Friday 12th September 2025
Blog Page 156

A bubble within a bubble?

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A recent ‘View from Oxford’ survey polled students about which way they would vote in a general election. The results showed that 67.1% would vote Labour, 12.1% Liberal Democrat, 13.4% Other, and 7.4% Conservative. This poll raises important questions regarding Oxford’s students’ political make-up. Are we in our own bubble here? Or is something else at play?

Firstly, there is the argument as to whether Oxford reflects nationwide political feeling, or whether it’s contained in its own political sphere. Compare the above-given statistics to those from a national poll on the 20th of October undertaken by Politico. In this instance, Labour leads at 45%, with the Conservatives behind at 27%, Other at 15%, and the LibDems at 11%.

What the view from Oxford’s poll makes clear is that Oxford leans far more heavily towards the Left. But even further than that, there must be more to this trend than the general tide of anti-Tory feeling which has been swelling up everywhere since at least the start of Partygate. The divergence that exists between Oxford University and the country at large may simply be down to the general rule that young people are left-wing. Though, of course, the data is completely at odds with the rest of the country’s perception that in Oxford ‘they’re all Tories’. This then raises a further question: What about divergences in public opinion within Oxford itself? The bubble within a bubble debate.

Everyone knows the College stereotypes. Oriel is so keen on Rishi that it really ought to be named Toriel; though a close second for that title is Corpus Christi, with its unironic campaigns for a ‘Conservative rep’ on the Equal Opportunities Committee in the past. If we look the other way, Wadham’s ultra-left-wing reputation is also renowned as they seek to nationalise, among other heavy industries, our kebab vans.

Though, as widespread as these stereotypes are, I’m not convinced. To explain why, I’ll outline my own experiences with college stereotypes. I am at Christ Church. When I tell anybody in Oxford that I go there, they tend to give me a look of disgust. This is probably because they’ve made the usual false assumptions about how, with its disproportionate intake of private school pupils, it is a hotbed for Toryism. Or perhaps it’s that once you get there, you can barely move an inch without treading on some clone of Jacob Rees-Mogg. But as a creature of Christ Church myself – and one who has ‘talked politics’ to a number of fellow creatures – I’ve quickly realised that nearly everyone who keeps up with politics is a Labour supporter. I have yet to meet any fans of Reform UK, the National Front, or the Official Monster Raving Loony Party. Of the three Conservatives I have met, one pleaded that he was hoping for a Labour win at the election, another refused to elaborate, and the third began singing the national anthem.

In other words, the whole stereotype is nonsense.

If you disagree with my experience, the next best step is probably to approach the problem logically. Think of the improbability that each college, with a fresh slate of applicants every year, perfectly replicates its political make-up. Is it really convincing to suggest that they would go to the lengths of , selecting just the right number of pupils from the required persuasion, and discarding the rest, who would be taken up in equally perfect proportions by the other colleges? It’s absurd; what’s more, everyone probably knows it’s absurd.

Now, having established that it’s nonsense I wonder why these stereotypes persist year after year? And where did they originate?

Well, the stereotypes persist year after year because they are as much a part of the Oxford tradition as boat-racing or matriculation. It may be wrong to judge someone by their background, but in Oxford, it would be even more wrong not to do so.

As for their origin, it probably varies on a college-to-college basis. If I wanted to use a get-out-of-answering-free card, I would say that these bubbles within bubbles are down to wheels within wheels: it’s complicated and affected by disguised or indirect influences.

By this reasoning, Somerville’s reputation for diehard Toryism is probably down to the fact that Thatcher went there. Likewise, St John’s notoriety for launching illegal wars in Iraq may have something to do with Tony Blair having attended in the 70s. But because the issue is much more complex than this, these colleges obviously did not gain this reputation. The absurdity demonstrated in these two instances might as well reflect the stupidity of the others.

Harmless nonsense, though, and nonsense that I personally would back to last as long as the myth of the greatest of all folk devils: ‘the Other Place’.

Angels in America Interview: “Incredibly Challenging”

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Kiaya Phillips in conversation with Andrew Raynes (director) and Will Shackleton (who plays Louis) of Happier Year Productions’ version of Tony Kushner’s award-winning play, Angels in America: Part One, Milennium Approaches.

