Saturday 26th July 2025
Blog Page 158

A Very Short Guide to Art Gallery Dates

There are a million better ways to spend an afternoon than moping around a largely windowless building with a complete stranger and an inability to remember where the exit is. Despite this, art gallery dates remain oddly popular, with couples week on week traipsing to galleries. Art is in many ways a sort of stepping stone to deep and meaningful connection. Gallery dates are not without their difficulties but we here at Cherwell have some advice on how to handle art gallery dates, from how to look at the art, how to talk about it – and when to leave.

Looking at the art is the bulk of the work. Take a minute to take in the painting. When you look at it, what do you notice? How do you feel? Simply allowing a piece of art wash over you can open up so many observations, which will in turn provide you with something to talk about. It may be something completely trivial – maybe you think someone’s face is painted in a weird way, or that you want a particular piece on your bedroom wall – but any connection with the art is a good one. Art is supposed to produce a reaction – just let it do its work. 

Ultimately, the aim of an art gallery date is to foster a relaxed and enjoyable atmosphere where both you and your date can appreciate and learn from the art together. Asking open-ended questions is the best way to start conversation. Each piece can be a conversation starter, offering a window into the other person’s feelings and perspective on things. Begin by sharing your initial impressions and feelings about a particular piece, and maybe venture into asking questions about specific details of the painting. Avoid technical jargon and instead focus on emotion and personal connection to the work. 

Of course, there comes a point in every art gallery date where you notice that one or both of you is walking a little slower. Yawning, perhaps. Or, more obviously, looking around for an exit. That’s when you make arrangements to leave. Find a natural break point, such as the end of a room or section, and get out. Most galleries and museums have a café, and this is a great place to decompress, share your thoughts, and congratulate yourselves – you just about managed to survive the gallery date.

Are you taking the mick? The secret world of student satire 

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Oxford’s main student publications are so ubiquitously publicised, they’re impossible to miss. The juiciest of newspapers, however, are shrouded in secrecy. Their existence is ominously revealed to first-years during Freshers’ Week, with no mention of them online and an exclusive readership. 

College publications usually focus on only the life of that college (or, less charitably, its gossip). They often satirise its members which, to the unknowing eye, could seem cruel. But, these papers are overwhelmingly beloved – even by those bearing the brunt of the mockery – and are viewed as an integral part of college culture. Just what is it that keeps readers coming back for more?

Alt = "The Phoenix, The 40th edition 'special', Letters from the editors"
The Phoenix will mysteriously appear mid-term in pidges and the college bar.

To begin, New College’s The Phoenix is the most scandalous of the lot. Its copies (exclusively print) will mysteriously appear mid-term in pidges and the college bar. The Phoenix names and shames its subjects, for anything as mild as sharking to as serious as mis-spelling Atik in the freshers’ group chat. The romantic entanglements borne of the most recent bop are no longer confined to the Plush smoking area but are forever remembered in the ION (eye-on) section. Omnipresent spies observe rowing mishaps and housemate drama, JCR elections and crewdate sconces left to be recorded for posterity by the authors’ scathing pens. 

Other colleges tone down the mockery or omit the gossip sections altogether, but the large majority have at least one section, mostly respecting anonymity, devoted to humorous comment on college affairs. Worcester’s Woosta Source, Lincoln’s The Imp and other more serious-looking publications still devote some space to humorous commentary of college pets’ antics or JCR meeting fiascos. The Oxymoron takes it one step further, devoting its entire publication to satire and humour centred on Oxford life.

The mockery flirts with insult but never crosses the line to meanness, however, and is clearly affectionate in even its most cutting forms. Even tales about mild JCR embezzlement, blatant Freshers’ rep sharking, and one girl’s (actually successful) quest to get with every member of a bloodline don’t make The Phoenix any real enemies. Phoenix editors ask college members before each edition if anyone would like to be omitted from it or consulted before print, but according to former editor Lewis Fisher, only about 30 people opt for this each time, less than a tenth of the college’s undergraduates. The Phoenix is almost universally  beloved by the college, and gets generous funding from the JCR each term. Perhaps this is only because the Oxford college system, with insular communities in enclosed spaces and a work-hard, play-hard attitude, is the perfect breeding ground for gossip, and people are eager to sink their teeth into the new batch of information on the various embarrassing shenanigans of their fellow students. 

