Saturday 16th May 2026
Blog Page 907

The music of Latin American revolution

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Let us play a little game of word association. Caribbean Music. What do you imagine when you read those words? Scantily clad women moving their hips in tropical rhythms on the beach? Men in guayaberas dancing the night away between swigs of rum? How about biting social commentary, and the basis of political movements? Because that is precisely what the Nueva Trova Cubana, and other associated movements across Latin America, were.

Between the rhythms and the dancing, there was denunciation of poverty, of landlords and exploiters, all, a constant jeremiad against “imperialismo yanqui”.

The nueva trova began in Cuba, in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution. Combining the traditional rhythms of Cuban music with new political lyrics, it was an attempt of the artists to bring the revolution into people’s lives in an artistic manner.

Its most prominent practitioners on that isle were revolutionaries who ever faltered in their belief that 1959 was the birthdate of a new dawn in Cuba.

They were men like Carlos Puebla, who spoke of how before the revolution the rich “conspired against the people, continuing their exploitation, but then arrived Fidel, and he ordered that to end”, and Silvio Rodriguez, whose moving ballad ‘Playa Girón’ about the cruel US-attempted invasion inspired a generation of revolutionaries to honour the memory of those who died against the American empire.

The nueva trova may have begun in Cuba, but it quickly spread from there to other countries. Outside Cuba, the greatest practitioner of the nueva trova was Victor Jara of Chile. A revolutionary, who used his music to help Salvador Allende win the Chilean presidency in 1970, his lyrics spoke of the poor and oppressed in Chile, and sang praises to those, from Allende to Che Guevara, who would help them fight capitalism.

So dangerous was Jara, that Pinochet had him murdered after his coup launched fascism in Chile. It was under the dictatorships that were fostered upon Latin America by the United States that nueva trova was at its most revolutionary. Under democratic or revolutionary states it was easy enough being a lefty musician, but under fascist dictatorship nueva trova became a song of resistance.

In Nicaragua, Carlos Mejía Godoy gave succour to Sandinistas as they liberated their nation from Somosa’s oppression; in Uruguay Daniel Viglietti was arrested and beaten by the fascist military po- lice; and in Argentina the music of Mercedes Sosa was sung in secret by those who wished to overthrow Videla’s regime.

When you listen to nueva trova without knowing the lyrics, it sounds like any other popular mu- sic: fun, and very easy to dance to. But this is music with a purpose: to energise the people to fight their exploiters, be they American imperialists or native capitalists.

The time when the CIA would overthrow any palest pink social democratic government is over, but the exploitation of the peasant and worker in Latin America still continues. And so long as it does, there will still be a place for nueva trova.

Away day magic is hard to beat

Oh I do love playing away. The mantra of many a devoted football fan, who are never happier than when they are following their team around the country, or even the world. For players as well as fans, away fixtures are eagerly anticipated from the very outset of the season, their sense of solidarity heightened as they share the road, and the challenges of unfamiliar territory. This is no different for college football.

Away days do indeed present certain challenges to the college footballer, far removed from the home comforts of their own ground. ‘Oh, college X, that’s only just down the road,’ comes the overwhelming response from the squad as the captain posts the next game in the Facebook group, only to find out on matchday that said college’s sports fields are actually a considerable walk away, nowhere near the college itself. This poses a potential problem for the team, as the dressing room’s resident prima donna balks at the notion of jogging all the way there in order to make it in time for kick-off (“it’s across the river!”) and jogging all the way back in time for their afternoon tutorial.

In this situation, the role of the captain is of paramount importance. He might well take a firm stance, the best way to cure cold feet is to get your boots on and get playing!

However, with a squad of such strong personalities, the delicately balanced nature of the team dynamic might mean that a more conciliatory approach is required. Perhaps a captain’s most important asset is his ability to source extra players in emergency situations. Get on the phone to the lad who played that one game two years ago. He’s got a bike, so he should be able to get there for the second half.

A full selection of players? Excellent. Complimentary oranges from the home side? Even better. Yet away teams are not always met with such lavish hospitality. Nothing screams ‘pre-match preparation’ quite like being locked out of the changing rooms because you don’t know the key code and no one on the home team has arrived to let you in yet.

Then there is the occasional college groundsman who makes you realise that not all of them are as accommodating as your own, as he is inexplicably outraged by the notion that a game of football might actually require the players to set foot on the grass. Talk about a hostile atmosphere.