Kiaya: For people who have not heard of this play, can you summarize what it is about?

Andrew Raynes (Director): Angels in America is an ensemble drama set in America in the 1980s. It’s mostly in New York and it examines the political state of America, primarily in terms of the rise of conservatism and the AIDS crisis. It contextualises them in a Jewish mystical belief in a millennium and the Mormon belief in a second coming. The play puts it in a doomsday context so they are looking towards the millennium as the end of the world and it considers all of the factors in American politics and society at the time.

Will Shackelton (Louis): More broadly it’s about two couples, a straight Mormon couple where the wife is struggling with a valium addiction and the husband is having issues with his relationship; and a gay couple, one of whom gets diagnosed with AIDS. All four of their lives and stories blend, cross over, intertwine as they come to terms with their new problems and struggles in their relationships.

Kiaya: Why did you pick it?

A: I picked it because it’s a play I have liked for years, but it also felt relevant too and I wanted to do it this year for a variety of reasons. I think the things it discusses in terms of the rise of conservatism and political polarization feel very relevant now. It also discusses queer liberation and intersectional queer identity in a way that I think is getting lost in contemporary discourse around queer identity. I think we’re in the age of identity politics, and one of the ways in which you can understand Angels is by promoting empathy and understanding all groups of people. So, even though it’s an ensemble piece with lots of different people, everyone in the play has something in common. It teaches a really important lesson about understanding people around you, finding points of connection. The idea that everyone is suffering, no one is actually better than anyone else on a spiritual level, that felt really important to me, but also I wanted to do it this year as opposed to any other because the state of oxford drama was looking really good. I thought we would get a good cast for it.

Kiaya: When did you start working on it?

A: We started thinking about doing it in February when you have to put in bid for the playhouse, then we looked at previous work and decided on this play. We got our crew together and started doing auditions (which were all fantastic). It’s been a real pleasure to work on.

W: As an actor I chose to do it because all of the characters are incredibly challenging, there are six big roles, and they are all more hard than each other every time you look at the play. There’s no clear moral good and bad, every character is cast in shades of gray. It’s not didactic – as Andrew said – and there is no real protagonist in this part (Part One). It puts this situation and asks the audience to try and empathize with everyone and come away with their own wider thoughts.

Kiaya: Are you doing anything interesting with set, lighting and tech?

A: In terms of lighting, we just had our paper tech yesterday so it’s all very fresh, but Lucas, our lighting designer, is going to do some interesting things with shape and color and the way he is throwing abstract patterns around. Our set is based on the set designs of Derek Jarman who was a new queer cinema director, working on film and set in the 70s and 80s. It is inspired by him because we wanted to bring in a bit of British queer history into this play that is mainly about American queer history. Its abstract, its representative, its multifunctional. Hopefully all of the tech will interact to create a coherent semi abstract, semi-naturalistic landscape.

Kiaya: What type of atmosphere are you trying to create?

A: Various throughout the play, dependent on what the scene demands. We have some very small and intimate scenes and we have huge expansive scenes.

W: I think the overall effect is going to be awesome, in the literal sense. Grand scale ideas. The building and the mythic and fantastical elements are all larger than life.

A: One element of tech I am really excited about is that we have original music composed for us by Maddy who is doing a music masters here.

Kiaya: Are you taking inspiration from the famous National Theatre version or not? Is It more modern, or are you keeping it with the time?

A: While angels in America has a rich performance history this production I feel is very much ours: every single element of the production has grown organically, every element of acting and characterisation we have devised in rehearsals. We are making everything our own, the way that we want it to be. If people wanted to watch the National Theatre version they could go and do that. I think if you’re doing a play then it’s no good copying an old one. Partly because I think it’s important to make this newer and more relevant as the themes it discusses, particularly the AIDS crisis, are things that occupy such little space in our cultural memory. So I wanted to make people consider their connections with lost generations.

Kiaya: As a director and actor what were some challenging choices you had to make, these themes are rather poignant and perhaps hard to show. Was there a moment that challenged you? Did you have a set vision going in?

