Friday 13th June 2025
Blog Page 642

A special place in hell?

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Making the headlines last week was the unprecedented and frankly outrageous news that a certain politician has offended certain other politicians.

I am referring, of course (what else would it be?), to the news that Donald Tusk, president of the European Council, made a remark that those who advocated Brexit without a proper plan have a ‘special place in hell’.

By ‘plan’ he was largely inferring to the Tory Party’s chaos of opinion on the Northern Irish backstop.

Naturally, the victims of this malicious attack responded maturely, evidently disappointed that politics had descended to such name-calling and insulting.

Andrea Leadsom called Tusk ‘disgraceful’ and ‘spiteful’, former UKIP leader Nigel Farage labelled him an ‘unelected, arrogant bully’ while the DUP’s Brexit spokesman Sammy Wilson chose the rather quirky ‘devilish Euro-maniac’.

We should be so proud to have these good people in British politics and not the childish bureaucrats of the European Union!

The point is, insults such as these are thrown around all the time in the world of politics. Imagine if we swapped one Donald for another, and reported every insult that the President of the United States crammed into 280 characters?

Rhetoric is used to convince, and, as all public speakers will know, the more shocking and memorable, the more effective.

The late Liberal Democrat Lord Paddy Ashdown was famously reminded of the danger of this in 2015, when he said he would ‘eat his hat’ if his party lost the dozens of seats that the exit poll predicted. Tusk is doing nothing new, yet he faces enormous backlash.

This is because when a right-wing, anti-establishment figure uses this kind of language, no one bats an eyelid, yet when a centrist, establishment politician such as Tusk descends to the same level, it is a scandal. Tusk can’t win.

He is, in the eyes of the Brexit campaigners, a crooked enslaver of the British people disguised as your average establishment politician; don’t be fooled, beneath the receding hairline, plans for world domination are being hatched!

Yet, when he slips and resorts to the level of certain Brexiteers such as Nigel Farage, he is labelled as arrogant, divisive, and despotic. If Boris Johnson had said such a thing, he would be hailed by the right-wing media for speaking the truth. Donald Tusk using the very same language used by so many Brexiteers paradoxically ‘proves exactly why we should leave the EU’, according to Jacob Rees-Mogg in an article for The Sun. In other words; its only okay when we do it, Donald!

In the midst of all of this, Downing Street thought it time to weigh in on the drama, stating that Tusk’s remarks are ‘not helpful and have caused widespread dismay’.

The problem Theresa May faces is that the European Union is interested in securing the safety and prosperity of both Northern Ireland and the Republic. The Prime Minister, on the other hand, doesn’t really care what happens, as long as it can get through parliament.

In fact, this attitude forms the current nucleus of her rhetoric – my deal or no deal. Her entire game plan is built on bringing the whole country as close to the chaos and uncertainty of no deal as she can, so that MPs might decide to choose her deal as the marginally lesser of two evils.

But is this not a complete failure of democracy? May sees leaving the EU as an end in itself – once we’re out, then she has delivered on the ‘will of the people’. But this is completely twisted. MPs first responsibility is to work in the interest of the people; this is the principle representative government is founded on. ‘My deal or no deal’ is a threat – vote it through, or the country will suffer.

She may deliver Brexit, but nothing like the one people asked for, the one leave-vot- ers thought would make their lives better.

So, yes, for our master pragmatist Prime Minister, Donald Tusk’s deep concerns about the Irish border aren’t helpful.

He is being divisive and dogmatic, whereas May is the one calling for unity. But this unity has the sinister implication that MPs should abandon their own convictions about what is best for their country, that they should cease to represent those that voted them in.

That’s not to say division should always be welcomed with open arms, but instead that Brexit is simply too crucial to legitimately adopt such an ‘anything goes’ attitude.

Sure, Tusk’s remark is hostile, and inflammatory, but perhaps that’s what’s needed in order for hard-line Brexiteers to understand the grave potential for dangers facing Northern Ireland after leaving the European Union.

The backstop is an insurance policy, so that if the negotiations are not sorted out in the two-year transition period after March 29th, there won’t be a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland. Given that the removal of security and checks at the border was a cornerstone of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the Brexiteers who wantrid of it put peace between the Republic and Northern Ireland at risk.

This was barely even considered by the Leave campaign in the 2016 referendum, an ambivalence that has only strengthened as the ERG and others are willing to put the two decades of stability between the two countries on the line to achieve their deluded and damaging vision of Brexit.

So I don’t blame Donald Tusk for saying they deserve a special place in hell; it could be hell that is unleashed if they get their way.

Review: Waiting for Gary – ‘surpasses the Beckettian classic’

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When I first saw the play’s evocative title, I was immediately reminded of Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot. However, Agnes Pethers’ finely calibrated production proved to be a pleasant surprise, as in certain ways, it surpasses the Beckettian classic.

The premise of Waiting for Gary is a simple one. Two adults in a NHS maternity ward. Three chairs. The Financial Times. And magic.

None of the surreal apocalyptic setting of Godot, nor the absurd slapstick, were needed. What we have instead is a universal humour that focuses on the simplicity of our everyday lives and the inherent funniness within.

Yet Waiting for Gary is not played only for laughs; it is entertaining because of the emotional truth underlying the humour. “Comedy is a powerful tool for discussing social issues,” explained Katie Sayer, the writer and President of the Oxford Revue: “once you’ve made an audience laugh, you can use comedy to disguise some quite serious points.”

Indeed, as the play moves fluidly between motifs such as pornography, parenthood, unplanned pregnancies and pooing during labour, the audience were confronted by shocking and often unheard truths, through the lens of our two main actors: Dorothy McDowell as Anya, and Tom Fisher as Chris. The two have been divorced for eighteen years but are finally reunited outside the maternity ward, waiting for Gary, their grandson.

