Friday, May 23, 2025
Blog Page 1107

Then they said: Refugee

0

Then they said: Refugee is a timely documentary expertly produced by two Oxford students, Persis Love and Jake Boswall, about how Palestinian artists are responding to the conflict with Isarel. The film centres on an interview with Fadi Ramadan, a refugee living in the Deheishe camp near Bethlehem who runs an amateur dramatics society for the local children. Through his interview and interviews with other local artists and dramatists, this documentary asks a question which in the West we have all had to consider in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo attacks: can art be a form of resistance to violence?

Our media is much more interested in, and much more horrified by, violent actions intended to disturb the status quo, such as the Charlie Hebdo attacks and last week’s horrifying sequel to them, than it is in violence enacted to maintain the status quo. This is part of the reason why Then they said: Refugee is such an important film. Its viewers cannot help but be shocked by the amount of violence Israeli soldiers have subjected Fadi and his community to, just to maintain the original injustice of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land. “My brother was a prisoner”, he tells us, “and my mother was shot […] there is a checkpoint in the road where, at any time, I can be arrested.”

The most recent blow to Fadi’s community was the killing of his friend Jihad al-Jafari, who was shot only three weeks ago by Israeli soldiers. “They wanted someone”, Fadi says, “they started shooting bombs, tear gas, and rubber bullets. Then suddenly they began shooting real bullets […] later they wouldn’t allow the ambulance to come.”

The documentary covers two efforts to commemorate Jihad al-Jafari, one by Fadi and one by an artist, called Ahmed Hmeedat. Ahmed paints murals in the streets of the refugee camp which, Fadi says, “show our daily suffering”, and has painted one of al-Jafari. Ahmed describes his paintings as “a means of struggle, like art, painting, theatre or music.”

It is a very intelligent decision by the film makers not to add their own commentary, because it means that no final judgement is given on the question the documentary implicitly asks, which is whether Ahmed and Fadi’s hope that art can be politically useful is grounded in reality. Thus we, the viewers, are made to share their uncertainty about this very point.

At the same time, the film makers make very clear that in Fadi and Ahmed’s community many people have a more bellicose idea of how to enact change. At a commemorative event for al-Jafari, young men chant “Mother of the martyr, lucky you / I wish it was my mother instead of you.” This puts the viewer in a rather uneasy position, making them aware that it is not only the Israeli soldiers who are eager and willing to inflict pain on the opposite side. But this sense of unease is a mark of the documentary’s success; it is a reminder of just how fraught and how complicated Israeli-Palestinian relations are.

Televisionaries: Walter Cronkite

0

‘Where were you the day President Kennedy was shot?’ As recently as 2011 this was a question that 95% of Americans born in 1955, or before, had an answer to. At that time, the USA was a nation divided, not only along state lines, but also in the hearts and minds of its people. Lives were lived in parallel, and little portended to broach the difference.

That is, until the events of that fateful November day in Dallas, Texas. Aghast, speechless – millions of people, of all walks of life, tuned in to transistor radios and switched on their televisions, in their workplaces, homes and schools. Yet, in remembering the message we oftentimes forget the messenger; one audience, one camera, one man to bring calm to the chaos: step up, Walter Cronkite.

Kennedy was the publicity president. Before him elections had been fought, won and lost in black-and-white, on covers of broadsheets. Yesterday’s happenings were tomorrow’s bulletins. You could have the biggest scoop in the world but without the necessary channels of communication, it became the biggest secret in the world. And CBS faced this problem. Taking thirty minutes to set up, Cronkite first took to the radio before continuing on camera. Measured and poised, little over a year after the Cuban Missile Crisis, Cronkite was the conscience of a nation – one of only three news coverage outlets to address 175 million shocked Americans. Amid speculation Cronkite held off, awaiting an official announcement of Kennedy’s condition. It came. He began to speak, fidgeted with his glasses, then a brief silence, a quiver of the lip and a cough: the President was dead. He gathered himself and carried on.