With all this to think about as players look ahead to their first away fixtures of the season, it’s no surprise that a recent psychological study has described the mental demands placed on college footballer as ‘on a par with those placed on air traffic controllers’. And air traffic controllers rarely have to operate after a night at Bridge.

No, saving Cellar was not a true victory for people power

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Walking into the pres in my college, I delivered the happy news that the planning application for the replacement of Cellar had been removed. Cheers went up around the room, as students realised that their actions had preserved one of Oxford’s cultural highlights. The student body has the ability to fight for larger social issues. This, however, does not qualify as a true victory for the people.

The recently founded Class Act campaign, and the work of ‘Rhodes Must Fall’, are real examples of this, where many students work for real change in Oxford and beyond. The problem is that, unlike the Cellar campaign, other students are not getting on board with their campaigns. If it doesn’t directly impact us, we don’t seem to care.

In a Cherwell editorial from October 1987, there was a call to action to fight for human rights. They quoted Elie Weisel, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, saying: “it is by fighting for the rights of the oppressed that we justify our own lives”.

The following lines detailed the ways that Cherwell readers, and Oxford students, could mobilise against oppression. It launched a campaign to help free the Jewish Soviet ‘refusenik’ graduate Boris Nadgorny who was being kept in the Soviet Union, offering readers the use of the Cherwell offices to call the Russian embassy and demand his release.

In last week’s edition, the paper published an exposé on a boycott by Christ Church students of their hall because they were no longer going to be served their food, and instead now had a canteen system. The disparity is shocking. Where we once joined forces across the University, we are now divided by infantile spats and unsavoury disputes.

The campaign to save Cellar was impressive and it was certainly a start, but this is now the time to build to look at wider social issues. An outsider may be forgiven for thinking that our rallying around Cellar as a student body belied a practiced apathy towards social change where it really counts.

Supporting groups like Class Act or the Oxford City Living Campaign, should be as common a task for the wider student body as fighting for the survival of Cellar. We must all take responsibility for bettering society. We can’t sit happy, having saved a nightclub, and leave other students fighting more important campaigns without support.

Confessions of a drama queen: Rejection and dismay

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A tragic event has taken place. By some miraculous oversight, I have been passed up for the role of Hedda! I am shocked and disappointed at this rejection, and now know how Dido felt when Aeneas left Carthage, or how Ant felt when he was replaced by Caroline Flack on I’m A Celebrity. This is a slight I fear I may never overcome.

In a bid to recover from this rejection, I have spent all day lying in bed listening to Kodaline, and reminding myself that great art is never truly appreciated in its day. After all, J.K. Rowling was rejected by many a publishing company before Harry Potter was accepted. Vincent van Gogh never sold a painting in his lifetime. Kim Kardashian was Paris Hilton’s maid before becoming a feminist role model in her own right. As the great bard, Will S himself would say – this is merely the winter of my discontent.

What was so wrong with my audition? Was it because I dressed entirely in black and covered my face with a bridal veil to add an air of mystery and elusiveness? Was it because my chosen monologue was Chris’s speech to Olivia in the penultimate episode of Love Island? I can’t think what I did wrong!

Anyway, there’s a welcome drinks event with the drama society happening on Tuesday. My friend who had a brother whose girlfriend went to Oxford in 2009 said that apparently the rule is you can only talk in quotes from famous plays at these events, and that if you don’t you’ll be completely socially ostracised.

I’ve been googling Oscar Wilde quotations, and I’m not really sure how this is going to work. How am I going to fit “A handbag?” into a discussion of Brechtian alienation technique? Or, more importantly, how can I possibly find a hot thespain boyfriend if all I can say is “Bigamy is having one wife too many, monogamy is the same”? Alas. Wish me luck, dear readers. Adieu.

Finding national identity at the corner shop

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One of the most pleasantly surprising moments of my life took place in an innocuous fish and chip shop on Iffley Road. It was two terms into my first year at university, the Thursday evening hall option looked questionable, it wasn’t raining so the walk wasn’t too daunting: as good a time as any to see what East Oxford had to offer in terms of British cuisine. The chippy was run by a small, jovial man with a face-wide grin and an obvious interest in getting to know all his customers personally. He asked my friend what she studied. She said English. He asked if she wanted to be a novelist someday. She said yes. I stood dreading the inevitable moment when the spotlight would turn to me and – even before coming on to future career choices, which is an anxiety inducing topic in itself – I would have to go through the common but uncomfortable experience of introducing myself, by name.