Framed in the luminous white light of an intimate stage, the actors are constantly called to perform in a fantastic display of nervous energy. Anya, characterised by her sarcasm and incisive discourse, has a commanding presence on stage. The way she engages and interacts with the audience and the way she paces back and forth maintain a razor-sharp tension in her performance. I found it especially entertaining to witness her throwing Chris’s words back at him verbatim in her many passionate outbursts, much to the latter’s dumbstruck dismay. As the play progresses, it is heartwarming to see her attitude to her ex-husband changing from icy coldness to gradual reconciliation. Her position on stage reflects this fact, as she begins to sit next to Chris and even teasingly bumps his arm.

At times exasperated, at times tender, Chris has a certain Chaplinesque air about him. Not only does he farcically spark their interaction by reading a porn magazine under the Financial Times, but he is also the source of many blissfully funny moments throughout. Nervously crossing and uncrossing his legs, running his hand desperately through his hair, but also peeping at Anya when he thinks she is not looking, he was particularly masterful with his body language — in his character, the unspoken enjoys as much importance as the spoken lines.

At this point, I would like to give a honourable mention to the third most important ‘character’ — the Financial Times. Once a barrier and camouflage for the pair to hide behind in their awkwardness, one of the most iconic scenes in the play involves them repeatedly raising and lowering their newspapers, almost like a shield. However, as they warm to and reconcile with each other, the newspaper then duly served its purpose, and is left tattered on the seat.

Unlike Godot, Gary finally arrives after nearly an hour of tension and hilarity, and with him, the ending of the play. There is something satisfactory about its ending: unlike the numbing no show of Godot, the audience can join together in the celebration of new life. Both for Gary and our stars, Anya and Chris.

Urban Decay

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The banner of ‘l’art pour l’art’ has been criticised for providing a shelter for the obscene and grotesque. Taking root from the French artistic movement championed by Baudelaire and Huysmans, the aesthetes’ emphasis on the pursuit of beauty went so far as to guide not just their views on the arts, but on life and pleasure generally, leading to the association of the movement with indulgence and excess.

There can be a beautiful chaos in decay, and the turn of the century saw a new generational anxiety encroaching around degeneration and mass upheaval. From the 1880s, French fin-de-siècle literature and the height of the Decadence movement would come to fruition around this pessimism, but it was pre-empted by Charles Baudelaire in the mid-19th century.

His 1857 Les Fleurs du Mal was a foundational text in bringing motifs of decay in line with delight – his ‘Spleen et Idéal’ examined the corrupted state of society and the boredom he associated with modern life. Baudelaire was fascinated by the contrast of the ephemeral and the eternal, founding his conception of modernity which he would later classify as “the transitory, the fugitive, the contingent”. Throughout the collection, his struggle with Catholicism is obvious and perhaps explains part of his draw towards sin. He describes how his soul delights in the fires of Hell in Horror Sympathique (Harmony of Horror), while in Destruction he laments how toy-like he feels at the hands of a demon. Whether this is literal or personal is never made clear, although we can assume the latter; this haunting seems to engender a separation from God and a feeling of spiritual isolation.

Despite its later publication date, French writer Joris-Karl Huysmans’ 1884 À Rebours (Against Nature) is equally seminal in the study of decadence and is best known for its profound influence on Oscar Wilde, specifically credited for being the poisonous volume which brings so much devastation in The Picture of Dorian Gray. Huysmans’ antihero, Des Esseintes, praises Baudelaire for having “shown the increasing decay of impressions while the enthusiasms and beliefs of youth are enfeebled”, leaving only “miseries borne, intolerances endured and affront suffered”. It’s evident that Baudelaire’s theories of ennui and the spleen permeated culture and birthed a generation of literature examining urban boredom, morbid curiosity and absolute amorality.

It seems paradoxical that Decadence would associate decay with growing urbanisation, and yet, across all such literature there is a tortured sense of anonymity and listlessness within a crowded metropolis. Baudelaire opens Le Cygne (The Swan) by pairing the metropolitan Paris with the classical exile of Andromache, and yet insists that this is a fertile breeding ground for creative inspiration and memory.

Huysmans’ Des Esseintes also portrays the desire for seclusion within the Parisian hordes, needing to be in the capital to confirm this solitude. Wilde follows this bridging theme of decadent literature in The Picture of Dorian Gray, juxtaposing the self-imposed loneliness of the portrait and the real-life Dorian’s anguished secrecy with the glittering social engagements he increasingly resents.This contrast between reality and artifice is usually associated with Gothic convention, but its prominence across the Decadent should not be underestimated.

However, the metropolis is more than just the culmination of creative exile in bustling society; the urban capital is presented as a place rife with opportunity for observing degeneration, making it the perfect seat of aesthete values and decadent living. For Baudelaire, Paris provided a place to ruminate upon the transitioning landscape and social decline he saw before him, and his famous Tableaux Parisiens are noted for their general absence of city-dwellers, and the later poems Les Aveugles (The Blind) and Les Sept Vieillards (Seven Old Men) are notable for their cruel apathy towards suffering. For Huysmans and Wilde alike, the crowded town provides a cover for hedonistic exploits and the pinnacle of decadent living for the upper classes – Huysmans is detailed in his listing of Parisian boudoirs and excess, while Wilde depicts the seedy underworld of the East End as the centre of vice and degeneration.