Cronkite’s report was the defining moment of broadcast journalism, a coming of age and, with it, a new era. No longer the polished product of an editorial meeting in Downtown Manhattan, news became a process.  Information needed to be disseminated thick and fast. This is when current affairs became current: something that was, and is indeed happening at this very moment.

That is not, however, to say that news was more reliable in the early 1960s, but at least it was sincere. Without competition, without instant messaging and social media, news was news – it had no need to be anything else. Now, in the post-9/11 age, we have the apocalyptic ‘BREAKING NEWS’ slogan and the slick special effects to accompany it. News now has entertainment value that is all at once perverse, graphic and voyeuristic. What Cronkite knew and practiced was moderation; the need for a cool, calm and collected delivery.

The voice of a regular, levelheaded guy detailing the facts as they are, Cronkite didn’t have an Italian suit, a nicely chauffeured fringe or a teleprompter to fall back on. Instead, he relied on a journalistic integrity not too often seen nowadays. An anchor hungry for the story but not for the glory, he wanted people to be informed, not frightened out of their wits (a quick shout-out to Fox News). In a time of peril his sober yet compassionate diction was like a clasp of the hand, as if to say, “I’m with you and we’re walking this road together.” And really, there’s no trick to it, that’s all it takes – a little humanity. Let tragedies be tragedies and not an ideological hook upon which to hang an argument, nor an opportunity to one-up someone by crunching them in ratings. 

Legends of the Screen: River Phoenix

0

“The vegan James Dean”. That’s how popular culture chooses to remember River Phoenix, if at all. One time teen heartthrob, musician and Academy Award nominee (Best Supporting Actor in Running on Empty, 1988), nowadays his memory is but an interesting afterthought – a footnote to the biography of his younger brother, Joaquin.

But River was more than that, so much more. In twenty-three short years he’d lived a lifetime, filling each ‘unforgiving minute with sixty seconds’ worth of distance run.’ Just another washed up, burnt out 1980s child star? Hardly, and that is the real tragedy: that someone so full of life, so attuned to the pulse and rhythm of the world around him could be reduced to a couple of lines in an obituary and ‘do-you-remember-when’ filler-articles on the back of magazine clippings.

Born and raised in a family of hippies, River’s was an unusual childhood, to say the least. Movies like The Mosquito Coast (1986) found an unlikely parallel in his own upbringing alongside the controversial cult, ‘The Children of God,’ and busking on the streets of Caracas, in Venezuela. However, it was the coming-of-age classic, Stand by Me (1986), and River’s disarming performance as Chris Chambers that ushered in his rise to fame. From then on, the PETA activist moved from strength-to-strength, not content to cash-in his pay cheques, but to make movies – movies that meant something.

Speaking with Charlie Rose, Ethan Hawke tells how “My Own Private Idaho [1992] was the bar for young men” carving out a career for themselves. This raunchy independent film, the story of a narcoleptic gay hustler venturing out in search of his estranged mother, was a bold choice by River. It sang of promise, although promise cut short. It’s true, River’s brilliance was never fully realised – neither in music nor on the big screen. Yet, it’s the hint – that inkling of what could have been – that toys with our indispensible capacity for wonder, and leads us to beg the question: ‘What if?’

A view from the Cheap Seat

0

Unable to come up with an adequate piece for this week’s column, we sent this letter of explanation to our editors. We apologise to you and our editors for our inability to do our job at Stage and take culture to the next stage (and for that pun). Here’s our letter:

Alright. That’s it. We’ve killed it.

The last few weeks were so meta, we have actually run all around the world of theatre and have caught up with ourselves on the other side. We’re back at the start now, the naked, brutal truth of this column is revealed – covers down, all the masquerade is blown. We’re just going to stop hiding. 

