Sunday 13th July 2025
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Aung San Suu Kyi’s honorary degree should be revoked

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There is a video from Oxford’s 2012 honorary degree ceremony, and it sends shivers down my spine. Aung San Suu Kyi (St Hugh’s, 1967) is in full gown for the occasion, and with her fellow honorands reporting “tears in their eyes”, says:

“Every human being is expected to have a value, and a dignity of her kind or his kind. And that’s why, throughout the years, when I was struggling for human rights in Burma, I felt I was doing something of which my old university would have approved. And to feel the approval behind me has helped me a great deal. The most important thing for me about Oxford was […] that I learned there in terms […] of a respect for the best of human civilisation. It gave me a confidence in humankind.”

Could this be more shockingly at odds with the scandalous silence and apparent indifference of the Myanmar government over its military forces’ brutal persecution of the Rohingya people? The UN now speaks of genocide, but Suu Kyi’s mantra continues to be: “There have been allegations and counter-allegations. We have to listen to all of them. We have to make sure those allegations are based on solid evidence before we take action.” Allegations and counter-allegations? Is this diplomacy or deception? Perhaps both.

As Einstein put it many years ago, “the world is a dangerous place — not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.” Nothing could be truer of Suu Kyi’s direct responsibility in allowing for and indifferently standing by one of the most devastating humanitarian disasters of the 21st century.

Suu Kyi, once a widely celebrated defender of human rights — Time Magazine named her one of the “Children of Gandhi”; and in 1991 she received the Nobel Peace Prize — has switched sides in the history of her country. She is now among perpetrators, among “those who look on and do nothing”. For this simple reason, it is time that Oxford should follow the example of several other UK universities and revoke Suu Kyi’s honorary degree. Myanmar’s head of government has gone from being a human rights defender to not seeming to care at all, and alleged waiting for “solid evidence before we take action” cannot be an excuse for allowing a military-led ethnic cleansing campaign to continue.

Last year, more than 700,000 Rohingya people were expelled from their homes in northern Rakhine state, fleeing from a nightmare of mass murder, rape, and burnt-down villages. The latest UN report calls for the prosecution of the military’s top tier for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.

Further, the ICC’s chief prosecutor Bensouda has now confirmed that the court will be able to take the case to trial — what had before been considered difficult, given that Myanmar never signed the Rome Statute, is now possible by focusing on crimes committed in signatory country Bangladesh. Faithfully in line with her overall refusal to acknowledge the problem, Suu Kyi calls the ICC’s involvement “meritless”.

The University of Oxford has not been completely silent on the developments. In September last year, as Cherwell reported, it issued a statement calling on Suu Kyi to “eliminate discrimination and oppression,” – adding, however, that it would not review the honorary degree. In the same month, St Hugh’s college decided to remove Suu Kyi’s painted portrait – without a political statement. A month later, St Hugh’s students removed Suu Kyi’s name from the Junior Common Room. Yet, what the university itself has done so far is not enough.

Some may argue that it is not the university’s place to get involved in politics, and that doing so would blur the lines of when it is legitimate for the university to intervene in political issues. But if the degree was awarded to honour human rights, can it not be revoked to honour human rights? If human rights aren’t “too political”, speaking out against genocide isn’t too political either. A university that happily hands out honorary titles to prominent political leaders cannot claim that revoking those would be too much of a “political intervention”.

Instead, this could be a powerful public statement against Suu Kyi’s implication in a campaign of mass violence against the country’s Muslim minority. Of course, revoking a degree is symbolic, and thus by definition insufficient. Yet being symbolic, it is also by definition meaningful — and not, as argued in a Cherwell Comment article last year, “evidence of western self-obsession”. The issuing of honorary degrees is part of how Oxford portrays itself to the world — taking that seriously doesn’t speak of self-obsession, but only asks for one small and simple change.

Of course, much more action is needed. But doing nothing on this level, in such a case, is still as politically unacceptable as it is humanly irresponsible. And how much responsibility can an irresponsible university teach?