As doctor Max Nordau famously wrote of Wilde, the decadence movement was implicitly infatuated with “immorality, sin and crime”. There was something fascinating about social decay, and the complete abstraction of beauty from morality, context or critical analysis. A direct derivative from the Greek word for ‘pleasure’, hedonism is invariably tied up in decadence, but divorces indulgence from the degeneration decadence views as inevitable.

Lord Henry in The Picture of Dorian Gray is Wilde’s main mouthpiece for aesthete philosophising, and his separation of art from action as “superbly sterile” is symptomatic of Decadence. The aesthetes sought beauty in artistic expression completely liberated by traditional or contemporary standards, seeing social or political motivations as mediocre and distracting.

This led to decadent literature being seen as perverse, however, Baudelaire’s impassioned verse and the libertine living of Huysmans and Wilde’s heroes are proponents of the amorality of the genre, and all of these three champions of Decadence transgress – and offended – contemporary sensitivities. Huysmans’ Des Esseintes seeks the height of beauty at the expense of compassion in bejewelling a tortoise, describing the creature’s death in such emotionless detail in stark contrast to paragraphs of listing exotic jewels in grandiose luxury. Subjugating the living to the quest for pleasure is comparable to Baudelaire’s intertwining of Debauchery and Death as two good sisters of ‘terrible pleasures’, and Wilde’s tragedy of inevitable death and moral decay is equally intertwined with pleasure.

Though any study of decadence should be considered in the light of its indifference to morality and contemporary standards, the predilection of its literature to morbidity and depravity led to issues of censure, with Baudelaire being condemned “an insult to publicmorals”, fined, and the publication of Fleurs du Mal restricted. The Picture of Dorian Gray was similarly criticised for distorting Victorian standards, and the homoeroticism was obscured in a revised edition.

Though ultimately the French movement failed to sustain itself after the eclipse of its founders, the impact of the Decadence era was felt across Europe and was significant in encouraging the subversion of moral standards. While its ideals were increasingly distorted, betraying that earlier abstraction from reality through application of the decadents’ ideas to social and political exploits, figures such as Wilde still managed to emphasise pleasure above all else.

“Beauty, real Beauty ends where an intellectual expression begins”, claims Lord Henry in Wilde’s Dorian Gray – perhaps we should also appreciate the irony of criticising or reading too far into a movement solely based on sensuous delight.

University offers no deal Brexit advice for EU students

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The University has released advice for EU staff and students in preparation for a no deal Brexit.

The new website explains that the University is now “making preparations” for the possibility that Britain leaves the EU without a deal, which will go ahead if no withdrawal agreement is in place by March 29th.

A no deal Brexit would be likely to include EU citizens entering the UK being treated as third country nationals, no longer subject to EEA immigration rules and requirements. This would mean EU students would pay higher tuition fees than they do now and may need new visas to conform with new immigration laws.

Research staff may lose the opportuning to access EU research funding, which totalled £78 million in the academic year 2017/18. The University may also lose the opportunity to participate in pan-European collaborations.

Given the growing uncertainty, the University is now advising EU students to ensure they have all relevant paperwork up to date.

The University stresses that EU citizens will still be able to apply to study at Oxford, and that “all Oxford University staff from the EU will have the same right to work in the UK whether a withdrawal deal is agreed or not.”

A spokesperson for the University said to Cherwell: “Given the ongoing uncertainty about the implications of the UK leaving the EU, the University is working hard to understand and manage the impact on our staff and students.

“Dedicated web pages with the latest information about the implications of Brexit have been set up for staff and students and these will be updated regularly. The pages consider all possible outcomes of the current negotiations, including the possibility of the UK leaving without a deal.

‘Whatever the outcome of current negotiations, the University of Oxford is, and intends to remain, a thriving, cosmopolitan community of scholars and students united in our commitment to education and research.

“The departure from the EU will not change this; our staff and students from all across the world are as warmly welcome as ever.”

The Students’ Union reaffirmed the need for advice, stating: “Students need guidance as soon as possible. If a no deal Brexit does happen, students want the University to quickly provide information about the impact it’s going to have on them.

“Graduate students from the EU could face serious disruption, particularly those studying for 1-year masters programmes. There are major issues outstanding, especially around the future of the Erasmus programme and future prospects for research students. The only way to avoid this mess is a People’s Vote with the option to remain.”

With just over six weeks left until the Brexit deadline, the University will continue to update their page with more information as it is available, and individual colleges may be providing specific information directly to students before the end of Hilary Term.

For more information, or to keep up to date on the University’s advice, visit the University’s Brexit advice page for students and for staff.

Time to emulate Eton?

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Abolish:

Education secretary Damien Hinds has said he wishes to call time on the phrase ‘public school confidence’, mainly by introducing a programme of ‘five foundations’ which will build state school children’s confidence and sense of well-roundedness. Of course it would be lovely if every bog-standard comprehensive was able to offer its students yoga or rock climbing, but given that, in the weeks lead- ing up to GCSEs, my school paid certain students 50p a day in a desperate bid to get them to work for their exams, clearly money is severely needed elsewhere.

Having been to an elite grammar school for sixth-form, I couldn’t help but be acutely aware of the incredible range and quality of resources and opportunities open to students at more ‘prestigious’ schools, as opposed to my old comprehensive. A student coming out of the former type of school would have a much more rounded CV offering, as well as a far stronger and varied skillset, suggesting they were proactive and enthusiastic. Not only that, but I know for a fact that they would be perceived as having worked harder and being cleverer than a kid from a run-of-the-mill state comprehensive, despite the fact that both private and state school children often have no option other than to go anywhere but where their parents choose.