At this point, we could give you a breakdown of this Stage section’s master plan to singlehandedly end the post-modern malaise. We could do a tug of war between nihilism and the old-school of ‘theatre as the last bastion of common decency and morale’. We could embark anew upon what is the eternal struggle for meaning amidst plays that are written, directed and acted out by people as tired and overworked as those watching and reviewing them. We could spark a new flame of theatrical visions in you, the editors. We could go to fucking Bosnia again or we could admit that we just don’t know where fucking Bosnia is. 

But the truth is, we’re tired of it. Meta is over. Over and out.

[Note from the editorial team:] 

Submissions for next week are most welcome. Readers are further invited to supply their own solution to the postmodern malaise in the space provided : good luck.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

Preview: Rendezvous

0

Unfortunately, previews sometimes don’t provide the opportunity to glean even a partial impression of what the precise impact of a show will be when it is actually performed. In the tradition of late twentieth-century absurdist drama – the influence of which was apparent even prior to asking about it – what is not said, rather than what is said, appears to be the key factor of dramatic interest in Rendezvous. Whilst the premise of the play is two men in a room, waiting to be called for a highly desirable job interview, it is not the interview itself which is of importance, but what can happen within the space of the room. 

As such, although the scene performed was a work in progress and scripts were still in use, the physicality of the scene was what initially struck me the most. The exchange of glances and silences was already quite nuanced; Josh Dolphin skillfully begins the scene with a nervous barrage of small talk, displaying his character’s nerves and feigned arrogance through his wary glances to the side, shuffling of his tie, and his habit of self-consciously placing himself at a distance from Dan Byam Shaw’s seemingly far more composed character. While the portion of the script I saw was absurd primarily for its tongue-in-cheek treatment of the mundane, it opened up numerous questions regarding the characters’ puzzling relation to, and memories of, the room itself, something that is also apparently vastly expanded later in the script as the tone grows still more absurd and the characters’ understanding of the structures surrounding them begins to unravel. We are not even offered names for these characters – rather, the names of the characters are deliberately elusive – something that will apparently come into play more significantly later in the show.

Exactitudes of the staging are still to be properly figured, but writer and director Anthony Maskell is full of ideas as to how to illustrate the subtextual elements of the script. Even at the preview, however, a ticking clock was placed as a blank noise in the background, deliberately drawing attention to the passing of time in the room. Various other ideas including lighting effects and having the shadow of a metronome moving across the stage have been discussed as potential methods of illustrating the characters’ sense of time fluctuating around them. 

As mentioned, however, at this point I believe it is impossible for me to render the completed work of this production, for it will be a subtle exploration of the relation of the characters to the space of a room – perhaps a metatextual exploration of the stage’s own relation to the room, even – and will work to reveal the arbitrariness of the language and the fixed perspective on life that people use to define themselves

Union leaves members out in the cold awaiting EU debate

0

Many Oxford Union members queued outside the venue’s debating chamber for hours in advance of this evening’s debate ‘This House believes Britain and the EU are better together’ which began at 8:30pm and boasts floor speakers Nigel Farage MEP, Nick Clegg MP, former European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso, and William Cash MP.

Cherwell understands that at its longest, the queue extended along St Michael’s and exceeded 450 people, the stated capacity of the main Debating Chamber, meaning those who joined the queue later risked waiting for hours only to be turned away at the gates.

The temperature has also dropped close to zero in recent days.

At about 7pm, Union officials shut off the queue, preventing any more students from joining at the back.

However, Anna Corderoy, a third-year Catz English Literature student, posted on the event’s Facebook page at around 4:30pm, “Yeah it’s quite disappointing to hear that the queue is already large 4 hours in advance,” her post read. “We pay so much for Union membership these events shouldn’t be restricted to those who have the time to cut their working day short.”

Shakeel Hashim, a PPEist, went further, commenting, “At the very least, they could have the decency to tell people that it’s full. But instead their usual lack of communication and frankly elitist sneering at members has struck once more. Yet another demonstration that Union committee are in it for their own self interest (I hope they’re enjoying their lovely dinner with Farage and Clegg that they can put on their cover letters now) rather than even bothering to pretend that they want to work for their members.”