W: I have a unique challenge in the play in that my character Louis is emotionally unable to deal very much at all, and will begin to break down crying and needing the support from everyone around him the second things don’t go the way he envisioned. There are lots of scenes that are very emotionally charged. All of my scenes I do with only one other actor so it’s been really challenging and fun getting to do really tight detailed work where I try to connect with the other actor and try to make it flow as organically as possible. Of course because all the scenes are emotionally charged it’s been nice that the second the scene is over we all start laughing, we really made that divide clear. It’s also an intense play, the script asks the actors to do a lot with their bodies and put themselves in vulnerable positions. Navigating through those in a way that has been comfortable and still able to hide those emotional beats has been a fun process to go through.

A: All of the acting is very fresh and natural. It’s new every time I watch it. It’s better every time I watch it.

W: I’ve also had to learn how to play the viennese waltz! Me and Danny fell over each other to start with but now it’s looking quite beautiful. It brings a tear to my eye doing it.

A: Highlight of the show! You mentioned that there are difficult themes and distressing things happening. But it’s not like people are not dealing with that already. Certainly me and a lot of other people working on the show are dealing, in their day to day lives, with the things that come up in the script. There is a coming out scene that we ended up rehearsing the day after I came out to my family.

Kiaya: Does that feel cathartic?

A: It feels very cathartic. Rather than going to rehearsals and dreading it, we turn up and we process and deal with these difficult things that are happening around us all the time.

W: Although it’s an emotionally charged show, there is also a lot of light and humour. One of the ways the characters process these things is by laughing and enjoying and playing with one another.

A: There is a lot of light and hope in this play.

W: It’s not going to be a whole show of crying and sobbing —

A: — there will be a bit of that.

W: There is a lot of crying and sobbing. (But there is a very good hot dog sausage joke to look out for!)

Kiaya: In a sentence, why do you want people to come and see your show?

W: I’ll give you nine reasons: Danny, Grace, Aravind, Manny, Essence, Nic, Vicky, Maya, Phoenix —

A: — and I’ll give you the tenth reason, Will.

W: All nine of my costars are putting in immense performances. They will have you captivated in the destruction from the very first minute to the very end of the show.

A: I don’t think I can say it better.

Kiaya: Finally, what’s the best quote from the show?

Andrew and Will: “The great work begins!”

Angels in America: Part One, Milennium Approaches is showing at the Oxford Playhouse from the 1st to 4th November. 7:30pm every evening except an 8pm Friday show, with matinees at 2:30pm.

Oxford researchers develop AI tool that can help predict viral outbreaks

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In a groundbreaking study published in Nature, researchers at Oxford and Harvard have unveiled EVEscape, a state-of-the-art AI tool designed to predict the emergence of new viral variants. The study highlights the tool’s ability to anticipate variants solely from the data available at the start of an outbreak, aiding in preventative measures and vaccine design.

EVEscape combines a deep-learning model with a comprehensive collection of viral sequences. This synergy empowers the tool to forecast which viral variants are most likely to evolve, providing invaluable insights for vaccine and therapeutics developers.

The study’s co-lead author and DPhil student at Oxford, Pascal Notin, emphasized the value of EVEscape in pandemic tracking and vaccine development: “Our study shows that had EVEscape been deployed at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, it would have accurately predicted the most frequent mutations and the most concerning variants for SARS-CoV-2.”

Researchers also tested EVEscape’s versatility by feeding it data to predict mutations across various viruses. EVEscape successfully forecasted the mutations for viruses including influenza, HIV, and pandemic-potential viruses like Lassa and Nipah.

From Oxford’s Applied and Theoretical Machine Learning group, Associate Professor Yarin Gal shed light on what set EVEscape apart from its previous iterations: “We developed new AI methods that do not have to wait for relevant antibodies to arise in the population.”

The origins of EVEscape can be traced back to its predecessor, EVE (Evolutionary Model of Variant Effect). Initially designed to predict genetic mutations on non-contagious diseases such as cancer and heart diseases, EVE had already proven its mettle. However, the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic galvanized efforts to leverage its potential for predicting viral variants.