Why try to fix this deeply flawed, unfair system with a programme of activities that cannot possibly be implemented properly? The real issue here is private and grammar schools teaches some children that they are worthier of ‘better’ education, activities and opportunities than others. Even if the private/grammar school is not even academically that great, the system of segregation , a nicer building and uniform will have psychological impact on a child’s sense of worth. At grammar school, assemblies at the beginning of the year would open with commending the students on how high our place was in the Telegraph school rankings, cultivating in their students the thought that we were better, cleverer than those who came beneath us. 

If your parents are spending near £30,000 a year on your education, you’re obviously going to feel like you’re worthier of time and effort than if it was free. If, through some miracle, kids from a state comp could get to the same debating levels of kids at Eton, the confidence that Etonians have just from knowing they are Etonians will always give them a one-up, the sense that they are worthier of success because their parents have spent so much money on them. Abol- ishing such schools, not activity schedules in which no one has any real investment, is the only way to ensure all children have the same, appropriate level of confidence.

By Sophie Kilminster

Emulate:

It isn’t every day that I find myself writing in support of Damien Hinds. I went to a low performing state school. Every day I saw the devastating effects that Tory underfunding is having on our education system. 

My mum is a teaching assistant at a local primary, and many family friends are teach- ers, so the ‘G Word’ (Gove) is banned at the dinner-table 

I’m afraid to say, however, that he’s got a point this time. 

The media; politics; the arts; banking; law, all of the most prestigious industries in our society – not to mention this very university – are dominated by public school- boys and private school kids. 

I don’t think that’s right, but I don’t think the answer is to make private schools worse; I think it’s to make state schools better. 

I want to see a world in which private schools do not exist; not because they were necessarily banned, but because parents see no tangible advantage in forking out £27k to send their son to Eton when their local state comp is just as good. We’re clearly a long way off that goal, but the point is that instead of tearing the privileged down, I want us to focus on building the less- privileged up. 

With that in mind, why should we accept that I was never offered the experiences that my private school peers were? 

Damian Hinds is right that I should have been offered sports that I’ve never heard of (seriously, what is Eton Fives?) and talks from influential and inspiring figures and national debating competitions like many of the people reading this newspaper were when they were at secondary school. 

I don’t think that this should be viewed as trying to make state schools too much like public schools; the only thing about Eton that I want our state schools to emulate is the amount of students getting into Oxbridge and Russell Group universities, and I think Hind’s proposals will aid that. 

Here’s the thing though: Hinds will never be able to achieve these goals without a massive injection of funding, which quite clearly isn’t happening. 

Without that, his plans are nonsense. My school couldn’t afford printing or to fix the holes in the canteen roof, so how on earth was it ever going to send me rock climb- ing? Education reforms need to be paired with real increases in education spending, something the government has, so far, seemed unprepared to do. Overall, Hinds is right: The opportunities that are given to private school kids need to be given to state school kids too. But just announcing ‘five foundations’ isn’t enough; it will require money that I don’t believe this government is prepared to spend. 

By Joe Davies

Business School faculty join calls for Oxford to cut ties with Zimbabwean finance minister

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The Said Business School has continued to take criticism from its professors for its association with Zimbabwean Finance and Economic Development Minister Mthuli Ncube.

Speaking to Cherwell, Simukai Chigudu, Associate Professor of African Politics at the Oxford Department of International Development, claimed that he had sent an email in protest to Professor Peter Tufano dean of the Business School.

Professor Chigudu also claimed that similar emails were sent to Professor Tufano by a number of his colleagues.

In particular, Professor Chigudu named Professor of Commonwealth Studies Jocelyn Alexander, Lecturer in African History and Politics Dan Hodgkinson, and Associate Professor in African Politics Miles Tendi as having made an appeal to Professor Tufano.

Cherwell has contacted Professor Alexander, Professor Hodgkinson, and Professor Tendi to confirm these claims.

Professor Alexander confirmed Chigudu’s claims to be true, and stated that Tufano had responded to her e-mail on Wednesday by “[defending] the ongoing value of the school’s association with Prof Ncube.”

Professor Alexander said: “My concern was and is that Prof Ncube’s association with the SBS accords him a status and legitimacy that he no longer deserves owing to his defence of the brutal crackdown by the ZANU(PF) government, of which he is a prominent and highly visible part, since 14 January this year.

“This crackdown is by no means over. A recent report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (a highly reputed consortium of Zimbabwean human rights NGOS), called ‘On the Days of Darkness in Zimbabwe’, records 17 extra-judicial killings, the vast majority by soldier and police, 16 cases of rape by the same, 26 abductions by suspected security agents, nearly 600 assaults, some of them extremely serious, using whips, chains, iron rods and batons, and nearly 1,000 arbitrary arrests.

“The military continues to be deployed and the rule of law has been severely undermined. The Forum writes that, “Since 14 January 2019 there has been a wanton assault on the Constitution by the government, the police, the military, and some magistrates and prosecutors’ (p. 14).

“All of this has been defended publicly (or simply denied) by Professor Ncube. The US, UK, EU and others have condemned the Zimbabwean government’s actions.

“That Prof Ncube’s international standing is, under these circumstances, buttressed by his ongoing association with Oxford and the SBS is an affront to all those who have suffered the brunt of the ZANU(PF) crackdown in the past month.

Professor Chigudu elected to share the contents of his letter, which read as follows: “I am writing to you in relation to the deteriorating political and economic situation in my home country. As I am sure you are aware, trade unions and civil society leaders recently called for a mass stay away from work and a peaceful protest in response to a 250% hike in fuel prices instigated by the government.

“In response, the government has launched a systematic, violent and repressive campaign against those suspected to be involved with the stay away and the protests. In the last week, we have witnessed the shocking and entirely disproportionate use of state force to quell the protests and to punish protestors as well as opposition and civic leaders.