Hesitancy over introductions is one small but persistent drawback to having a dual national identity. But there are some positives. Being Iranian has many ancient and noble connotations. Herodotus wrote that Persians prize three attributes above all others, and tailor their education accordingly: to ride well, shoot straight, and always speak the truth. The country has a rich cultural history, including carpets, cats, and kebabs. Marjane Satrapi, the graphic novelist who created Persepolis, is a treasure in her own right. But unfortunately, all this can be eclipsed by nomenclature-related problems.

For me, the words “What’s your name?” prompt a reaction of trepidation for such a frequent and basic question. The issue is fundamental: however you think it is pronounced, you’re probably wrong. It was chosen from a book of Persian names my grandma dug out at the birth of each grandchild. I was going to be called Minu – a far easier title to master – but Minu was the name of the cat in my mother’s French textbooks at school, and my grandma knew someone she hated called Minu, so it was vetoed on two counts.

Sometimes I wonder how many awkward introductions I would have been spared if the cat was called Claude, Louis, or Mathilde. My knowledge of the polite-but confused smile (a British trademark) would be far less intimate than it is now, and my aversion to introductions, hellos, and first meetings would be much reduced.

When I tell people my name, the interaction always progresses in a similar way: either the subject is quickly changed, or they ask me to repeat it many times, often to no avail. My now-boyfriend thought I was called Charlotte for the first two weeks of our acquaintance. I wish I could say this was an uncommon occurrence but I want to uphold as much Persian virtue as I can. I have no talent for horse-riding and no access to a bow and arrow, so I will not tell a lie.

My actual name is spelt as phonetically as possible, but the accuracy of pronunciation is largely lost in the transliteration from one alphabet to another. My grandma told me it means ‘dew drop’ in Farsi, but Wikipedia tells me it means hail stone. Unless I’m feeling unduly combative, I tell people it means dew drop.

So back at the chip shop on Iffley Road, when the short friendly man behind the counter turns to me and asks my name, I experience all the familiar symptoms. The heart sinks, the smile fades into a pre-emptive apologetic expression, a sigh is suppressed. “Jaleh”, I say, and his face lights up. It’s a Persian name, he tells me. “I know! My dad is Iranian!”, I say, followed by the shameful disclaimer: “No, no, I don’t speak Farsi, I wish I did.” It transpires that the man at the fish and chip shop is Iranian, and I should call him Uncle Kaz. “Have a nice day Jaleh-joon, you take care now.” No-one has called me Jaleh-joon since my grandma died in March last year. I have gained an uncle. This has been an emotionally tumultuous evening. But I was born and raised in Britain, so I suppress my feelings, take my fish and chips, and leave in a state of quiet appreciation.

My father was born in Iran in 1959 and moved to England with his parents when he was three. He speaks Farsi, can cook Persian meals, has visited Iran twice as an adult, and is passionately and consistently optimistic about the country’s future, often disregarding the reality of fluctuating current affairs in favour of a broad-minded, idealistic outlook. I cannot speak Farsi and struggle to handle the ingredients for an omelette, let alone the myriad herbs required for his recipes – although I can manage tadeek, a kind of giant crispy rice cake that is an Iranian culinary staple. But I have never been to Iran and am frankly overwhelmed contemplating its politics. I find it hard to be enthusiastic about a country with the highest number of state executions per capita, and where homosexuality can – and does – lead to capital punishment.

My situation, of having a strong emotional connection to another country without much first-hand experience of the national culture itself, is in no way an unusual one. As with anything concerning self-definition or self-perception, ‘national identity’ is a complex and mutable concept. In my lifetime at least, the phrase itself has never been more fraught and loaded than it is now. You would expect that globalisation and all its knock-on effects (more accessible travel, immediate worldwide news, products purchased online from any location) would cause people to feel less strongly affiliated with their cultural or geographical home. Once you realise how easy it is to sympathise with someone on the other side of the world, for example, or become interested in events that have no direct influence on your life, it follows that an awareness of the universal human condition would override any acute sense of belonging to a particular nation.