Alt = "Zac dressed for the occasion in jeans and a jacket I can only assume he stole from Amelia Earhart. Afraid of dating a man who dressed like a female pilot, or worse...me, I was relieved to hear that Zac agreed to the date purely to be mean. He continued to share a list of preprepared insults, revealing he had as little faith in the outcome of this date as I. He also can't have been that chuffed with me as he revealed he was willing to waver his zero drug policy and "express mail magic mushrooms, so {he could} astral project into a universe where this conversation is interesting"...."
An anecdote from The Broadsheet. Words by Issie Dover.

But gossip proves time and time again to be a means of bonding. This is especially the case in larger colleges whose “college spirit” might wane; gossip magazines become a way to foster college unity and bring people closer together. Contents of gossip magazines become topics of conversations at college bars and bops, the communal embarrassment of being called out on the college paper (or relief at being left out) makes it easier to strike up conversation and connect with other college members.

This sense of camaraderie appears in many of Oxford’s silliest traditions: “shoeys”, sconcing and Oxfess likewise use embarrassment, mockery, and gossip to bring students, from sports teams to lecture halls, closer together. Sharing one common joke, or collectively poking fun at a well-known institution or person can actually be a good thing.

Trinity’s termly online magazine, The Broadsheet, takes self-satire to another level: there is mercy for no-one, with union hacks, finalists, and unwitting freshers all coming under the searingly funny spotlight of the authors. Articles mocking a certain prolific union member’s academic achievements or a staircase’s strange night-time activities join outrageously funny recountings of blind dates between a feminist anarchist and a clueless Etonian. 

Alt = "The Phoenix's words of advice for Valentine's Day in Welfare Corner"
The Phoenix’s caring words in Welfare Corner.

One particularly, let’s say, observant contribution to The Broadsheet records the  rundown of fresher staircases. Authors “commend the wine fanatic for her humanitarian work in furthering international relations and the impressive scholarly research one classicist put into ranking every first year girl in college on looks.”

Anthropologist Robin Dunbar goes so far as to say that gossip is the human equivalent to grooming each other in that it allows individuals to maintain and strengthen their relationships: gossip enabled humanity to expand its tribes and make them more stable. Satirical college publications may serve the same function: perhaps that is why it is primarily larger colleges, where keeping up with gossip becomes impossible by first week, that have juiciest newspapers. 

Alt = "The ION section of The Phoenix"
Keep your eyes peeled for The Phoenix’s ION section.

The apparent obsession with self-satire and mockery, however, may seem odd or even cruel to outsiders. Some say this is fitting with Oxford students’ tendency towards humour and away from taking anything seriously to save their lives. Irony and sarcasm are at the heart of Oxford humour: Oxfess’ University-wide inside jokes (Nutkins the stuffed squirrel remains a character of Oxfess, and Oxford lore to this day) are a funny part of culture and a sort of Shibboleth, immediately bringing strangers who are “in the know” closer by virtue of the shared reference. Similarly, the silly arguments between housemates or borne of the gladiatorial room ballots, chronicled in meticulous detail by The Phoenix, surely helps all involved forget any grudges and have a laugh about the absurdity of it all.

No matter the type of college publication, whether it’s an innocent chronicle of the term’s events or a scathing rundown of the College’s most scandalous happenings, it is still a crucial and beloved part of college life. The unsung heroes are the writers and editors themselves (many of whom have been incredibly helpful in the writing of this article), who by poking fun at everything and everyone, often including themselves, bring communities closer together and make Oxford life just a tad more entertaining.

New College student greeted by “escort” in their room amidst hotel havoc

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A student at New College was met with a “woman sitting on [their] bed in a lingerie robe” when they opened their room door at the Leonardo Royal hotel. The shock came as third-year New College students were re-housed an hour walk away from the centre following delayed building works. The College has responded to the incident by reducing rent by half and putting in place a night porter at the hotel.

Students were due to move into the New Gradel Quadrangles building on Mansfield Road at the start of this term. However, on 16 August they were informed by email that due to slow progress on site, it wouldn’t be ready on time and that they would be accommodated at the Leonardo Royal until 1 November. On 27 September, the College delayed the move-in again until Monday of ninth week.