The government is wrong to dismiss abortion clinic buffer zones

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Last week, Home Secretary Sajid Javid rejected calls for buffer zones outside abortion clinics by saying that protest-free areas around clinics “would not be a proportionate response” to the harassment from protestors. Now perhaps it’s the English student in me, but the suggestion of a “proportionate response” seems to imply that the Home Secretary feels we should wait for a ‘proportionate’ number of women to be harassed before any action is taken to stop this harassment.

Abortion is a contentious issue, but I believe wrongly so; abortion should be personal and the business of only the woman who needs it, like any medical procedure. Protestors have attempted to undermine women’s choices through tactics such as physically blocking the patient’s path, assault and displaying distressing images. The government’s failure to act in the face of harassment appears to me like some sort of punishment. Ultimately, this decision ensures that more women will be penalised in the form of intimidation as they embark on this procedure. Our government seems to think that harassment must go to certain lengths before it is appropriate to step in, almost as if those women deserve a little bit of intimidation because it comes with the territory of having an abortion.

I am not trying to make out that this is the government’s stance, because a stance implies that the government is actually invested in the issue; instead, this is the government’s lazy way of brushing aside a serious problem. There is, to my mind, no similar situation where a man’s choices would be questioned and pressured to such an extent, and where the government would passively condone one group of people treating another as if they’re not entitled to make their own choices.

As ever, this is where the issue of free speech comes into play. It can be argued ‘Pro-life’ protestors (although I dislike this name because if someone is ‘pro-life’ why wouldn’t they support a safe medical procedure which helps maintain the life of a sentient, grown woman) have every right to protest outside abortion clinics because they feel passionately that abortions are wrong. After all, one of the most sacred things about our society is the right to protest freely.

However, much of what is peddled by such protestors is dangerously untrue and uninformed. The abortion limit in the UK is 24 weeks, with 90% taking place before 12 weeks when the foetus is just 2 inches long. Yet a lot of pro-life material makes out that these bundles of cells are miniature babies who could survive outside the womb; such myths can be turned into graphic and emotional anti-abortion material. The Public Order Act of 1986 restricts protest activities which cause harm to others, and the use of those blood-smeared, dead-foetus-featuring signs may do just that to a woman about to undergo a serious medical procedure.

I also take issue with some of the more passive forms of protest, such as being ‘prayed for’, which make up the majority of anti-abortion protests. Such shows of concern are insulting and patronising, a literal ‘holier-than-thou’ take on a personal situation. Whilst 1/5 of women have their mind changed by the staff inside the clinic, these staff are trained to help women make this decision by talking through financial, emotional matters surrounding the pregnancy, not by shaming her by shoving a photoshopped picture of a dead foetus in her face.

Whilst protestors are entitled to freedom of speech, this speech must be informed and not rely on emotional tropes to guilt-trip women, whose situation they know absolutely nothing about, into changing their minds. Abortions are not something that anyone considers lightly. They are expensive, with a consultation costing £85 and treatment as much as £475 at a Marie Stopes clinic. There are proper legal procedures to challenge laws one disagrees with – intimidating vulnerable people outside abortion clinics is not the way to do this.

The BBC found instances of patients becoming distressed, rebooking their appointments or failing to follow medical advice following such protests. This clearly demonstrates how the failure to create buffer zones curtails choices for women. A buffer zone would go a long way to allow women free choice about their pregnancy, a decision which will permanently affect every aspect of their life. Ultimately, the UK government’s refusal to implement them is an affront to all women.

Tolkien fans visit Oxford to celebrate author

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300 fans of J.R.R. Tolkien will meet in Oxford this weekend to celebrate the renowned author’s life and writings.

The event, celebrating the former Oxford student and academic, is taking place at St Antony’s College, and began yesterday. It will finish on Sunday.

The news that the weekend-long event has already sold out reflects the increasing popularity of Tolkien’s works, and coincides with the Tolkien: Maker of Middle-earth exhibition at the Bodleian Library.

It also follows last month’s publication of The Fall of Gondolin, originally written by Tolkien in 1917.

The annual event, known as ‘Oxonmoot’, is being hosted by The Tolkien Society, an educational charity and literary society aimed at promoting the life and works of Tolkien. On the recommendation of his family, Tolkien remains the Honorary President of the society, which has over 1,600 members and regularly hosts events across the country.

