw myself into the ring. Because that’s what you do when it’s existential. This is the only way I know how to honour adequately the legacy of my family and of our people.

May their memory be a blessing.

May their memory be a revolution.

It is also the only way I know how to respond to – to cope with – my unanswered question, the one I have carried since childhood. Now I have different questions: why is no one coming to save us? Why does no one spot antisemitism until we do? Or, if they do spot it, why do they not care? Or, if they do care, why do they not care enough to speak up for us?

No one is coming to save us. Will you?

Image credit: Jaime Antonio Alvarez Arango. Licence: CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Bodleian Library introduces suspension policy

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Dealing with a shortage of library slots since Michaelmas, the Bodleian Library has introduced a new booking system whereby students who fail to turn up to sessions without cancelling beforehand risk being suspended from the service. The decision comes in light of recent data provided by the Bodleian: in week 8 of Hillary term, 1,214 readers (61%) missed a reading room booking without cancelling in advance and 761 readers (37%) failed to attend more than twice. 22 readers failed to attend 10 or more times in that week alone. 

Under the new regulations, if students miss four bookings in a week or six bookings in a fortnight, they will be suspended from using Space Finder (the Bodleian’s centralised booking system) until seven days after the Friday of the following week, before being able to book slots again. Suspended students can still attend their existing bookings. 

A spokesperson from the Bodleian said, “This proportion of non-attendance was typical through last term, and prevented other readers from securing a study space.”

The spokesperson confirmed that “this will only count if students miss a slot completely, not if they are late”. 

The Bodleian website advises readers to cancel online if they believe that they will miss their booking, which can be done up to 8am on the day of your booking. Available slots can be booked up to half an hour before the slot starts. During a term where many students have exams, the Bodleian urges students to “book with their fellow readers in mind” with the hope that any cancelled slots can become available again for someone else.  

The spokesperson told Cherwell: “We are acutely aware that this may cause some alarm but want to emphasise that we are doing so only to ensure that every student or researcher who wants to study in the library will be able to get a slot.”

According to the Bodleian, the new regulations were developed in consultation with the Student Union. The Bodleian said that Space Finder will also show readers a warning of how many slots they have missed. Students who missed their slot due to unexpected coronavirus isolation or believe they were unfairly suspended can email the Bodleian directly at [email protected].

More information is available at https://www.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/libraries/book-a-library-time-slot.

Image credit: neiljs / CC BY 2.0