Last
month, Peruvian authorities found Paul McAuley’s body in the remote city of
Iquitos on the Amazon River. McAuley had been murdered and his corpse burnt at
the hostel he ran for indigenous youth.
McAuley
was a renowned environmental and human rights advocate who reached global
prominence when he was awarded an MBE in 1995 for his services to education. After
studying at Oxford, McAuley became a priest and moved to Peru, the fifth-poorest
country in Latin America. He set up a school and dedicated the rest of his life
to campaigning for the protection of the Amazon and its inhabitants.
McAuley
ended up spending much of his time fighting the corrupt Peruvian government and
the giant multinational corporations destroying the rainforest, McAuley was
branded a ‘terrorist’ and an ‘incendiary gringo priest’ by the predominantly
right-wing national press. He was accused of driving big businesses and their
jobs away from the ailing Peruvian economy: in 2010 the government attempted to
deport him. Nine years later, he was murdered in cold blood.
Who
killed Paul McAuley? We will most likely never know. What is for certain is
that his death is part of a disturbing trend across Latin America, where environmentalists
and human rights campaigners are indiscriminately murdered by crime syndicates to
pave the way for multinationals to move in and exploit countries’ natural
resources. 4 Peruvian campaigners were murdered by a local cartel in November
last year; 125 Latin American land activists were killed in 2017 alone.
To
us in the UK and specifically in Oxford, what is even more alarming are the
close links our own university fosters with the very companies McAuley spent
his days fighting against.
In
many ways McAuley’s is a familiar story: he organised protests against the same
big-money corporations which have been operating almost indiscriminately in
countries such as Peru for decades. More often than not, the cost of their
business practices is the devastation of the Amazon and its inhabitants’ livelihoods.
Multinationals are free to do as they please in amongst governments plagued
with corrupt officials and overly lenient regulation. The continued presence of
these oil and gas companies perpetuates the vicious cycle of corruption and
exploitation enveloping much of the Global South.
Three
years after the Paris Climate Accords, Oxford University continues to enjoy
close ties with oil and gas companies that completely disregard the possibility
of a climate catastrophe. These connections run far deeper than college
investment schemes or hosting controversial guest speakers. They are direct
links to some of the few hundred oil and gas giants which account for more than
71% of global emissions.
In
2009, McAuley volunteered to help locals blockade the Napo River in western Peru.
They were attempting to obstruct an Anglo-French oil company’s supply barges from
proceeding upstream and commencing oil extraction operations in ‘Lot 67’, a
vast swathe of land in heart of the Amazon. After a few days of protests, the
then-president, Alan García (who has since attempted to flee the country on
corruption charges), declared the drilling of Lot 67 ‘of national interest’. The
army broke through the blockade: McAuley and his fellow activists were left to
watch as the oil corporation hauled $200 million’s worth of drilling equipment
into one of the fragile – and internationally-safeguarded – ecosystems on the
planet.
The
oil company which had gained access to Lot 67 was Perenco GL, a company
registered in London and owned by the Perrodo family. The Perrodo family enjoys
close ties to St. Peter’s College: exactly one year after the lucrative drilling
on Lot 67 began, the Perrodo family donated £5 million to St. Peter’s.
Most
of the details concerning Perenco’s dire human rights and environmental record
can be found in Cherwell’s article here. In short, Perenco has a history of
accusations levelled against it for funding paramilitary groups which
explicitly target environmental and trade union activists. In 2012, the company
was accused of funding ‘death squads’ in Colombia which killed an estimated 50
000 people.
Perenco
has also amassed a series of bribery allegations. Just last year, the company was
alleged to have bribed Venezuelan officials with $5 million in return for
‘priority drilling status’ in the tumultuous country.
Perenco
is not the only company with links to Oxford operating in Latin America. Tullow
Oil – an oil and gas company with a similarly chequered record – has repeatedly
voiced its intentions to extract oil off the Peruvian coast.
Tullow
originally signed a deal to gain access to the nature conservation area with former
Peru President Kuczynski (currently in jail for corruption), but it has since
become apparent that neither Tullow nor Kucyznski made any kind of effort to
establish what the environmental and humanitarian ramifications of drilling in
the area would be.
Tullow
was also recently accused of bribing members of the Ugandan parliament to gain
access to oil fields. Meanwhile, protests against Tullow’s expansion in Kenya
have become so extensive that the company was almost forced to withdraw
entirely from the region.
Mike
Daly, a Visiting Professor of Earth Sciences at Oxford University, sits on
Tullow Oil’s board as a non-executive director. In the face of UN warnings that
environmental catastrophe is imminent, Professor Daly and his colleagues at
Tullow have recently announced that they intend to up their company’s oil and
gas exploration efforts in 2019. In West Africa alone, Tullow intends to up its
oil extraction from 93,000 to 101,000 barrels per day.
Another
Oxonian, Lord Browne, sits on the executive board of the University’s Blavatnik
School of Government. The decision to accept funding from British
philanthropist Blavatnik – who also made most of his fortune from oil
extraction – was descibed by the University’s own specialist on corruption as ‘incomprehensible
and irresponsible’ shortly before he resigned.
Lord Browne has
recently begun working for Wintershall, an oil and gas company which also
recently announced plans to massively increase its fossil fuel extraction
project. Wintershall has been accused of witholding $900 million in profits
from the UN-backed Libyan government.
Lord Browne was
also previously the CEO of British Petroleum. The University continues to run
the ‘BP scholarship scheme’ and accept funding from BP for the Centre of Analysis
of Resource-Rich Economies. Just like Perenco, BP has been accused of funding
Colombian ‘death squads’. Elsewhere, Shell, which continues to sponsor over
twenty academics in the Shell-Oxford Research Collaboration, is currently
embroiled in a £1 billion corruption scandal in Nigeria.
Perenco, Tullow
and Wintershall are the very companies Paul McAuley dedicated his life to
fighting against. It is yet to be seen how any single one of these oil
companies – let alone their larger competitors BP and Shell – are doing enough
to combat climate change and avert climate catastrophe.
What’s more,
the Perrodo families and Professor Mike Dalys of the world – those profiting
from Latin American natural resources at a grave cost to regional stability and
locals’ lives – enjoy a hero’s welcome at Oxford University. Their names are
engraved on plaques on magnificent constructions; their academic writing is
published under the University’s name.
Last year
marked a milestone in the campaign to make our institutions divest from fossil
fuels. Over £80 billion was divested in the UK; globally, $6 trillion dollars
were moved away from the most harmful industries. And still, Oxford
University’s flirtation with oil money continues.
The Perrodos, Professor
Daly and Lord Browne need to be held to account for their role in global
warming and the seemingly devastating effect their companies are having on the
environment.
Even
philanthropy, as in the case of St. Peter’s and the Perrodo family, is never a
one-way street. A donation to an educational institution must be seen as a
transaction. Just as the University legitimises Professor Daly and Lord
Browne’s business practices, St. Peter’s legitimises the way in which the
Perrodo family make their millions. Equally, the Perrodo family are able to
turn the spotlight away from the string of allegations levelled against their
company, Perenco.
Why is the University
continuing to turn a blind eye to the accusations levelled against its
benefactors and employees? Why is it continuing to endorse individuals who work
in very industries which are at the heart of the problem? If we are to avert
the whole-sale destruction of our life support systems then we must continue
Paul McAuley’s good work and stand up for those who are most vulnerable. It can
never be a question of ‘take it and run’ when there is nowhere to run to.