During the weekend, Tolkien fans will be able to participate in quizzes, workshops, a Hobbit bake-off, and a visit to the exhibition at the Bodleian Library. There will also be talks from leading Tolkien scholars, including writer John Garth.

The weekend will conclude with a ceremony of remembrance at the grave of Tolkien, located in Wolvercote Cemetery in North Oxford.

Shaun Gunner, Chair of The Tolkien Society, said: “This is the largest ever Oxonmoot, and this is testament to the growing popularity of Tolkien and his works, and ever-increasing numbers shows that people want to share their passion for Tolkien with others.

“Oxonmoot has been going for over 40 years and provides an excellent opportunity for hundreds of fans from around the world to come together for a weekend of fun and fellowship in Oxford, a location so important to Tolkien.”

He added: “Oxonmoot always takes place in September to coincide with the birthdays of Bilbo and Frodo, but this year we have a record number of attendees coming to St Antony’s College to enjoy the longest-running Tolkien event in the world.”

Jude Law to speak at the Union

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Jude Law will speak at the Oxford Union next term to raise awareness of the Peace One Day (POD) initiative, Cherwell can exclusively report.

The British actor will appear at the event with POD founder Jeremy Gilley on Sunday 14 October, at the start of 2nd week. Law has been a long-term supporter of the organisation.

Peace One Day raises awareness for the UN International Day of Peace — a day of ceasefire and non-violence worldwide — marked today (21st September).

Law has travelled and filmed with Gilley in countries including Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, and will launch the latest Peace One Day initiative, ‘Impact Profile’, at the Union event.

The news comes ahead of the Union’s full term-card release, which is expected during Freshers’ Week.

President of the Oxford Union, Stephen Horvath, told Cherwell: “Since meeting Peace One Day founder Jeremy Gilley in July, I have been interested to learn more about the organisation’s work in conflict zones around the world.

“Given Jude Law’s work with Jeremy Gilley in the film the Day After Peace and in war-torn countries such as Afghanistan and D.R. Congo, I am confident that this will be a fascinating event, particularly for freshers who have just joined the Union.”

Peace One Day is a non-profit organisation founded in 1999. Following early campaigning efforts, the United Nations unanimously backed a global Peace Day in September 2001.

The organisation’s 2016 impact report notes that approximately 2.2bn people have been exposed to Peace Day messages worldwide. The group estimates that around 16m people were believed to have behaved more peacefully on the 2016 day.

Cherwell understands that this is the first time Law has spoken at the Union.

The BAFTA-winning actor is known more widely for stage and screen performances including The Talented Mr Ripley, as well as more recent roles including the lead in Contagion, Dr Watson in Sherlock Holmes and as Pope Pius XIII in the miniseries, The Young Pope.

The event will begin with opening remarks from Jude Law, following by moderated discussion and an audience Q&A session. It will be open exclusively to Union members.

Oxford historian discovers new letter sent by suffragette

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An Oxford historian has discovered a previously unknown letter sent by Annie Kenney, the first suffragette to be jailed in the campaign for the vote.

The letter, written in 1905, describes Kenney’s experience of being held in, and released from, a Manchester prison, alongside some details of the reaction to her imprisonment.

Dr Lyndsey Jenkins, a history lecturer at Oxford, found the letter during her research work into the Kenney family. The letter was uncovered in an archive in Canada, where Annie Kenney’s sister emigrated.

Jenkins told the BBC: “We don’t have anything like this before.”

Kenney was a member of the militant Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), alongside other prominent feminists such as Christabel Pankhurst and Flora Drummond. It has been claimed that this letter is the earliest known correspondence from a women involved in militant protests.

Kenney spent three days in jail, after heckling at a Liberal rally attended by Winston Churchill in Manchester, shouting: “Will the Liberal Government give votes to women?”.

Reflecting on the significance of Kenney’s time in prison, Jenkins said: “This is the first account by a woman about what it’s like to go to prison for the vote. At this moment, they don’t know what’s going to happen, that they’re going to be successful.”

Writing in the letter, Kenney recalls that “there were over 100 people waiting” outside Strangeways prison when she was released, and another 2000 had attended a protest meeting in Manchester.