“The actions of the state are nothing short of abuse in the form of intimidation, beatings, and imprisonment without trial or due process of many hundreds of people. Indeed, there are reports coming out from human rights organisations — both local and international — confirming that children as young as 14 years old have been arrested and denied access to food, water or legal representation.

“Further still, state security forces have fired live ammunition into protesting crowds causing many to suffer from gunshot wounds and killing at least 15 people.

“I believe that these events are of concern to you given that Zimbabwe’s Minister of Finance, Professor Mthuli Ncube, is a visiting professor at SBS. As a member of the ZANU(PF) government, Prof Ncube bears indirect responsibility for state-led repression.

“Moreover, Prof Ncube has made no effort to distance himself from the ruling regime but will in fact attend Davos as a representative of President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

“I am writing to urge you to end SBSs association with Prof Ncube and to make clear that your institution condemns the actions of the Zimbabwean government in the strongest possible terms.

“Having been a student at here in Oxford during which time I worked with both the Africa Society and the Africa Business Network, I know that SBS has previously shown great moral concern for social and political justice in Africa. I urge you to show such moral leadership on this matter.”

Ncube, who holds a PhD from the University of Cambridge on “Pricing Options and Stochastic Volatility”, currently remains in his post as a visiting professor at the Said Business School.

On Liam Neeson, sexual racism and the optics of white fragility and black monstrosity

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TW: Violence motivated by racism

In a press junket promsoting his new revenge thriller Cold Pursuit, Liam Neeson admitted that in the days following the rape of a close friend some years ago, he stalked the streets, cosh in hand, ‘hoping some [Neeson gestures air quotes with his fingers] ‘black bastard’ would come out of a pub and have a go at me about something, you know? So that I could kill him.”’

The context Neeson offers for this is that in the weeks following the sexual assault of his friend, his rage and despair at his inability to help her manifested themselves as what he dubs “primal” urges. The interview, titled ‘Rape, race, and how I learnt revenge doesn’t work’ is framed as a redemption arc for Neeson, but what exactly is it that he is seeking redemption for? 

The moral he has gleaned from this, that “revenge doesn’t work,” fails to acknowledge the problematic racial aspect of his rampage. Nor is he aware of how, in roaming the streets looking for a black man to attack, he participates in a gendered appropriation of women’s pain; treating this friend as his property, and her rape as an excuse to exact some racist fantasy of vigilante justice offers no consolation to his friend and is little more than an attempt to centre himself in someone else’s pain. 

The ‘black bastard’ he so fervently hoped to encounter was irrelevant, interchangeable, because what Neeson wanted was not revenge. That would imply that he sought his friend’s attacker specifically, that there was method in his madness. No, in revealing that he hoped to murder a black man, any black bastardin cold blood, Neeson reproduced the optic of white supremacy that holds black people as collectively responsible for individual transgressions. 

White people fail to view white supremacy as something they participate in and reproduce, ever keen to distinguish themselves as “not racist” (as opposed to affirming an explicit commitment to anti-racism). Yet black people are collectively stereotyped by one man’s crime, all of us culpable for his act of violence. If Liam Neeson genuinely regretted how he had felt in the days and weeks following his friend’s sexual assault, he surely would have buried those feelings, instead of disclosing them in an interview and expecting us to marvel at how far he has supposedly come. If I am to commend Neeson for how far he has come, then I will do so by addressing how utterly reprehensible his views were to begin with.

The indiscriminate focus of his rage, of Neeson’s desire to provoke a ‘black bastard’ into attacking him so that he could have a reason to murder him, belies just how inconsequential he views the loss of black life, reflecting how indifferent our society is to the murder of black people. His victim would not have been a person, but rather a faceless foil onto which he could project his rage. 

Neeson’s claim that if the attacker had been “an Irish or a Scot or a Brit or a Lithuanian I would – I know I would – have had the same effect.” is not quite the absolution he hopes it would be. None of these are races, but nationalities. How could he have possibly distinguished between an Irishman, a Scotsman, or a Lithuanian? I can hardly imagine him, in a paroxysm of rage, pausing to ascertain the nationality of his hypothetical victim. He certainly didn’t care enough to distinguish between his friend’s rapist and the random black men he so desperately hoped to encounter all those years ago.

If the rapist had been white, I doubt Neeson would have stalked the streets looking for any white man to attack. The fact that he solicited this information from his friend unprompted showed an active desire to project onto his friend’s assault the trope of the savage black brute, a black man with uncontrollable sexual appetite that must be tamed into submission like an animal.

It begs the question of just how many black people have been the ill-fated victim of white rage, of how many people who enact such indiscriminate violence hold positions in law enforcement and other fields, which offer convenient justification for the use of excessive force against monstrous black bogeymen with impossible strength and speed

It terrifies me to think that my very physical presence is always going to be treated as menacing, a threat simply by virtue of existing. I am alarmed for myself, for all black people who, as we move through the world minding our own business, are unaware of the racist “revenge” fantasies that could apparently be seething beneath the surface of white men’s minds. I am afraid that one chance look at someone on the street is going to spell the end for me or someone I love, that some police officer with a grudge to settle will look for some imagined slight in my mannerism and interpret it as license to attack me. I am afraid.

What does it reveal about our society that Liam Neeson felt so comfortable as to admit that he once prowled a town looking for a black man who he could provoke into fighting with the intention of murdering him? Forgive me for belabouring the point, but to euphemise Neeson’s desire to commit a hate crime and murder a black man solely on the basis of his race risks undermining the severity of what he has said. Neeson wanted an excuse to play out a sick, racist fantasy, after having asked for the race of the man who raped his friend, completely unprovoked. Although the facts are limited to what Neeson divulged in the interview, I cannot explain away the relevance of a rapist’s race in this context, beyond seeking out the information to affirm his pre-existing prejudices against the monstrosity of the sexuality of black men, and the threat it has historically posed to white masculinity.