For now, the researchers are monitoring COVID virus strains in real-time with EVEscape, providing biweekly updates on new variants and sharing their data with global entities like the World Health Organization (WHO). The complete code for EVEscape is publically available online.

With the potential to aid in designing resilient vaccines and treatments, EVEscape may soon play a vital role in predicting and mitigating the effects of both well-known viruses and lesser-known, yet potentially devastating ones.

Oxford report reveals enduring inequalities underlying maternal mortality

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Oxford’s scientists from the Population Health’s National Perinatal Epidemiology Unit, in collaboration with MBRRACE-UK, have published a report which helps identify improvements needed in the maternity sector. 

The study, Saving Lives, Improving Mothers’ Care report, comprehensively outlines the number of expecting women who died during, or up to a year after, pregnancy between 2019 – 2021. The report is unique in terms of covering the period of time in which the Delta variant of COVID-19 was most wide-spread and could have had an effect on maternal deaths.

The report carefully analyses and evaluates the care received by the women who died, and simultaneously suggests solutions to prevent deaths in the future. The data also draws attention to the underlying fact that disparities in maternal health currently endure.

The report highlighted racial factors, indicating that in the peak COVID-19 period (2019 – 2021) women from Black ethnic background were four times as likely as White women to die during or up to six weeks after their pregnancy. Additionally, compared to their White counterparts, women from Asian ethnic backgrounds were subjected to an almost two-fold increase in the rate of maternal deaths.

Data from the report has also revealed the impact of economic factors. Indeed, women living in the most deprived areas of the UK were twice as likely to die in comparison to women living in the least deprived regions. Further, 40% of maternal deaths can be associated with mental health related causes with maternal suicide remaining the main cause of direct deaths between in the period.

In addition, 12% of women who died during pregnancy, or up to a year after, were at several of multiple disadvantages. The report shed light on the concern that maternal healthcare staff were often expected to care for women with multiple vulnerabilities or complex medical conditions without proper training, which meant that specific care needs were not met. 

Between 2019 – 2021, the leading cause of maternal deaths, in excess of any other cause, was the COVID-19 virus. Vaccine hesitancy, confused and uncertain medical messaging on risks, coupled with being denied access to basic treatment for COVID – 19 were likely contributors to mortality figures.

Women were often uninformed when making choices regarding medication and care. In order to ensure better maternal care, the report’s key recommendations include that pregnant women must be included in medical and vaccine research, the need for tailored postnatal care and access to training resources in order to promote collaborative decision making on medication use during and after pregnancy.

Professor of Maternal and Child Population Health at Oxford Population Health, and maternal reporting lead, Marian Knight MBE, said: “This report shows persistent inequities impacting the care of pregnant, recently pregnant and breastfeeding women. Improvements in care may have been able to change the outcome for 52% of the women who died during or up to a year after pregnancy. This demonstrates an even greater need to focus on the implementation of the recommendations within this report to achieve a reduction in maternal deaths.”

Fallen Angels? Investigating Victoria’s Secret’s redemption arc

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Simultaneously iconic for its glorious displays and notorious for the impossible beauty standards it perpetuates, the Victoria Secret Fashion show was a cultural staple of the fashion world. From The Weeknd and Bella Hadid’s tense mid-runway reconciliation in 2016 to Gisele Bundchen in a $15 million jewel encrusted bra, it seemed the phantasmic allure and sex appeal of Victoria’s Secret held no limits. The first live streaming of the show in 2001 garnered over 1.5 million viewers and crashed the website. And at the centre of it all were the brands’ “Angels”, a heavenly set of models – all, of course, tall, tanned and toned – flaunting the latest designs and topped off with a set of wings.

However, facing a global closure of 250 stores and a 33% decrease in sales in
recent years, the lingerie house has since been forced to undergo a major rebrand,
cancelling their runway show and shifting their marketing to focus on promoting inclusivity and diversity. The crumbling of a once megalithic pillar of both fashion and pop culture begs the question: why did the Angels suddenly fall from grace?