According to Jenkins however, this response to Kenney’s imprisonment was never inevitable.

Jenkins said: “She’s risked everything. This could be the worst mistake of her life. She doesn’t know there’s going to be a positive reaction.

“Going to prison was an incredibly difficult step for these women. It’s a really shocking thing to do, a very radical move. They don’t know it’s going to pay off.”

Helen Pankhurst, the author and women’s rights activist who is also the granddaughter of Sylvia Pankhurst, said: “One hundred years on from the first women winning the vote, we are still learning more about the remarkable women who led the campaign for us all to have that right.

“As this important and very personal letter from one sister to another shows, the campaign for suffrage involved high risks and huge personal costs – especially in these early stages when the cause was unpopular and the outcome uncertain.

“As we mark the centenary of their success, it is right that we remember their sacrifices and remind ourselves that women in the UK and around the world are still taking those risks to achieve true equality for all.”

The University have reacted to the discovery of the letter by posting the news on their Twitter and Instagram feeds.

The letter has been loaned by the British Colombia Archives, and will be put on display at a gallery in Kenney’s hometown of Oldham from 29th September.

App launched to help new students navigate Oxford

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The University of Oxford has launched a new app which uses smartphone navigation to guide newcomers around Oxford, featuring tips from staff and students on navigating the city.

Narrated by current Oxford student Charlotte Laycock, the app, Know Your Oxford, features the presidents of Oxford SU, the African and Caribbean Society (ACS) and the Dramatic Society. The Bodleian librarian as well as other students and faculty members also feature on the platform.

The tour “outlines the role of colleges and departments; gives the inside view on academic dress and ceremonies; and points out the museums, libraries and other attractions,” according to the University.

“If you want to get to grips with life at the university… this tour is a must.”

Taking students through the historic heart of Oxford, the tour passes iconic landmarks like the Radcliffe Camera and Sheldonian Theatre, whilst weaving in a detailed history of the university and city.

The tour also includes practical advice on life as an Oxford student, and contains important information about the Student Union and other services provided by the University. More basic advice about how to find shops and places to eat and drink is also provided.

On Wednesday, Oxford SU tweeted: “It has been fun to help on this project and share out wisdom.” They described the app as “a must have tool for any new students!”

The app is free and is the first university tour map made available on the popular new “Voice Map” platform.

Oxford Club Couture

The beauty of the Oxford nightlife is its humility. Yes, it might be humble in terms of club numbers, humble in terms of having a diverse music scene, humble in terms of good times. But the humility that concerns us today is that Oxford clubs do not enforce any kind of dress code. So throw those heels in the garbage, give the bandage dress to charity, and by all means do not iron that shirt. No shower? Let me just outline Cellar’s policy on that: no problem!* [*denotes joke, we did not contact Cellar about this and imagine the actual official line would likely be somewhat different].

If you’re pondering the necessities of what you must pack, fear not: clubbing in Oxford is a notoriously casual affair. Unlike the metropoli of London and Manchester, where door policies are particularly taxing, Oxford welcomes all. In Oxford, the jeans and a nice top paradigm no longer carries its hidden meanings. People are not afraid to venture out to the club in just a jumper, or jeans, or an Austin Powers lookalike shirt. Of course, there are glimmers of other places: the 90s styling so reminiscent of Bristol and Newcastle can always be seen at the Bully and Cellar like a vestige of a ketty oasis. But what defines Oxford is the authenticity, the modesty of the experience. It does not posture; it just kind of is.

Let me reiterate: THERE IS NO PROBLEM. Friends of mine have entered Oxford nightclub establishments in their pyjamas, in pirate costumes, as pastiches of the late Communist revolutionary Fidel Castro, and their nights, for the most parts, have been better for it. Even if you find yourself with a titty popped out in Bridge, it’s okay. [*again, joke, Bridge probably does not officially condone this].

Indeed, on that note, if dressing down isn’t your forte, then do not stress. A virtue of the Oxford social calendar is that no matter which college you end up at, your time will be littered with themed bops, sports initiations, and formal dinners. Those of you that have a penchant for costume dressing will find their niche in the former two, and those of you gagging for the classic black tie night out  for Instagram will be satiated by the latter. There’s no end to the variety of events that you can dress for. And if none of  this is quite as schmoney as you want, you’re just going to have to wait for ball season. While discussing white tie and black tie is beyond the domains of this article, the density of ball events in Trinity Term should keep you appeased.