***

On 28 August 1955, the fourteen year-old black boy Emmett Till was set upon by Roy Bryant and John William Millam, two white men in their thirties, in apparent revenge for Till having reportedly wolf-whistled at Bryant’s wife several days earlier at his grocery store in Money, Mississippi. The two men kidnapped Till, and beat him until he died, before disposing of his body. When his corpse was pulled from the Tallahatchie River three days later, autopsy revealed he had been shot above the right ear, one of his eyes was dislodged from its socket, he had severe bruising on his back and hips, and his neck had been garrotted with barbed wire. 

The image of Till’s open casket was printed in newspapers across the United States, and galvanised the nascent Civil Rights Movement, but the case is equally significant for its revelation of the relationship between white and black masculinities, and their proximity to the femininity of white women. Bryant and Millam sought revenge against Till because in daring to wolf-whistle at a white woman unprompted (a claim Caroline Bryant, the woman in question, admitted in 2017 that she had fabricated), he had impugned upon the claim of ownership white masculinity (and, by extension, white men) make on white women.

If Liam Neeson had told the Independentthat, following the sexual assault of a dear friend, he had stalked the streets looking for her attacker, I would not be writing this article. Instead, Neeson racialised the incident, whether he is aware of it or not. He reframed it as the attack of blackness on white femininity, on what he viewed as his property, and saw it as his prerogative, his duty to avenge his friend’s honour, much like how Bryant and Millam justified their attack on Till. 

Emmett Till was falsely accused of violating the strictures of conduct imposed on African-American men interacting with white women in Jim Crow Mississippi, and Bryant and Millam saw themselves so justified in their violent retaliation against Till that in 1956, under the aegis of double jeopardy, the two men gave an exclusive interview to Lookmagazine in which they unrepentantly admitted that they had murdered the teenager. In 2019, Liam Neeson felt (or, indeed, feels) himself so justified in his violent, racist revenge fantasy that he gave an exclusive interview to the Independentin which he unrepentantly admitted that he once sought out the opportunity to commit a premeditated hate crime.  

These men viewed sexual and romantic proximity to white women as the sole preserve of white men, and sought to murder black men in revenge for impinging upon their property. Caroline Bryant was no less complicit, ascribing to Till a predatory lasciviousness, an uncontrollable and monstrous lust incongruous with his age. She alleged that Till grabbed her waist and said “What’s the matter baby, can’t you take it?” before saying “I’ve been with white women before.”

While the context of Till’s murder, the consequence of a racist false accusation, and the very real sexual assault suffered by Neeson’s friend differ with respect to their veracity, what connects the murder of Emmett Till to Liam Neeson’s murderous fantasy is a hypersexualisation of black masculinity, the transformation of black men into wild, savage, lustful near-animals within the collective white psyche. In seeking to act out his fantasy and kill some “black bastard,” Neeson actively sought a situation in which his needless provocation of an unsuspecting black person might give him cause to so escalate the altercation that he could justifiably commit murder, the ultimate defence of fragility against the monstrous.

I am tired of the white celebrities who admit to having had some form of past racial prejudice, expecting some kind of plaudit for achieving a baseline standard of human decency, as tired as I am of the subsequent and inevitable apologia that follows from white journalists, the liberal commentariat contorting itself into knots to absolve Neeson of his racism, to explain away my condemnation of his comments as mere sensitivity or political correctness gone mad. If I am indeed being too sensitive, then I do apologise. Perhaps I should forever look over my shoulder instead, watching out for the nearest Oscar-nominated actor, in case he decides to beat the shit out of me unprovoked.

Turning Point UK’s launch marred by parody accounts

The launch of right-wing student group Turning Point UK quickly became a source of confusion for Twitter users this week as dozens of parody accounts claimed to be official university affiliates.

The group, which brands itself as “a student movement for free markets, limited government & personal responsibility,” launched last Friday on Twitter, and quickly received support from prominent Conservative MPs including Jacob Rees-Mogg and Priti Patel.

Turning Point UK aims to bring its US parent organisation’s brand of neoliberal populism to UK universities, tweeting: “Young people are not puppets to be used in the Left’s narrative. We think for ourselves. We act for ourselves. We vote for what we believe in and we believe in a freer society. Smaller Government = Bigger Freedom.”

In one of the promotional posters ac- companying the group’s launch, student activist Dominique Samuels said: “The left has weaponised racism and used it to control the black community for years. Now is the time to demand the freedom to think with our minds, not our race.”

The launch soon descended into confusion as dozens of parody accounts began posting memes pretending to be university chapters of the group.

Despite the official account’s attempts to prove their legitimacy, several Twitter users were misled by the parody accounts.

Matters were only complicated further when two UK charities, Turning Point UK and Turning Point Scotland, were forced to post statements clarifying that they had nothing to do with the political organisation.

Daniel Mcilhiney, who is in charge of Oxford’s Turning Point UK chapter, told Cherwell: “I think the launch went well, the multiplicity of parody accounts shows that we have certainly ruffled some feathers, although I think this is partly down to an incorrect picture painted by the media, I am very pleased to see that people are taking note of young conservatives.

“The Members of Parliament and others in the public eye decided to endorse us entirely off of their own backs. We were pleased to see them taking note of what were against (e.g. The far-left and the alt- right) and trying to counter the negative image presented by the press. We look forward to working with many of those individuals in the future.”