Originally founded in 1977, Victoria’s Secret began as an outlet for men to purchase
lingerie in a more ‘comfortably masculine’ environment. From the 1990s onwards,
however, the pivoted from its boudoir-esque roots toward captivating an audience of
young women with its annual fashion show. The hook of Victoria’s Secret lay not in
their affordable, trendy lingerie, but in the myth building around these products. The
glitz, glamour and association with A-list faces that encircled the brand’s models
continued to draw in a younger audience. And even though it was no longer men
doing the fantasising, the heavenly image had not changed. The illusion that by
buying into the brand would somehow magically transform a customer into an Angel
propelled the brand to stardom. To millions, the Victoria’s Secret Angel epitomised
an impossible level of sensual, feminine beauty. And even as other lingerie brands
seemingly left behind Y2k’s body standards to reflect their audience’s growing desire
for inclusivity – Fenty x Savage, for example, saw queer, trans, and non-binary
models grace its first catwalk – Victoria’s Secret still seemed reluctant to expand its
tightly curated image. In a 2018 Vogue interview, Chief Marketing Officer Ed Razek
justified his aversion to body diversity by describing the show – which was cancelled
that same year – as ‘a fantasy…a 42-minute entertainment special”.

After a 5-year hiatus, the Victoria’s Secret fashion show has returned to our screens in a manner of speaking. Self-described as ‘part documentary, part fashion fantasy’, the new show premiered on Prime video earlier this month under the name “The Tour
23”. In the process of carving out a sleeker, more Gen-Z adjacent brand, elements
needed to be shaken off; there is a clear feeling that the essence of the original show
has been receded into a hazy, hyperfeminine dream. Instead of sporting the newest
designs, Gigi Hadid hosts a spotlight focusing on global independent designers
creating looks about what it means to be a woman in an ‘imperfect’ body.

Not only was the traditional format dropped, but the title “Angels” has been swapped
out for “VS Collective”. Self-consciously bridging the gap between old and new,
original Angel Naomi Campbell walked alongside Winnie Harlow, drag superstar
Honey Dijon and all-American soccer icon Megan Rapinoe. And while the
supermodels might not have graced the runway in wings, the show retained some of
its previous luxe allure with A-List faces on the carpet and a performance from
Rapper Doechii. This balancing act between retention and evolution makes it clear
Victoria’s Secret is being built anew- at least at surface level. Clearly, marketing has
realised the need to keep up with the “unbridled inclusivity” that Business Insider
described as Savage x Fenty’s USP. But it’s difficult to shake off a controversial past,
particularly when any success remains in part indebted to the lingering shadow of its
high-kitsch beginnings. And, during this rebranding saga, another- more problematic question:

if the brand’s original allure was premised on an unattainable vision, what
marks it out from the competition now? If the show now offers us a reality over
fantasy, will the audience be willing to buy in? Only time will tell if their revamping
successfully walks the tightrope between maintaining its allure whilst also moving
towards inclusivity.

Oxford Council’s Local Plan acknowledges housing shortfall

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Oxford City Council approved the first draft of the Local Plan 2040 on 18 October, acknowledging that they can’t meet the housing demand of the next 17 years. The plan aims to tackle the climate crisis, build more affordable homes, and “make Oxford’s economy work for all residents”.

Following the Council’s approval, the Local Plan will go to public consultation between November and January, after which a final draft will be prepared for public inspection. The Local Plan could be adopted in the summer of 2025, making it the legal document that governs decision-making on all planning and development applications in Oxford, replacing the existing Oxford Local Plan 2036.

Investigations for the Plan identified a need for 26,400 homes in Oxford before 2040. However, the Plan only identifies 9,612 available sites for new homes within the city’s boundaries.

Oxford City Council has asked neighbouring districts to accommodate more than 2,500 of these homes, on top of the 14,300 homes that the districts have already agreed to.

The Local Plan includes new approaches to tackling housing issues in Oxford, including allowing homes to be built on all types of employment sites for the first time and continuing to limit student accommodation to the city centre, district centres (including Cowley Road, Summertown, and Headington) and land adjacent to existing University campuses.

This decision to ask neighbouring districts to take on thousands of extra homes has been criticised by local MPs including Layla Moran, who commented: “Oxford City Council repeatedly decides to use sites in the city for retail and employment rather than housing, and then claims that it can’t deliver the housing the city so desperately needs.”