On the other hand, the rise of identity politics means that there are now so many sub-groups active in popular culture that it seems more obvious to place yourself in one of these wider communities (whether LGBTQ+, ethnic, or generational) than to assert your position as part of a nation state. After all, the act of strongly identifying with a nation comes with the weight of history’s mistakes: political blunders, unjustifiable wars, and state-sponsored discrimination. Yet, the opposite seems to be the case. As with the Scottish referendum, Brexit, and the conflict over the vote in Catalonia, issues of national identity have burst violently into mainstream discussion. It would be a mistake to generalise too confidently, but these separate callings for an increase in national ‘autonomy’ do seem to indicate a world in which the importance of one’s country is viewed as something to be passionate about, to defend, and to be treated with a degree of sanctity.

At a time when the parameters of our everyday experience are wider than they have ever been – our knowledge and awareness has now expanded to reach every corner of the world at any time of day – the security in our own self-perception has diminished. It is difficult to be sure of your place when you are aware of a world constantly in flux. The search for belonging, and the urge to place yourself in the context of a greater social group, is a basic human need. We feel comfortable when we know where we stand, both in personal relationships and on a worldwide scale – but it is now harder than ever before to make any kind of permanent assertion when a stream of different information, opinions, and perspectives are constantly available.

It also remains the case that ‘national identity’ can quickly become a difficult subject when considered in tandem with its divisive sister-concept: patriotism. Many feel that a love for your country is a natural reaction to the familiar customs, language, and behaviours of a certain place and people which, for whatever reason, you consider to be your own.
Arguably, these feelings are stronger when you do not live in the nation with which you identify – I’m sure I wouldn’t think twice about being Iranian if I was brought up and still lived in Iran, just as I rarely consider my own British identity. Thus the two identities are in some ways symbiotic, where the sense of displacement is more important than each national link would be if it existed without the other.

Indeed, it is understandable that feelings of national identity surge in times of crisis, when a country is brought together over a common threat or a common good. In the Western world, the most obvious examples are the World Wars and 9/11. At times like these, national identity answers the need for a greater network of support, and provides a shared ideological framework from which people can draw certainty and strength. The difficulty lies where the love for one’s country grows from an assertion of difference. It is a delicate balance to be patriotic without denigrating the worth or richness of other nations and cultures.

So it is tempting to view the idea of ‘national identity’ as depending upon and encouraging an ‘us vs them’ mentality which – while creating a more secure space for the ‘us’ – inevitably emphasises the qualities that keep the ‘them’ distant, separate, and ‘other’. But this does not have to be the case. The ideal would be to love the familiar, while maintaining an appreciative interest in that which is unfamiliar or different.

So for me, national identity is divorced from these big connotations. Being half Iranian is instead about the small, the intimate, the familial. It is in the language-specific terms of endearment, the suffix ‘-joon’ at the end of a name or the word ‘joonam’, which mean something like ‘dear’ or ‘darling’. From personal experience, the Iranian character is defined by a penchant for gold jewellery, chandeliers, beige interiors, an interest in impeccable self-presentation, and a strong aversion to tact, especially concerning body weight. Having not seen my cousin for a year or so, my grandma exclaimed to his face, “What happened? You used to be so fat!”.

But there is a stage where the line between the general and the specific, the worldwide and the personal, becomes more blurred , a point at which, in my mind, the abstract concept of what is ‘ Iranian’ becomes completely embodied by the figure of my Chanel-clad five-foot grandma. Then, ‘Iranian’ is a series of mannerisms and affectations: among them, her habit of shouting “Yo Ali!” in the effort to get up from a chair, and her tendency to understand words far better when pronounced in an Iranian accent. By this rule, the ‘microwave’ is an unheard-of contraption, possibly from another planet, but the ‘macro-weave’ is a useful device for heating up pre-prepared food. Likewise, ‘Hammersmith’ is an indecipherable jumble, but ‘Hammer-e-smitheh’ is a well-known area in West London.

Before she died, my grandma used to spend half the year in an orchard near Isfahan, and from her last visit she brought me back an authentic mini rice cooker so I could make tadeek at university. The rice cooker is unappealing to look at – a squat, metal object that resembles a small spaceship, but for all its ugliness it can recreate the atmosphere of Sundays at home: it conjures up warmth, saffron, and a gathering of tiny women whose loudness is inversely proportional to their size. In my head these associations are Iranian trademarks, but they have more to do with feelings of belonging and acceptance than they do with any nation or culture. Identity is slippery, especially when you know a language but can’t speak it, or feel you are something but do not look it. Blue-eyed, light-skinned, English-speaking: I am glad I have my name, because from appearance alone, I would never have gained an Uncle Kaz.