Since the group’s plans were revealed exclusively by Cherwell earlier this month, Turning Point UK has come under pressure to distance itself from the far-right.

The group’s American parent organisation has been plagued with racism scandals, with Turning Point USA’s second-in-command Crystal Clanton resigning after texts were leaked in which she wrote “I HATE BLACK PEOPLE. Like fuck them all . . . I hate blacks. End of story.”

In an interview with Cherwell, the group’s chairman George Farmer described its main objective as combatting ‘cultural Marxism.’

Cultural Marxism is a conspiracy theory popular with the far-right, which blames a plot by mainly Jewish Marxist academics for the success of modern liberation movements such as feminism, multiculturalism and LGBTQ+ rights.

Asked to elaborate on the term ‘cultural Marxism’, Mcilhiney backtracked on Farmer’s statement, telling Cherwell: “What we are saying is that there’s a shift in the cultural zeitgeist and the cultural mind towards the left.

“We have recognised that the terminology of cultural Marxism has some difficult origins, so from now on I think we’ll stay away from the use of that.”

Daniel Mcilhiney’s past political activities include organising events with alt-right fig- ures Carl Benjamin (a.k.a. Sargon of Akkad) and Mark Meechan (a.k.a. Count Dankula), who both spoke at last year’s Tommy Robinson rally, and organising a welcome party for Donald Trump alongside far-right Islamophobe Lucy Brown, who used to work on Robinson’s media team.

Nonetheless, Mcilhiney hopes he will be able to distance himself and Turning Point from the far-right, promising Cherwell that they are neither racist, nor far-right, nor alt- right. He asserted that “racists would be made not to feel welcome.”

Mcilhiney emphasised that the mandate of Turning Point UK is to promote free speech, not campaign on social issues like immigration or terrorism: “There are certainly individuals within Turning Point both in United States and in the United Kingdom who care about social issues and campaign on social issues. But that’s not Turning Point’s mandate. Turning Point’s mandate is merely to talk about freedom: free economies, freedom of thought, freedom of speech.”

Despite this, Mcilhiney does see Turning Point’s role as part of a larger culture war: “We care about culture. We believe in Western democratic values, which have their roots in Judeo-Christianity, that they are good values, and that they are values that should be promoted and celebrated, and that we should be proud of the country we come from.

“What I mean by Judeo-Christian values is the values of community and of personal responsibility; those two must be balanced. I also think most people within Turning Point would agree with me that one of the main cornerstones of society is the family.”

Mcilhiney would not clarify whether this included families with same-sex parents, saying: “We have such a wide range of opinions that it would be foolish of me to even start speculating on a consensus within Turning Point UK.”

The group’s American parent organisation has attracted criticism for its controversial tactics, which include blacklisting left-wing professors on its website Professor Watchlist and secretly funnelling thousands of dollars into student election campaigns.

The group’s Twitter launch reached a new level of confusion when the parody accounts began accusing each other of being troll accounts, including two accounts for the group’s Oxford chapter. One of these, @oxfordtpuk, appeared to be official, as it was followed by Mcilhiney and Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk.

By the end of the day, Turning Point UK’s official account was forced to publish a statement disavowing all Twitter accounts claiming to be regional chapters, including the official Oxford account.

Who can afford such indulgence?

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Last week, The Economist took it upon itself to settle once and for all the debate around which of your mates ‘does a real degree’, which can usually be found bubbling away on Oxfess. ‘Graphic Detail’, a data analysis feature which has previously considered “the retreat of global democracy” and “which countries are most likely to fight wars”, was dedicated on January 26th to a brutal assessment of Oxbridge graduate earnings, summarised with the tagline “high-scoring students leave £500,000 on the table by eschewing economics”.

Noting that undergrads at “elite” universities are more likely to study purely academic fields, the article suggests that “employers treat a degree from a top university as a proxy for intelligence”, allowing Oxbridge students with non-vocational degrees to “squeak by financially” on the prestige of their alma mater.
The giddy attacks on an elitist Oxbridge, kept afloat by “rich parents” whose progeny can afford to turn their noses up at an economics degree for a trifling a half-mil per year, are made in a strikingly personal, even hypocritical manner, reducing the issue to a caricature at the expense of any considered or original commentary on the access issue.

The data is there, but it’s swaddled and distorted by condescending, sarcastic language, with attendant implications of a baselessly snobbish Oxbridge that is painted in rich and scathing detail across the piece.

The economics degree is constantly referenced as a benchmark for financial security, the ‘responsible’ choice of qualification; the reader is invited to deplore the injustice that an average Cambridge arts grad earns the same as an economics student at “less exalted” Hull, solely on the merit of their institutional privilege. Having warmed up with subtler potshots like this, and the reference to Oxbridge attendance as a “proxy” for rather, than evidence of, intelligence, the author throws restraint to the wind and informs us that “Oxbridge students can pretend to read “Ulysses” for years and still expect a decent salary”. From here, the article descends into berating arts students with good A levels for not applying for more lucrative – you guessed it- economics degrees.

It seems The Economist is unable to grasp the concept that not everyone wants to study their namesake discipline or that some people select their degree for reasons aside from “employability” and their future salaries.

This extreme lack of nuanced perspective extends to its treatment of student demographics. Oxbridge has real and continuing access problems, especially in the humanities, many of which are best applied for with A-levels now available only in private schools, closing the opportunity to study them off from all but the most privileged elites.

Despite positioning itself as an enemy of institutional elitism, the article encourages the narrow view that ‘only poshos take Oxbridge arts degrees’, an exclusionist line that undermines efforts such as #ThereIsAPlaceForYouHere and the Target mentorship programme.