To conclude, the takeaway of this article is one thing: the nightlife in Oxford may be disgustingly middle ground, somewhat grimy and chock to the brim with people wearing makeshift shark costumes (possibly a phenomena that will be further aggravated by the apocryphal renaming of Park End’s Wednesday night event). But, as I stand on the cusp of graduation, thinking back to the many nights where people have nearly been sick on my shoes near the Anuba couches, I know I will look back on these memories fondly and shall miss the experience, in all of its honesty, in all of its glory dearly. Treasure these times, freshers, and if you manage to pull dressed as a lizard or a minor character from hit TV show House or whatever unfeasible challenge the hockey club set you, brava.

Letter To: My Incoming College Children

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Dear College Children,

Knowing that I’m about to become a (college) mother has forced me to realize that I’m no longer a carefree fresher anymore. On the one hand, that’s kind of scary, because first year was genuinely the best, and fastest, year of my life, and the fact that I’m already a third of the way through my degree is a very weird thought.

However, it has also made me think back to how I felt this time last year, when I barely knew anyone and had no idea about all the fantastic things in store for me. So even though I’m looking back on it with happy nostalgia, I’ve got to admit – this time last year I was pretty terrified.

When I started Oxford, I could count the number of people I already knew here on one hand. If you’re in the same situation, I sympathise with how nerve-racking that is. You’re propelling yourself from a fairly comfortable situation back at home, where you know the routines and the people. And even if it’s not a particularly happy situation, it’s your normal. To suddenly give that up and move hours away from where you live is a naturally scary thought, and I can only imagine what it must be like for international students.

Prior to coming to Oxford, it’s likely that your initial impressions of most of your peers-to-be will be based solely on their social media accounts. I remember it seemed to me, getting to know people through group chats and Facebook pages, that almost everyone was either intimidatingly intelligent and dedicated or effortlessly cool and collected.

However, after talking to these people (some of whom are now my close friends) in person, I soon realised that they were all just as down-to-earth and kind as my friends back home – where some of the students at my school went straight into work or an apprenticeship.

You will make friends, you will fit in. There are thousands of people at Oxford, and the vast majority of them are really, truly friendly – plus, you always have our college family!

The other thing that worried me – and which I think is another pretty common theme – was the workload. As a History student, I must admit, I feel I get less work than a lot of the more science-y subjects. However, the flip side of that for me is that the vast majority of History work is independent, and so I’m completely responsible for organizing myself – a daunting prospect as someone fresh out of twelve years of time-tabled school days.

But yet again, looking back on it now, I wonder at how stressed I was about it. It’s another one of those things where everyone’s in the same boat, and the tutors understand that it takes a little while to find your feet. They’ll support and assist you along the way, because they want you to succeed.

Of course, some of them are a bit intimidating at first but it’s worth remembering they’re just people too, and helping you reach your potential is literally their job. Plus, you’ll have the rest of your subject group as well as a ton of other support options available to you if you’re struggling – so don’t feel like you’ll have to deal with your issues on your own.

So, my college children, I am incredibly jealous of you for being at the start of a fantastic chapter of your lives! Oxford isn’t always easy, but the good parts definitely make it worth it. If you need help adjusting, there will be a million people who will go out of their way for you, whether that’s tutors, welfare officers, peer supporters, or your newfound friends. So just try to relax, and remember: enjoy freshers’ week and beyond!

Lots of love,

Your College Mum

Uni ‘spends £108,000’ to recruit each additional low-income student

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Oxford University spends over £100,000 to recruit each additional student from a poorer background in its annual admissions, according to a recent analysis of Oxford’s access efforts.

The figures, published by Lady Margaret Hall principal and former Guardian editor, Alan Rusbridger, reveal that Oxford’s “cost of acquisition” for each extra student from a low-income area since 2009 is £108,000.

Between 2009 and 2016, Oxford admitted about ten extra students from areas defined as “financially stretched” or regions of “urban adversity” by the Office for Students, while spending at least £14m per year on efforts to improve access as required by higher education regulators.