Nihilism, narcissism and noobnoob as ‘Rick and Morty’ returns

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This week Rick and Morty aired its season finale, after reappearing on our screens without warning earlier this year. We should have probably seen this return coming since Mr Poopy Butthole did predict season three’s air date almost to the day. However, a lot had changed in this year and a half hiatus. Once a show with a cult following, Rick and Morty has now truly entered the mainstream, and with new fans came new criticism.

It is Netflix we have to thank, or blame, for this new wave of ‘fans’ (and I use this term very loosely). With passwords to Netflix accounts being passed around more than a common cold, the show gained a much wider viewership. Unavoidably then, when ‘The Rickshank Redemption’ dropped as a potential hoax on April Fool’s Day, audiences were shocked, surprised, and often disappointed.

This criticism is often from the fi rst-time watchers of the show (rather than us hardened veterans), January converts who want the show to be something it’s not. People who yearn to see our antihero, Rick, simply develop from evil to good when [spoiler alert] it just isn’t that kind of show. Rick will remain a murderous sadistic terro-rick, whether you like it or not.

The writers, Dan Harmon and Justin Roiland, even tease us with a tragic backstory in ‘The Rickshank Redemption’, a cleansed Rick in ‘Rest and Ricklaxation’ and the Simple Rick that fans wanted to see in ‘The Ricklantis Mixup’. But all these deviations from the nihilistic norm were either fake-outs or false dawns.

All we are left with is a Rick whose entire arc is to find the hallowed Mulan McNugget Szechuan sauce. A Rick who exploits the most tender memories to make biscuits for sale to his fellow Ricks. If our protagonists won’t even answer a “literal call to adventure” as in ‘Vindicators 3’, then they won’t answer fickle fan’s call for the show to change.

This season continued the dark humour, clever storylines and shocking character twists we have come to love. From erasing people’s memories to murdering alternate versions of himself and his grandson on an incredible scale, Rick emotionally (and physically) battles with himself and all those around him, dragging Morty along for the ride.

This season wasn’t without its faults however, with ‘Rickmancing the Stone’ being a markedly poorer episode and the finale not hitting quite as hard as that of season two. There were also some notable absences from this season, like Birdperson and Tammy not making any appearances, and ‘Morty’s Mind Blowers’ replacing ‘Interdimensional TV’.

Yet, let’s not forget that this season contained undoubtedly the show’s fi nest episode, ‘The Ricklantis Mixup’ which stunned even the harshest critics into silence. The twisted world of the Citadel, where divisions are exploited by the Rick’s at the top and paid for by the lives of Morty’s on the bottom is wonderfully crafted using shock, satire and a ‘Stand by Me’ parody. The mind-blowing return of Evil Morty after two seasons is just another hint towards the show having a greater narrative and another example of the writer’s incredible attention to detail.

‘Windows’ review: ‘Poignant and relevant’

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The complex dynamics between the characters of Windows are established remarkably effectively by the wordless opening scene. Each of the three acts begins with a silent enactment of the interwar middle-class March family eating together, with the placement, body language and facial expressions of each character communicating an impressive amount regarding their feelings, personality and relationship with the others. This first is perhaps most revealing, showing breakfast sped through, as wife Joan rushes her food to go and start her shopping list, and husband Geoffrey absentmindedly steals her chair to read his paper by the window – at which she is privately annoyed, unnoticed by him. Son Johnny turns his back on the room after eating to stare broodingly at the audience, and daughter Mary, ignored, wanders aimlessly.

This believable construction of relationships continues throughout, between the lines of what are in themselves fairly unenlightening philosophical conversations. These discussions do to some extent become fairly tiresome, largely involving vague postulating about human nature, moderation and the role of ideals, and conclusions drawn are often shown simply not to fit the real life situations that arise within the play.

This effect, combined with Carolyn Blackhurst’s impressive performance, make practical Joan a remarkably persuasive and understandable character, especially considering how little I actually agree with her views. Blackhurst is incredibly adept at portraying both Joan’s intransigent exterior, and her inner conflict born of unwavering tenderness towards relations she so disagrees with.

But while the constant philosophical discussions can become tedious in themselves, what they reveal about the characters is anything but. Characters’ relationships with ideas and philosophy reveal a great deal about their self-perception, and how they relate to others.