Those with positions in the Union do not have to queue for events and many will, as Hashim suggested, be dining with the speakers ahead of the debate. 

One such student was OUCA President Jan Nedvídek, who spoke at the debate (though he does not hold a Union position).

[mm-hide-text]%%IMG%%12460%%[/mm-hide-text]

The Oxford Union posted on the event page at 5:53pm, addressing the posts of members from earlier in the afternoon, stating, “We are delighted that there is such interest in this debate!

“We’re very conscious of how cold it is outside, and are just waiting for various television crews to arrive – we will let members into the Chamber as soon as they are installed. Security will be arriving shortly to prevent queue jumping, and we hope that everyone has an enjoyable evening!”

During the debate, which ended with the chamber voting in favour of the proposition, ‘This House Believes Britain and the EU are Better Together”, 45 tweets were sent from the Oxford Union Twitter account. However, none of them addressed the concerns of members who had queued.

A petition on Change.org has already garnered 131 signatures, calling on Union President Charlie Vaughan “to review the way in which admittance to the Union for popular events is provided”.

There have also been questions as to why this event has not had half of the tickets balloted for in advance, as regularly occurred last year for the most popular events. Indeed, various different suggestions for alternative ticketing systems have been put forward on the event page.

There have been fresh calls for the Union to enable live streaming for members to watch. After repeated requests for information, the news filtered out through friends of Union committee members that highlights would be shown tonight on BBC News.

Meanwhile, students on Twitter noted that the entire front of the chamber was reserved before the debate, further reducing the number of seats available.

Dan Walker, a third-year Catz PPEist, commented on his own critical post to the event page, tagging a member of the Union’s Secretary’s Committee and writing, “Can you or anyone else at the Oxford Union answer me? Or are you all too busy enjoying your hot chocolate indoors whilst you watch the peasants queue up outside.”

Liam Saddington, a Union member and Geography undergraduate at St Catherine’s, told Cherwell, “I’ve been queueing since 3.15pm. Others have been here since 2pm. At 3.15pm there were already around 20 in the queue. [The temperature] has been near zero all day, with no communication at all from the Union until 6.10pm.

“The queue has been beyond a joke. People have been pushing in constantly. Very disappointed at the poor level of organisation from the Union.”
 

The Oxford Union gave the following statement to Cherwell regarding the queues. 

“The Oxford Union would like to apologise for the way the entry for the EU debate was handled. It was not acceptable, it was not efficient, and it was not a fair way to treat our members.
 
“One of the major issues that has been raised was the lack of a ballot system for entry. Though we have kept this as an option for this term, we have been hesitant to implement it due to a number of complaints from members at past events when such a system was used; many believe that the fairest way to allocate the spaces is entirely through queuing given that it enables members to express how strong their preferences are for attending a certain event. However, due to the obvious demand from our members, we commit to trialing this system again, and improving upon it until it is both fair and effective. To that end, in the future, when there is clearly far more interest in an event than capacity within the venue, we will implement a system in which half the available seats in the chamber are balloted to members at random and the other half are allocated through our traditional first-come-first-served queue basis.
 
“There were, additionally, significant issues with security and the monitoring of the queue at the event, and for that we also apologise. Security was not present at the event early enough, and therefore could not ensure the queue was orderly or that those queueing beyond the venue’s capacity were informed early enough that they would not be able to get in. This is unacceptable, and will be far better handled in future.”
 
“We also understand that there were concerns over the quantity of reserved seating for this event. This particular event was organised in association with the Europaeum, without which the lineup for the event simply would not have been possible. In return for their help organising this event, they asked for a number of reserved seats. We are committed to making sure as many members find a place in the venue for our events as possible, and we will continue to make efforts towards achieving this goal by minimising reserved seating requested by associated organisations who bring high profile speakers to the Oxford Union wherever possible.
 