By leaning on such discouraging stereotypes, and neglecting any mention of students who aren’t “from richer parts of Britain”, the piece helps to perpetuate the problem it outwardly criticises.

In depicting Oxbridge as a den of pampered toffs who can neglect practical qualifications in favour of sponging off daddy, the author implies that students rely on the nepotism and privilege of their upbringing, to which their university is an accessory. While unfortunately this stereotype has roots in truth, it’s certainly not limited to Oxbridge.

Look at the current Duke of Westminster, with his £9bn fortune and 2.1 in Countryside Management from Newcastle. Here, once again, the article stumbles over its maddening inability to understand that not everyone wants to study economics. Ever ready to criticise humanities students’ poor financial judgements, the author refuses to acknowledge that for people with a passion for the humanities, studying at a prestigious university is the more ‘pragmatic’ financial route, and that an Oxbridge degree might actually be a means of increasing, rather than squandering, one’s hypothetical salary.

Instead, the fact that Cambridge arts grads earn £26k more than their contemporaries at Wrexham Glyndwr is used as a belittling comparison to the £44k gulf between Cambridge economics grads and those of Salford.

The article utterly ignores the possibility that less privileged students might be interested in the arts as well, erasing them from the debate and further enforcing the exclusionary stereotype. The piece offers one patronising concession to the foolhardy, spoilt arts student. While many such feeble-minded individuals “would struggle to crunch numbers”, the few who can, but have chosen not to pursue this to degree level, are castigated for wasting their intelligence on the humanities – the final nail in the coffin for the piece’s implicit suggestion that humanities students are intellectually inferior.

Oxford continues to admit the fewest state school applicants in the UK

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A new report from HESA shows Oxford to be among top 10 major UK Universities with least amount of 2017 entrants from low participation backgrounds, at 4.1%.

Mature students with no previous higher education background constituted only 0.43% of 2017 entrants.

Oxford also continues to take on the smallest percentage of state school entrants, at 58.2%. With only 100 out of 2,560 entrants coming from low participation neighbour- hoods, Oxford ranked 7th in this capacity among major UK Universities.

This was an increase of 10 students and 0.6% percentage points from 2016 entrants, when 90 out of 2,660 students came from low participation backgrounds.

UK universities’ average state school percentage was 76.8%. In 2016, Cambridge and Oxford had the top two lowest percentages of low participation background.

Oxford’s 1,430 state school entrants in 2017 composed 58.2% of total entrants, compared with 1,475 students and 57% in 2016. In both years, Oxford and Cambridge ranked first and second respectively on their state school selectivity.

Oxford’s 25 mature undergraduate entrants with no prior higher education background in 2017 contrasted with the complete absence of any entrants fitting that category in 2016.

The study defined “low participation” areas by ranking data from the 2001 Census Area Statistics wards in conjunction with data from UCAS and other sources on youth higher education participation. “Major University” was defined as a school that had more than 1,000 full time entrants.

Additionally, HESA did not collect data from Scottish institutes of higher education for low participation neighbourhoods, but did for state school data.

This report highlights ongoing concerns over Oxford’s image of exclusivity. Earlier this term, Lord Andrew Adonis called for the creation of a new undergraduate college to improve “access with excellence.”

A recent Cherwell article also demonstrated the unequal financial burdens shared by different colleges regarding their outreach efforts.

An Office for Students (OfS) spokesperson commented: “Across the higher education sector, young people from the most advantaged neighbourhoods are more than twice as likely to go to university as those from the least advantaged areas, and over six times as likely to get into the most selective universities.

“Talent can be found in every part of the country, but access to higher education is currently significantly limited by background.

“Our ambition is that future generations should have equal opportunities to access and succeed in higher education, and to achieve successful and rewarding careers – whatever their background.”

A spokesperson for Oxford University told Cherwell: “Oxford has taken a concerted, strategic approach to reaching a more representative selection of students from across the UK. Our proportion of state school students has been steadily rising as a result, and in 2017-18 we attracted more students from under-served areas and low traditions of pursuing higher education, than ever before.

“However, while we are performing well against current targets and these changes are encouraging, we are keen to build on this progress and increase the pace of change and make Oxford itself more diverse.

“1) Our commitment to being more reflective of wider-society and building a University environment where everyone feels welcome, valued and respected, will be reflected in our future access targets and continued investment in supporting ambitious under-represented students via our recently expanded UNIQ summer school, Target Oxbridge partnership and general outreach initiatives in communities where Oxford is perhaps not the first choice University.

“2) With time and consistent commitment to bespoke collaboration with schools and prospective students, we hope to break down perceived barriers to entry, as we continue to encourage more talented applicants of all backgrounds that Oxford can be, and is for them.”

In a press recent press release, Dr Luke Heselwood, Reform Senior Researcher and author of the report ‘Gaining Access: Increasing the participation of disadvantaged students at elite universities’, said: “If Ministers want to do better, they should do three things: find a better measure for assessing disadvantage, evaluate universities’ spending on widening participation and campaign to encourage applications from disadvantaged students.”

The think tank Reform said: “Research undertaken by Reform in 2018 found considerable discomfort from universities with the current measure used to assess disadvantage, which uses POLAR3 data.

“The think tank is reiterating its call for a new measure for assessing universities progress in improving access, which takes into acount key indicators not currently considered, such as Free School Meal status.

“Reform is again calling for universities to publish detailed breakdowns of their widening participation spending to the Office for Stdents, to help understand which programmes are effective and to improve value for money.

“The think tank has previously called for a national campaign similar to Better Make Room in the USA, which targets disadvantaged pupils via text and Snap Chat to encourage applications from those with high enough grades.”