Geoffrey, as a middle class man, has the luxury of being able to play with ideas without having to worry in any personal way about their implications. He is therefore affably but detachedly fascinated by his window cleaner Bly’s story of his daughter Faith’s troubled past, and the man’s philosophising about it. Equally though, he is rather shocked by the idea of employing or even meeting her, until he decides that it might actually be rather fascinating. Joan, on the other hand, to whom the responsibility of running the house falls, is frustrated by everyone’s desire to play with concepts and chase ideals, to the detriment of everything running smoothly. As she points out, it is all very well for everyone to think themselves charitable in pushing to employ Faith, when it is Joan who will have to deal with any problems. Johnny’s promises to help sound like the empty vows of a child wanting a puppy.

This exemplifies how Johnny’s relationship with ideas feeds into the most interesting element of the play: its critique of class relations. Feeling lost and pointless after fighting in the First World War, he clutches at a sense of moral superiority, lecturing about the importance of ideals, and wanting to do good in order to obtain a sense of purpose. He thinks that giving his sister a Chinese burn makes an eloquent point, seeing a lack of violence towards the weak as an example of heroism and chivalry. His attitude towards working-class ex-convict Faith reveals how Johnny’s desire to be chivalrous is essentially self-seeking and parasitic. He self-glorifies, telling her she is small and frail, just like those he fought to protect, and takes it upon himself to ‘save’ her. Ultimately, his frankly childish protest against her dismissal as his family’s maid, camping outside her door with supplies of chocolate and cigars and calling this a ‘hunger strike,’ just causes her further humiliation.

None of the middle-class characters seem to be able to interact with working-class people naturally. Johnny’s hero complex is juxtaposed to Joan’s greater recognition of Faith’s agency, but harsh and illogical belief that poverty is the fault of the individual. Geoffrey’s fascination at Bly’s philosophising doesn’t read quite as respect between equals, but almost like admiration of a precocious child.

What becomes unavoidably clear among these messy interactions is that the survival and dignity of people like Faith should not be at the mercy of individuals – her predicament is a failure of society as a whole, and specifically the state. Perhaps more glaring to modern viewers than original 1920s audiences are the absence of any kind of welfare state, and the fact that Faith’s prison experience has been one of straightforward psychological torture, with no attempt at rehabilitation or any training for employment on release.

Her vulnerability is not, as Johnny decides, an element of her character, but a consequence of her being utterly disempowered by the state and class hierarchy. Everything, from her past crime to her precarious position during the action of the play, has been a consequence of this stripping of power. While Johnny whines about the death of individual chivalry, he completely misses what Faith really needs: not to be paternalistically ‘saved,’ but to be treated as a human being, and be allowed independence and dignity by the system.

Faith’s needs and the flaws within society are communicated clearly before the, rather superfluous, final moments of the performance. A drunken Joan, as though met with an epiphany, rapturously declares that Faith doesn’t want to be saved, she just wants to be loved. She then encourages them all to open the windows, and then stands outside, arms spread wide and sleeves billowing, accompanied by brighter, dramatic lighting. For a performance whose success lies in subtext, and the subtle communication of dynamics and flaws in people’s thinking, this is a disappointingly clunky, and frankly cheesy, note to end on.

In terms of its critique of class relations and the role of the state, though, Windows is a very poignant and relevant play even 85 years after it was last performed, particularly considering the way in which public services are currently being cut. The Finsborough Theatre’s production, with the audience sitting within the wallpapered confines of the March’s dining room set, reminds us where our country has been in a complex deeply personal way, and serves as a warning of what we could feasibly regress towards. A perceptive and moving performance.

Blues play through the night for Um Rio

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OURFC ran a charity 24-hour non-stop rugby event on Friday, the third leg of an iniative that has so far taken place in Rio de Janeiro and St. Albans School, in support of the charity Um Rio – translating as ‘One Rio.’

The charity was founded, and is still run by, an Oxford graduate and Blues Rugby old boy called Rob Malengreau. Football is obviously synonymous with Brazil and it is hard to imagine that ‘the beautiful game’ will be dis- placed anytime soon as the nation’s favourite past-time. However, Malengreau’s charity has managed to use rugby as a tool to bring the children of the favela – the charity importantly helps both boys and girls – together in aid of social integration and has helped to steer them away from the crime and the drugs, which are still all too prevalent.

The charity has created an alternative environment to the gang culture that plagues these areas. In addition, the charity brings together local dentists and doctors to provide these children with a level of healthcare far above anything they would have received if left to fend for themselves.