While some of the £14m is spent on bursaries for students already admitted, the £108,000 figure has been calculated by taking the amount spent on outreach activities and staff per year and then dividing it by the average number of extra students admitted each year.

According to the University, about 20% of all UK postcodes fall into this disadvantaged category, while about 15% of students who meet minimum entry requirements for Oxford (three or more As at A levels) come from these areas.

This means there is a national pool of about 5,000 low-income school-leavers qualified to come to Oxford every year; however, in 2015/16 only 220 ended up attending.

By 2019/20, Oxford hopes to have 9.5% of its 2,600 UK undergraduate entries be low-income students, making for a total of 243 low-income students across the undergraduate student body – just 23 students up from the 220 considered baseline.

Rusbridger writes: “Twenty three works out at less than one per college. To Oxford this is ‘challenging.’

“For comparison, Winchester College (£40,000 fees) sent 24 students to Oxford – about one in three of its Year 13 cohort – in 2017; St Paul’s (£37,719) sends nearly 40.”

Students from low-income postcodes are not the only ones being targeted by outreach schemes. In addition, Oxford focuses on two other primary measures of disadvantage: the number of students from under-represented schools and the number of students from areas of low participation in higher education. The University also has targets for students with disabilities.

Taking into account all three of the disadvantage metrics, while compensating for students who may fall under more than one indicator, Rusbridger calculates that Oxford formally aims to increase the total number of less advantaged students by 90 by 2019/20, just shy of the combined tally of Eton and Westminster students admitted in 2017/18 – 94.

Professor Martin Williams, Pro Vice-Chancellor for Education at Oxford University, told Cherwell: “As Alan says, the University cares passionately about having a fair and accessible admissions system.

“Our outreach spending has several purposes, including widening interest in higher education generally among children from primary age upwards. Presenting this spending simply as a cost per additional widening-participation student admitted to Oxford doesn’t reflect everything it achieves. For example, our work locally with IntoUniversity is dramatically improving entry to all universities among students from Oxford’s most deprived neighbourhoods.

“We have a range of targets for improving access, with 40% of our UK undergraduates now coming from the groups we aim at through outreach. That said, and as Alan rightly points out, more needs to be done.

“We will shortly be setting a further set of demanding targets to ensure Oxford education is open to talented students of all backgrounds. Alan’s article is a welcome contribution to the debate around this.

“Our colleges are key to this and we welcome the commitment and innovation that colleges, including Alan’s, are showing on the vital question of diversifying our student intake.”

Part of the blame for colleges’ sustained reliance on students from private schools is attributed to competition caused by the Norrington Table, which annually ranks colleges by final degree results.

However, statistical analysis currently under way at the Oxford Student Union suggests no connection between the proportion of students from poorer postcodes and final exam scores.

Norrington table ranking % students from poorer postcodes
St John’s University College
Magdalen Mansfield
St Catherine’s Oriel
Merton Jesus College
New College Merton
Jesus College St Peter’s
Brasenose St John’s
Wadham Worcester
Balliol Balliol
Trinity Brasenose
Christ Church Pembroke
Oriel St Hilda’s
St Hilda’s Corpus Christi
Worcester Lincoln
Corpus Christi Wadham
St Peter’s Queen’s College
University College St Anne’s
Exeter Hertford
Queen’s College Christ Church
Mansfield Lady Margaret Hall
Lady Margaret Hall New College
Somerville Somerville
Keble St Catherine’s
St Anne’s Trinity
Pembroke St Hugh’s
Lincoln Magdalen
Hertford Keble
St Hugh’s Exeter
St Edmund Hall St Edmund Hall

Source: Alan Rusbridger 

Colleges such as St John’s, Merton, and Balliol, place in the top ten in both tables.

Warden of Wadham College, Ken Macdonald, is cited by Rusbridger as supporting contextualised admissions, which vary entry requirements according to students’ circumstances.

Macdonald said: “We have to recognise that people in failing schools with difficult socio-economic backgrounds who get themselves in a position to make a competitive application have achieved something extraordinary.