“While we understand that there is significant demand for a livestream, this is unfortunately not something that we can commit to at this time, but we will certainly investigate the feasibility of a livestream and other options to increase access to our events in the future.
 
“The logistical issues today on our end are not acceptable, but we are committed to working hard for our members to make changes that will make access to our events fairer in future.We would like to thank all our members for being patient as we explore new ways to make the Oxford Union better than ever.”

Tom Carter has written a response to these events.

I Tried Burger King’s Black Burger

0

“Burger King brings its infamous black burger from Japan to the UK just in time for Halloween!” The Daily Mail headline read. “Bloody hell,” I thought. “What’s all this?” Turns out Burger King are now selling a limited-edition Whopper Burger that in a bizarre twist sandwiches its fillings between two coal-black buns. The article’s images invited me to gaze upon what was undoubtedly one of the least appetizing things I’d ever seen. I had to try it.

 

Who knows why? Latent self loathing most likely. And so once again I found myself in a familiar position, contemplating putting something truly, deeply repellent into my mouth. So off I sauntered to locate the prime Cornmarket real estate currently being devalued by the sticky-floors of a Burger King.

 

What a fucking let down this burger was. I should have known from the defeated stare of the woman who served me as I placed my order. “Do you want to go large on the meal?” her mouth had asked; “wage labour is a process of alienation from ourselves,” her eyes silently screamed. But the queue had been so long and a guy on a different till had already yelled at me, that I was just thrilled to be handed a warm meal.

 

So, tray replete with 7 Up (lemony), fries (disappointingly unsalty), and mysterious hamburger, I made my past the disconcertingly large wall-mounted panorama of the rad cam (because it’s burger shaped!?) and over to a surprisingly debris-free table. I seized my burger from its wrappings. It looked kind of … deflated? Photographs of fast food consistently rank amongst the most deceitful images in the world, so I can’t say I was particularly surprised. At a glance it looked a bit like a black sock sitting atop a multicoloured shirt in someone’s dirty laundry. Anyway, in the interests of journalism I soldiered on, taking a tentative bite that still managed to include most of the ingredients. It wasn’t bad I guess. The bun was bbq flavoured, but in the way that a blue Slush Puppy supposedly tastes like raspberry. Anyway, long story short it tastes a lot like a normal fast food burger but with some bbq sauce added. Fine as long as you know what you’re in for I suppose.

 

Also, black is supposedly slimming but I checked online and there are at least 50 more calories in this than you’d find in a standard Whopper.

 

Still, I finished the burger. Thankfully, my bodily functions seemingly remained in stasis, which I attribute to the powers of positive thinking and a history of eating truly foul foods in large quantities. To be honest, I’d have appreciated the confirmation that it had in fact exited my digestive tract.

 

Yet the real disappointment was not the burger itself, but that for a few fleeting moments, I’d allowed some twat in a marketing department to succeed in getting me excited to inhale a mass-produced burger just because they lobbed in an extra handful of e-numbers.

 

Perhaps the true horror of this burger and its unnatural perversion is the depths to which we’ll sink for ‘new’ experiences inside the materialist prison of late capitalism. Happy Halloween!

A pack of lies: Queuing and The Oxford Union

0

The Oxford Union often gets a bad press: phone hacking, sponsorship scandals and accusations of rape are but the tip of a large iceberg of pathetic hackery and woeful incompetence. Yet, I have an inkling that this entire high-octane, low-importance drama is just smoke and mirrors. It acts as a cover for the real disgrace that plagues the Oxford Union, namely its total and utter inability to do what it says on the tin. 

Essentially, the scam runs a bit like this: a snake oil salesman-cum-Union hack introduces himself to an impressionable fresher. The hack then proceeds to paint a picture of the Union to the fresher as some land of milk and honey, using big names like Elton John and Morgan Freeman to persuade the fresher in question that membership of the Union is the best idea ever. The fresher momentarily gulps at the whopping price (currently £248) but buys membership and doesn’t use it for a year.