This is not the first cross-council issue over housing that arose in the drafting stage. The Plan was initially expected to accompany the Oxfordshire Plan 2050 but councils across Oxfordshire were unable to agree on how many houses would be built and where in the county.

Additionally, the Local Plan 2040 only allocates 40% of developments over 10 properties as affordable housing, compared to the 50% it previously set in Local Plan 2036. 

The City Council’s Website states that this is because “residential use now has a lower land value than offices and lab space … Therefore, without this change it is very likely that developers would choose not to use land for housebuilding and there would be fewer affordable homes built in the future.”

The Plan also hopes to balance these housing goals with the council’s climate goals including requiring all new homes and businesses to be Carbon Zero by 2030.

Local Plan 2040 is the result of years of investigations as well as input from the local community with 1,730 Oxford residents’ and organisations’ comments having been considered as part of this draft.

Devolution and Unionism: Labour’s Achilles Heel?

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Fifty-six years ago, in Hamilton, Winnie Ewing won the SNP its first Westminster seat, with 46 per cent of the vote. A landmark in Scottish politics, the 1967 by-election gave the Scottish question momentum. It welcomed the SNP to the political mainstream and forced Labour and the Conservatives to articulate their vision of Scotland in the UK.

Fast forward to 2023, and the momentum is with Labour, who are keen to frame as “seismic” their by-election victory over the SNP in Rutherglen and Hamilton West earlier this month. With 58.6 per cent of the vote, it was a remarkable win. Writing in the Times, Prof. John Curtice projected a similar swing could increase Labour’s Scottish MPs from 2 to 40 in a general election.

As the first by-election defeat the nationalists have suffered at Westminster, Rutherglen plays into a narrative of SNP decline. Amidst investigations into party finance and a lacklustre leadership in Nicola Sturgeon’s vacuum, the lack of enthusiasm amongst members debased Scotland’s governing party to outsource leafleting to a private firm. Having long mastered their role as a Janus-faced government of opposition, the SNP’s machine is running on empty.

At Labour’s conference, Keir Starmer was triumphant, emphatic that “Scotland can lead the way to a Labour government.” Which is just as well, because the route to Downing Street demands Labour gains north of the border. But with talk of 40 MPs, “seismic” change, and a Scotland “at the heart of a Britain built to last,” is Labour getting ahead of itself? Absent at conference was any articulation of Scotland’s constitutional future under a Labour government. This poses a problem, as despite the SNP’s political woes, support for Scottish independence remains high, hovering between 45 to 48 per cent.

Yet this stasis in the polls obfuscates a shift in nationalist thought. In 2014, there was a thin divide between nationalism and unionism. Both sides shared a vision of a strong welfare state, membership of the EU, and greater Scottish control of Scottish affairs. Stressing continuity, Alex Salmond located Scotland within six unions: political, monarchical, monetary, defence, European, and social. Independence was to sever the first of these, but to leave the others intact. 

Just as the SNP has lurched left-ward in government with the Greens, however, so it has become more separatist. Not only the political union but now the monarchical, monetary, defence, and – thanks to Brexit – the European and social unions would alter. As the SNP move towards republicanism in Europe, requiring membership of Schengen and calling into question free movement within the British Isles, independence has less in common with unionism than ever before. In turn, the Scottish Tories have moved in a unitary direction to bypass Holyrood and interfere directly from Westminster in devolved matters. All the while, Scottish Labour are yet to articulate an answer to the Scottish Question beyond a vapid promise to “protect devolution and stand up for Scotland’s role in the UK.”

It has now been a year since Gordon Brown published his committee’s report on the UK’s future, imagining a “reunited kingdom.” Brown’s key recommendation, to abolish and replace the House of Lords with a democratically elected Assembly of the Nations and Regions, has yet to translate into Labour policy. Coupled with Brown’s recommendations on increased fiscal power for devolved administrations and “double devolution” from Westminster and Holyrood to local communities, this would be the seismic change Labour desperately needs. 