“I mean, someone who’s got an A and two Bs from a crap comprehensive in Hull is quite capable of being as clever, if not cleverer, than someone who got three A*s at Westminster… I think that’s just a kind of basic recognition that people still struggle with.”

Rusbridger’s figures come after news of an Oxford graduate launching a nonprofit aimed at tackling the “structural inequalities” associated with both Oxford and Cambridge. Access Oxbridge hopes to connect 200 disadvantaged students seeking to apply to Oxbridge with current or former students at the two universities by the end of October.

India’s legalisation of gay sex is India’s success, not the West’s

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Recently, the Indian Supreme Court made a monumental ruling on the rights of LGBTQ citizens. Since 1861, gay sex has been illegal in the country due to Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which forbids ‘unnatural sex acts’ – a piece of legislation modelled on the English Buggery Act of 1533, which was not repealed in the UK until the 19th century. This month, Section 377 was overturned and gay people in India celebrated their right to have consensual sex with partners of the same gender. It is important to note that not only was this result achieved by the dedicated campaigning of pro-LGBTQ groups in India, it also came about with little to no international pressure. Far from the image of a ‘backwards’ India that is so often portrayed in the news, this ruling marked a huge step in modern India’s fight for social equality – a fight that has been going on for decades.

In the days that followed the repeal of Section 377, Western media outlets were flooded with headlines about India’s landmark Supreme Court decision – and (most of them) rightly noted the colonial origins of the homophobic legislation. However, in many papers there was little reference to the years of grassroots activism that led up to this decision, or the significance of the ruling upon other key issues such as the right to privacy and individual autonomy. The coverage failed to bring attention to the years of campaigning by pro-LGBTQ groups such as the Naz Foundation, or the growing levels of support for LGBTQ rights in India, particularly in urban communities.

What’s worse, when they did attempt to discuss the contextual issues that led up to this ruling, they did so in the most obtuse and ignorant way possible. Take the following lines from the New York Times’ coverage of the ruling, for example:

“Many Indians are extremely socially conservative, going to great lengths to arrange marriages with the right families, of the right castes […] India has a complicated record on gay issues. Its dominant religion, Hinduism, is actually quite permissive of same-sex love.”

As a British Indian reading this article, lines like these make my skin crawl. The reductive tone, the oversimplifications, and the apparent surprise that Hinduism may ‘actually’(!) be progressive, is not only insulting, but downright disgraceful when coming from an acclaimed media outlet that ought to know better.

I am not saying, of course, that India is a beacon of liberal morality with no difficulties left ahead. There are many issues still facing the LGBTQ community, and a lot more work needs to be done. However, over the past decade attitudes have been slowly shifting, thanks to the concerted efforts of liberal Indian activists and organisations. And yet, reading the West’s coverage of this Supreme Court ruling, one would hardly believe this.

Western news outlets on both sides of the political spectrum have shown themselves as inept when it comes to reporting on ‘third world’ issues – or, indeed, any issues arising in countries that possess a vastly differing culture from the UK. When we see India in the news, it is usually followed by a report of increasing violence, poverty, and patriarchal discrimination. Unsurprisingly, this works to alienates India and its apparent ‘third world backwardness’ from the supposedly ‘liberal and tolerant’ West. India’s social, economic and political achievements are rarely discussed by Western media, and when they are, they are often framed in a paternalistic tone that implies the West’s moral superiority in having arrived at a state of social liberalism before its global counterparts.

There is, of course, no mention of the fact that the social conservatism which besets much of the Global South is partially the result of past Western colonialist endeavours that imposed a traditionalist morality onto much of the rest of the world. In the case of Section 377, there is a distinct and unavoidable link to the homophobic and morally reprehensible legislation of its coloniser at the time.

So, when political commentators flippantly suggest that India is finally ‘catching up with the times’ and growing towards the West’s liberal, enlightened state, I laugh. To me, it seems like little more than a dressed-up continuation of Britain’s historic ‘white saviour’ complex, swooping in to save the rest of the world from itself. The West must of course be allies with India in the global fight for social liberation and equality, but it must also remember its own role in creating those conditions it now seeks to condemn. It must educate itself before it speaks on matters that it does not fully understand, and must give credit where credit is due – to the Indian people who have brought about this historic achievement.