Then suddenly, some big names get announced and the now former fresher gets excited. Maybe this whole Union malarkey wasn’t as worthless as he thought. He arrives 90 minutes early, confident that he is keen enough to get a seat. 

But, alas, when he arrives, the queue is already far too long. In fact, it wouldn’t even have mattered if he’d arrived three and a half hours early because even then he wouldn’t have got in. 

This is the situation faced by Oxford students today, many of whom want to go and watch the Union debate tonight on the EU with Clegg, Farage and José Manuel Barroso. This event is the sort of reason why they joined the Union in the first place: influential figures debating issues of national importance. This was why they spent over £200 on membership.

Yet, what they did not realise was that the £200 does not buy access to big names on its own – to gain entry, they also have to be willing to queue for five hours in the freezing cold, with all the knock-on effects on their health and work which that entails. When I turned up to check the queue at 3.50pm, it was already well out of the gate, as you can see above. 

It is in this situation that the true pitfalls of the Union become painfully transparent. Essentially, they have lied to us. They claimed that all we had to do was pay a little over £200 and then we would be able to watch all these famous names at the click of a finger. The events of today, and of many other days, show this not to be the case – a whole lot of unsustainable queuing also has to be thrown into the mix. Potentially a good solution to this would be a ballot system, but that will not help us today. One thing we can know for certain though is that much like the deficit, we are not all in this together. For, whilst the vast majority of Union members have to queue for hours to see their  favourite speakers, the rather unpleasant inhabitants of hackworld can just swan in at 8.15pm to their comfortably appointed front row seat. Now, for me, that is one injustice too far. 

Read Cherwell’s report on the situation.

Review: The Master and Margarita

0

Screams in the night are difficult to ignore. Days after seeing The Master and Margarita, sinister recollections of the production still pierce the darkness of the imagination. It’s hard to know what it is in this show that cannot be so easily ignored.

Bulgakov’s The Master and Margarita is a whimsical story combining romance, fantasy and light satire in Stalinist Russia. It details two parallel narratives; one involving Pontius Pilate and the other concerning ‘the master’ – a novelist who is writing the story of Pilate. Straddling these two worlds is the very same devil who the Stones immortalized in ‘sympathy for’. The overarching story is thus comprised of the antics that follow when the devil makes a pact with the master’s lover, Margarita, to save the master and allow him to finish his story.

The production, like the novel, gets at a very strange intersection between whimsy, horror, love, religion and comedy. It sounds like the byline for some awful Maddonna album; it is in fact the basis for what may possibly be director Helena Jackson’s magnum opus. That is no small thing.

The production is set in St John’s gardens. Upon arrival, we are taken to the front lawn, puzzling and shivering in equal measure in the hope of warmth and a set. After some teasingly frigid seconds some multi colored lights appear in the distance; gradually materializing into the demonic figures who will invite us to “dance and debate” as their guests. This flurry of indeterminate space and light, sets us up for the metaphysical ambience that will follow.

Among our hosts we have the devil – played by Ali Porteous. His characterization can only be described as the indignant grandstanding of a sardonic Welshman. Porteous has an undeniable magnetism, which would make even his sympathetic lyricist proud. Trailing in his wake, Bee Liese extends the shadows from the expanse before us to the safety between us. She plays the devil’s cat with a combination of unnerving infantilism and overt menace. Also in the entourage is the comic styling of Azazello, brought to life by the facetious aplomb of Josh Dolphin. Having seen the show twice, I’ve seen the sheer scope of Dolphin’s improvisation. It’s clear from the ease with which he can ad lib that either he is this character or he knows this character fantastically well. Finally but certainly not least is Koroviev played by Mary Higgins. Higgins’s refined characterization testifies to how menace and charm can share a scarily intimate relationship.