When speaking to Blues Rugby player Will Wilson and England Sevens player Tom Mitchell, who were leading the event, it was clear how close this project is to their hearts. Mitchell recounted how, when he’d been out in Rio playing for the Great Britain team at the Olympics in 2016, the charity had managed to get tickets for children from the Morro do Castro favela for the Rugby Sevens final.

Wilson, who has also visited Rio and seen the charity’s work firsthand, told of “how amazing an experience being out there was, not just to grow the game but, more importantly, to see how the charity can really change these kids lives.” The charity has so far catered for over 400 children and with the backing not only of Oxford but also now the Cambridge Rugby Club – a contingent from the light blues made the trip out to Rio last year – the future looks bright for the Um Rio project.

New Jesus fresher: Ex-Australian PM Kevin Rudd

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A former Prime Minister of Australia will begin studying at Jesus College this term.

Kevin Rudd was the Prime Minister from 2007 to 2010 and again in 2013, and will be reading for a DPhil on the worldview of the Xi Jinping, the President of China.

He spoke to Cherwell earlier this week, while in Oxford to address the Oxford Union. Speaking about political leaders’ careers after politics, Rudd said: “If you are motivated by the world of ideas… it’s a useful exercise to engage – not only in what I would describe as the day-to-day tactical debate – but on the state of our democracy.”

“I think there is a real responsibility for those who have been in the business to actually defend the institution of democracy. I worry about it suffering death by a thousand cuts.”

Rudd also emphasised that you “don’t have to become some adolescent politician – we’re not all designed to become Pitt the Younger”.

His decision to undertake a DPhil at Oxford comes after he became a Senior Fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School in 2014, where he wrote a paper on the future relations of America and China under Xi Jinping.

He also became the inaugural president of the Asia Society Policy Institute, a political think tank.

As part of his talk at the Oxford Union on Wednesday, Rudd discussed his fascination with Asia – he believes that “we are witnessing a historical turning point” and that “none of this is laid out by the gods”.

He argued that “the West is losing confidence in itself”, and that “China is conscious of this, and conscious of itself representing something else for the future”.

Rudd also labelled President Trump “the definition of an assault on reason” and commented that Brexit and Boris Johnson were part of a worldwide rise in demagoguery.

He weighed in on the recent decision by Balliol JCR to ban the Christian Union from appearing at their Freshers’ Fair. Rudd said:

“The moment we start banning Christian groups from the debate is a very bad day.

“We need to be broad shouldered enough to take opinion from wherever it comes from.”

He also remarked that this generation will be the first to grow up in a post Judeo-Christian world for over 2000 years.

He believes that the Christian settlement gave “place and opportunity for people of no religious belief to fully express themselves.

Now that the boot is on the other foot, I would humbly suggest that there be an open platform for all and that includes voices for the Christian Union”.

Rudd is not the only ex-Prime Minister to spend time conducting research in Oxford. As of March 2017, David Cameron has chaired a commission with the Blavatnik School of Government guiding policy on economic growth in geopolitically fragile situations.

Several other Australian prime ministers have also been educated at Oxford , including Malcolm Fraser, Bob Hawke, and Tony Abbott.

Whilst in government , Rudd was renowned for providing a robust response to the 2008 economic crisis with stimulus packages – Australia was the only major Western economy not to dip into recession.

This was after he led the Labour party to a landslide victory in 2007, with a 23-seat swing towards his party.

He famously delivered a national apology to Indigenous Australians for the ‘stolen generations’.

Rudd was leader of the Australian Labour Party until 2013, when he left politics after losing the election that year.

This will be Rudd’s first degree at Oxford. He previously studied for his undergraduate degree at the Australian National University.

He received a First in Asian Studies, and majored in Chinese language and Chinese history, writing his thesis on democracy activist Wei Jingsheng. Then, in 1980, he continued his studies of Chinese culture at the Mandarin Training Centre in Taipei, Taiwan. Despite missing freshers’ week, Rudd’s views on the Oxford club scene remain unclear.

Political cartoons must now be held to a new standard in the age of Trump

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Remember the political cartoons published on the day Trump was elected? The day of the inauguration? When new information on the ties between Russia and the Trump administration caused mayhem in US politics? Me neither. But I do remember CNN playing in the dining hall back on results day in November, the countless clips of Trevor Noah and Stephen Colbert, and the headlines about the new administration’s DACA decision. And, frankly, the memes, we all remember the memes. So if we don’t remember the cartoons, what role did they play in establishing the current political climate?