It would give voice to a de-centralising unionism that makes permanent and enhances the devolution settlement, whilst building consensus in a polarised Scotland. For Brown’s recommendations bear striking similarity to Alex Salmond’s ‘Council of the Isles’ proposed during the 2014 independence referendum: bringing together the UK’s four nations to work collaboratively on issues that affect everyone. Such policy would reinvigorate Donald Dewar’s “independence within the UK,” and reclaim Labour’s place as champions of devolution. It would see a return to the spirit of 1707 unionism, which sought to safeguard Scottish nationhood and civil society, whilst joining with our larger neighbour to pool resources and work collaboratively on issues that affect us all. Labour’s history of progressive collaboration – on the welfare state, the NHS, social housing – make the unionist arguments most likely to sway Yes voters. James Callaghan’s argument for devolution in 1976 still stands, that “national identity and a United Kingdom are not competitors or rivals,” but rather “partners, each enriching the other”.

But without firm policy on devolution or “levelling up,” Labour risks peddling a unitary unionism that bursts at the border; riding the polls only whilst Scottish voters prioritise the cost of living above independence. This unitary unionism bears the spectre of Thatcherite misunderstanding in red, white, and blue; wary of difference, rendering devolution as “separation by degrees.” It risks returning to Labour’s pre-1970 scepticism of devolution as anathema to socialist solidarity: to a centrally planned economy, nationalised industries, and full employment.

Each of these strands of unitary unionism were evident in Keir Starmer’s keynote speech to conference. Standing in front of a huge Union Jack, with the slogan ‘Britain’s future’ on his podium, Starmer echoed Margaret Thatcher in 1984, with a patriotic rebranding designed to appeal to English Conservative swing voters. Likewise, the tricolour placards happily brandished at the by-election wins in Tamworth and Mid Bedfordshire enjoined “Let’s Get Britain’s Future Back.” By contrast, there were no Union Jacks (or Saltires) on the placards at Rutherglen, where Michael Shanks and Anas Sarwar campaigned for “the change Scotland needs.”

Starmer’s speech made no reference to the United Kingdom, or its constitutional future, but mentioned Britain forty-five times, working up to Labour’s central policy for “Great British Energy,” a publicly owned green energy company. The difference between the United Kingdom and Britain may seem semantic – the difference between four nations and one – but points to a fraction between Westminster and Holyrood in unionist thought and campaigning. A general election fought with UK Labour’s British branding may not resonate with Scottish voters or deliver the success of Rutherglen. The Union Jack may have been conceived to combine symbols for Scotland, Ireland, and England, but for many Scots it is now synonymous with ‘British’ identity, set against Scottishness.

If this really is “a changed Labour party,” as Starmer declares, it needs a better policy on Scotland’s future. A general election focused on the economy and the poor governance of the Tory party might just land Labour more seats north of the border. But to sustain a lead over the SNP and to win control of the Scottish Parliament in the 2026 elections, Labour needs an answer to the Scottish Question, and to deliver change for Scotland within the first term of a Labour government.

As far as there is a ‘settled will’ of the Scottish people, we are still split right down the middle. If Labour seeks not only to win power but to retain it, the party needs to articulate a deliverable vision for Scotland’s future within the UK – one that can reclaim the constitutional centre ground.

Image Credit: Keir Starmer/CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 via Flickr

Oxford tourism numbers rebound after the pandemic

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Oxford tourism numbers are now surpassing pre-pandemic levels, after having been among the most reduced in the UK during COVID. Eight and a half million visited the city over the summer, according to the council’s data.

The city centre has defied the nation-wide trend, with a 14.6% increase in summer visitors compared to the UK’s average 0.3% decrease. The council has attributed these changes to the City Centre Action Plan, which was introduced last year in an attempt to strengthen the city centre. 

The Covered Market has had consistently improved levels of activity. To meet and help fuel increased demand, the Market introduced longer opening hours which were warmly received in the 2022 consultation. The Council’s redevelopment plan also includes refurbishment to the structure and a potential pedestrianisation of Market Street which is set to be trialled next spring. 

Compared to other cities, Oxford has a drastically lower vacancy rate of 5.6%. This is less than half of the southern average and nearly a fifth of the northern. While still above pre-pandemic levels, the numbers are going down rapidly, at 32 available units from 49 this time last year. 