Seduced thus, the play leaves us stranded in the shadows – at the mercy of what light the cast and crew decide to give us. If the artifice of theatre can be reduced to a form of language, then perhaps it is perhaps no coincidence that in a play where the story is written by one of the characters, that the actors should be the authors of the production’s dramatic discourse. Jackson’s lighting is not some neutral arbiter between audience and actors. The actors themselves illuminate what they want us to see – they are literally writing with light. I wonder if Jackson sees an equivalence between the authorship of the master within the play and her actors’ authorship of the outward form of the play.  In granting this agency what is her position as director, perhaps a position akin to Bulgakov’s in giving the master his agency?

This logic is key to understanding, why I think the play was so effective on us as an audience. As per the form of promenade theatre, we too are given certain autonomy. But like the actors and like the master, in spite of the appearance of freedom, we too only really see and go where we are directed. Like Bulgakov, Jackson’s surface disavowal of control, has pulled of a mighty trick. She gives us a (determined) sense of possibility, openness and mystery. The author is not dead, she is saying I know I am dead – I am therefore very much alive.

This sculpted magic is why the production lingers so much in the imagination. Like Jackson’s direction, we know its not real, but like her direction, we are still under its control. The ‘I know but…’ is the cornerstone of any theatrical experience and it is exactly what a play as fantastical as this needs and indeed does pull of. I guess one could say that this is a sort of postmodern suspension of disbelief. Again – no small thing.

Jackson’s trick owes much to her co-authors including the eponymous master (Jack Clover) and Margarita (Gwenno Jones). Of the few faults is the fact that Margarita was not given more space to expand her character in a meaningful way. At times she is literally treated as a prop by the rest of the ensemble and it is hard to be sympathetic when we don’t really know her. Having said that, Jones does a great job with what she can work with – expressing all the strength and vulnerability that endears her as a character. Fortunately, Clover has a lot of material to get stuck into, bringing a hilarious offbeat innocence to the proceedings. His style also introduced some welcome variety to the tone of the piece. They are in turn helped by the procurator himself played by Alexander Hartley. Hartley gives his procurator a darkly cynical intelligence, a man who knows he is a monster and acts accordingly. He is not quite sympathetic, but certainly not dislikable – a very clever and subtle rendition. His victim, Yeshua (Jesus), played by Daisy Hayes, has an earnest clarity that plays well against Hartley’s perverse self-awareness. Finally Christopher White plays the poet Ivan and Matthew (the evangelist) with the most fantastic comic timing. He knows exactly when to come out with the right line for some very unexpected hilarity. Needless to say he is fantastic when paired with Clover.  

In short, the reason why the screams in the night persist; is because they can reverberate in the invisible enclosure Jackson has given them. The forms and laws that govern this void, are hidden; for they are outwardly disavowed in light of the freedom we are seemingly granted. Thus what feels like a suspension in nothingness, is in fact a suspension in a meticulously crafted abyss. In the end it is our disbelief, not ourselves which has ultimately been suspended and it is for this reason that it is those same laughs, screams and tears that haunt us in Bulgakov that haunted us leaving St John’s gardens on Friday night. 

How can we change the tax credits system?

0

Last month, in a shock decision, the House of Lords moved to delay financial measures approved of by the House of Commons:  a reduction in working tax credits (WTCs). A twist of fortunes that is likely to have elicited a smile across the faces of Asquith and Lloyd George’s ghosts, no doubt. Whether we play this off as a constitutional crisis, a triumph for working people or a disaster for fiscal responsibility only but one thing is for sure – the Chancellor has been sent packing. Ignominiously sent packing. And with that, the Treasury finds itself back at the drawing board in Whitehall, ahead of next week’s Autumn Statement. Meanwhile, what’s to happen next is anybody’s guess.

 But let’s take a step back: why the furor?  In an effort to stem the tide of excessive welfare spending the government has sought to rollback on uncontrolled borrowing. And be under no illusion:  with 1% of the world’s population, 4% of the world’s GDP and 7% of global welfare spending it is, indeed, excessive. That is, excessive and/or grossly inefficient. Take your pick.  