Cartoons no longer have the social sway they once did. Though news reporting remains essential, print publications and political cartoons are simply not as important now as when they were one of the only methods of circulating information. However, if viewed as an example of satire, cartoons retain their power to make political statements, call out injustice, and incite controversy, as well as heavy backlash from their unwilling subjects.

Well-known cartoonists like Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Nast, William Hogarth, and Honore Daumier, whose portrayal of King Louis-Philippe as Gargantua famously led the king to comment that while, “a pamphlet is no more than a violation of opinion, a caricature amounts to an act of violence,” were often heavily criticised and even persecuted for their publications. Cartoons no longer garner such strong reactions, but the king’s outrage is not so different from Trump’s reaction to a different incarnation of humour, sketch comedy. See, for example, Trump’s tweets regarding his representation on Saturday Night Live, which include such comments as “@NBCNews is bad but Saturday Night Live is the worst of NBC. Not funny, cast is terrible, always a complete hit job. Really bad television!” or “Watched Saturday Night Live hit job on me. Time to retire the boring and unfunny show,” or “Just tried watching Saturday Night Live – unwatchable! Totally biased, not funny and the Baldwin impersonation just can’t get any worse. Sad.”

In the past, cartoons had value as political influencers and as conversation starters. Before the digitalisation of most media, they were useful in sharing information and helping shape opinions because they reached an audience that didn’t have access to many other sources of information. Though distorted in their representation of reality, they had an almost educational value. Their nature as a visual instead of a verbal medium meant that they did not require literacy, and thus made them less elitist by allowing them to reach an larger audience. Today, most information is available in seconds. Obligatory education and the pervasiveness of media means that in many countries, even a politically apathetic member of the public has multiple sources of information readily available. We no longer need cartoons to tell us how to think.

The value of cartoons is now found in their expression of widely held viewpoints, rather than the controversial opinion of the individual cartoonist or of a limited circle of politically involved elite. Though not all political cartoons are inherently comic, the medium is defined by its use of irony, emotional symbolism, exaggeration, and distortion, all of which translate to bias. These qualities make them a sort of shorthand, a way of synthesizing what many people are already thinking, useful for looking back on a political moment. But the conversations that cartoons once helped start are already happening, and the cartoon itself acts as merely an echo. When viewed as a small part of a larger phenomenon, cartoons offer an example of the essential role satire and humour played in the US 2016 presidential election.

In a post-truth media climate, truth is our most valuable currency and often our most powerful form of protest. People have a hard enough time avoiding fake news and alternative facts as it is. They want ammunition for debate, to engage with the content they consume, and for art and the media to help them understand what is real and what isn’t. Because of its distortion and unavoidable bias, caricaturization is no longer a satisfactory foundation for forming an opinion, unless it is accompanied by something more substantial (statistics, quotations, specific policy decisions).

The trite “a picture is worth a thousand words” is in the most part no longer applicable. Many prefer words allowing them to engage with truth and fact in a way that cartoons, by nature, do not. In comparison to other forms of humour, or even to editorials, cartoons leave the consumer nothing to respond to. Their power, and their curse, is that they demand merely to be taken at face value.

Both cartoons and comedy in more general terms draw attention to inconsistencies in the current administration’s policies and statements while voicing the needs and views of those who are not directly involved in the government. They exaggerate reality in a situation that is, by many moral and logical standards, preposterous, and criticise both government officials and the public who placed them in power.

But not all comedy or criticism is productive, and other attempts to ridicule Trump, like the five naked statues placed in cities across the US or the frequent comparisons to Hitler, have caused controversy for the wrong reasons. Treating comedy, and more specifically cartoons, as anything more than partial representations of one aspect of public opinion would downplay the importance of concrete political action. Cartoons fill an ambiguous category in the wider frame of “culture,” existing at the intersection of art, journalism, and satire.

But despite their value, it is dangerous to exaggerate the extent to which any of these single categories can dictate the outcome of any social change. In today’s political climate, sharing a meme or a political cartoon on social media, even when it perfectly encapsulates your opinion, has the potential to trivialise the very view you are trying to defend. We have a responsibility to use our voices in real conversation and to use laughter to feed our political drive, not satisfy it.

Though cartoons, art, and comedy always have been and will continue to be a powerful social tool, they are effective only when coupled with concrete action.