Councillor Susan Brown is optimistic about the future of the city centre, saying: “This summer’s rise in footfall shows Oxford city centre continues to be a thriving destination, despite national trends and despite the challenges of the Botley Road Bridge closure. 

“It’s been wonderful to see the city’s streets and businesses busy over the summer and we have a lot of exciting projects planned – including the redevelopment of the Covered Market and the Clarendon Centre – that will help to keep the city centre vibrant.”  

The City Centre Action Plan is set to be completed in 2030. Part of the plan includes diversifying activities available, making the city safer and, controversially, limiting congestion. The council has expressed its hope  that Oxford will continue to grow as a tourist destination and a desirable place to live, with an aim to improve the local economy and retain talent.

Oxford study discovers source of largest ever Mars quake

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An Oxford led team of scientists have recently revealed the results of a unique collaborative project which looked to explore the source of the greatest recorded seismic event on Mars.

The study indicated that the quake was a consequence of enormous tectonic forces within Mars’ crust and ruled out the possibility of a meteorite impact.

This seismic event (S1222a) was recorded by NASA’s InSight lander last year, on Wednesday 4th May 2022. NASA recorded the marsquake’s magnitude of 4.7 which caused the planet to vibrate for at least six hours.

While Mars is smaller than Earth, it still has comparable land surface area as it has no oceans. To survey this vast amount of ground, 144 million km2, Oxford’s project lead, Dr Benjamin Fernando from the Department of Physics, sought contributions from different space agencies around the world.

In an unprecedented fashion, it is believed that this is the first time that all missions in orbit around Mars have worked together on a single project. This included assistance from the European Space Agency, the Chinese National Space Agency, the Indian Space Research Organisation, and the United Arab Emirates Space Agency.

On Mars, InSight (co-designed by Oxford) recorded at least eight seismic events caused by meteoroid impacts, forming craters that reached up to 150m in diameter. Eventually, after several months, scientists concluded that S122a could not have been caused by a meteoroid, as no fresh or larger crater was found. Instead, it is thought to be from interior tectonic forces, which indicate the planet is much more seismically active than previously believed.

This study, drawing on global expertise, has highlighted the potential of collaborative work on scientific discovery and knowledge. Oxford’s Dr Benjamin Fernando said: “This project represents a huge international effort to help solve the mystery of S1222a, and I am incredibly grateful to all the missions who contributed. I hope this project serves as a template for productive international collaborations in deep space.”

JSoc condemns Intifada chants at student protests

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The Oxford University Jewish Society (JSoc) released a statement condemning “anti-Semitic incitements to violence” used by students during recent protests. In particular, the student society condemned the refrain “From Oxford to Gaza / Long live the Intifada,” writing that “during the last Intifada, thousands of people were killed in random acts of terror.” While JSoc “hoped this call to violence was an aberration,” the statement said “it has now become clear that it is being used frequently at protests.”

The protests in question have been organised by several Oxford societies over the past three weeks. Other recurrent chants from protestors have included “From the River to the Sea / Palestine will be free” and “One, two, three, four / Occupation no more.” The next demonstration is expected to take place on 1 November and will consist of a march from Manzil Way to Bonn Square.

JSoc emphasised the importance of distinguishing between the state policy of Israel and the Jewish diaspora in such protests. It urged the Oxford Palestinian Society (PalSoc) and the Oxford Marxist Society to recognize this distinction, writing “we call on these groups to publicly acknowledge that Jews in the UK are not responsible for the conflict in the Middle East, and that any attempts to assert our responsibility are inherently anti-Semitic.” 

JSoc also called on the two other student societies to “cease using the chant and unequivocally condemn anti-Semitism.”

According to the announcement, JSoc has reached out to these groups through private channels and asked them to publicly condemn anti-Semitism, but neither society has responded to the requests. 

A previous social media announcement from JSoc was posted in response to an attack on an Oxford mosque and read as follows: “We are saddened and disturbed by the Islamophobic attack on a mosque in Oxford yesterday morning. The targeting of Muslims in the UK due to the ongoing conflict in the Middle East is unacceptable, and we stand with our Muslim neighbours during this difficult time.”

The Oxford Palestine Society has been approached for comment.