Tax credits, in of themselves, have little to do with the payment of tax. Rather, they are a series of means-tested benefits that were introduced under the last Labour government to alleviate the burden on low-paid families. And secondly, they come in two types: the ‘Working Tax Credit’ and the ‘Child Tax Credit’, for those with children. However, now things are about to change. The current Tory majority government has drafted plans that would see this scheme being phased out, and reworked into a newly revised Universal Credit. These proposals, tabled in the name of “a low-welfare, low-tax, high wage economy,” are the latest in an attempt to siphon off £4.5 billion a year in savings from an item that accounts for 14% of our nation’s welfare bill.

Hardly the darling of the Left, WTCs haven’t always had Labourites swooning. Unquestionably, the policy has had its fair share of critics from both sides. Left-wing activists have long claimed that while tax credits are paid to the poor, they really come under the bracket of ‘corporate welfare,’ enabling retail giants to dish out lower wage packets. Similarly, and on the flipside, wage subsidies have enjoyed political popularity as they encourage work over welfare. Credits assist everyday low-earning workers. They make easier the lot of families working tirelessly but still struggling to make end’s meet. Hardworking families. Or, as they’re more commonly known, Cameron’s target audience in the last General Election. That is why the government has come under fire from some quarters, for sweeping the rug out from underneath the feet of those who are “doing the right thing.” A difficult sell.

In a report conducted by the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS), it was found that low-earning single parents would be the hardest hit – losing £1,000 a year, as a result of cuts. This covers roughly three million people. Whilst, on the other end of the scale, middle earning couples with no children will be £350 better off. Is this a case of marginal returns and minimal gains? A study from the Census Bureau in America would seem to suggest so. It surmised that tax credits go a long way to reducing want. For instance, if the EITC were to be eliminated, the rate of child poverty would rise from 16% to 23%.

Where tax credits are concerned, the oft repeated refrain of, “if we want to have more money to spend on health, education and national infrastructure, we must be prepared to rein in welfare,” falls on deaf ears. This initiative alone is not enough to run a surplus, of course not. Instead, it is part of a package. A package that includes a National Living Wage, new personal allowance thresholds (£11,000 by April 2016 and £12,500 by 2020) and a doubling of the amount of free childcare for three and four-year-olds. Higher tax thresholds will save basic rate taxpayers £825 a year and lift 3.8 million people out of the tax system altogether. 600,000 families stand to reap the rewards of extended childcare, worth an extra £2,500 a year. So, where’s the catch? The answer: fulltime employment. Anyone who has landed themselves a fulltime occupation will likely notice an appreciable difference in their standard of living. Yet, for those in part-time work – those that make up the majority of tax credit recipients – they are at a distinct disadvantage. That is the sticking point, and that where I depart the train.

There is much to be said for promoting employment, especially when it comes at little or no cost to the taxpayer. Cameron has tried to achieve this through raising the minimum wage, but it remains to be seen if this will be enough to guarantee peoples’ security. A lot hinges upon a high-performing economy. And, without that, these policies seem detrimental to a particular, frankly destitute, segment of society. We need assurances. Osborne is right to reform tax credits, he is right to speak of “easing the transition in the interim” but it was also right – ‘equitably,’ if not constitutionally – for the Lords to vote down his plans. Now, the Chancellor has an opportunity to recast his ideas and develop them, in the full light of day and through robust debate. The Tories are still the party of the diligent. While Miliband was happy to kick off about zero hours contracts and “a low wage economy,” Labour seems more than willing to have the taxpayer subsidise low wages. It is unproductive and it is inefficient. Whether or not John McDonnell is on board with “a low-welfare, low-tax, high wage economy” is a little iffy, yet in principle he shouldn’t be. Of the 76p an hour the government forks out in tax credits for someone on the minimum wage, 72-79% goes directly to workers- the rest doesn’t. What a waste! Let’s acknowledge that and sort it out.