Cherwell has exclusive access to first-hand accounts of the incident that occurred last Tuesday, when a third-year student moved into what was supposed to be a student-only corridor in the hotel. Instead of moving in, they claim the hotel offered them to wait until the woman, who had booked the room from 9-5, had left. 

According to the student, the hotel said it made a “human admin error” and gave the woman a student room by mistake. The hotel then offered two options: wait until five o’clock and have the room cleaned again, or move to a distant room.

Another student told Cherwell they saw a man walking down what was meant to be a student corridor, who then entered the room: “ten minutes after that as we walked out of [the neighbouring] room we could hear them having loud sex – and then 20 minutes later he left and we watched him leave the corridor.” They claimed to have seen three further people enter and leave the room. 

Another student reported to New College that after having brought this issue up to a staff member they seemed “unfazed” at the news and “implied” this was a regular occurrence. The hotel has denied this, telling Cherwell they do not condone such behaviour in their hotels and always aim to be accommodating and prioritise their guests’ best comfort.

The Leonardo Royal Hotel lies in North Oxford, just by the ring road and three miles from the main site. As compensation, students were offered free bus passes into central Oxford, and free breakfast and dinner, despite not having direct access to kitchen facilities anyway. 

Initially, they were to pay the same rent as they would have paid for the new Gradel suites, according to correspondence seen by Cherwell.

However, after a lengthy email and “profound apologies” from the College, the Home Bursar Gez Wells agreed to a rent reduction of £13.57 per day (50%) and put in place a College Night Porter at the hotel overnight. An email from a student to the College called for more to be done, arguing that the College’s response is “not even the bare minimum”.

In 2016, Exeter College had to move 86 students into hotel accommodation after construction delays to the Cohen building. Students did not pay any rent while staying in the same hotel, whilst having provisions for a common room and a College officer present seven days a week.

New College students shocked about the difference in their experience have been “discussing a battels strike as an idea to get College to listen,” according to an email seen by Cherwell.

New College told Cherwell: “The College was made aware of a situation occurring at the hotel during part of the check in process which was witnessed by one student and their parents.

“The College and hotel worked immediately and collectively to address the issue and have subsequently spoken to the student concerned. The matter was then closed and every precaution against a reoccurrence has been taken.”
Leonardo Hotel has responded, telling Cherwell: “The comfort and safety of all our guests are of paramount importance to us. We are fully investigating the allegations being made and sincerely apologise for any distress that this has caused.”

Extinction Rebellion protests outside University’s STEM Careers Fair

Students alongside members of Extinction Rebellion (XR) Oxford gathered outside the Examination Schools to protest the University’s invitation to Equinor to set-up at its STEM Careers Fair. Protesters see the invitation as an endorsement, saying that it goes against the University’s sustainability commitments and targets for Net Zero.

Equinor is a petroleum refining company which has recently been approved to operate in the controversial Rosebank oil field, the biggest undeveloped oil field in the North Sea, and could extract a projected 500 million barrels of oil equivalent over its lifetime. The operation of Rosebank itself sparked protests earlier this term and has faced wider criticism for being a U-turn on key climate policies. Protestors discovered that Equinor ‘withdrew’ from the event yesterday.

One protestor told Cherwell: “the University Career Service of Oxford University is still allowing fossil fuel corporations into his careers fairs, it should not be happening. Already half a dozen universities have stopped oil and gas corporations from trying to recruit in their careers fairs. This is actually in line with the United Nations, which says there should be no new oil, gas or coal installations made anywhere on the planet.”

Recently, Oxford’s Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment has unveiled research that indicates that wind and solar energy could fulfil energy demand 10-fold. Oxford University was also the sixth-largest beneficiary of funding from fossil fuel companies out of all UK universities in 2022-23, receiving £1.2 million.Oxford pledged to divest its endowment from fossil fuels in April 2020, but have maintained partnerships with oil and gas firms in order to fund research activities and scholarship programmes

Ruby Finn, one of the organisers and student at Hertford College, told Cherwell: “It goes against all of Oxford’s research…Oxford publishes this and then on the other hand invites Equinor to the careers service.”

She added that “while we fully support anyone taking up whatever career that they choose, we thought by doing this the University was affiliating and endorsing Equinor”.

In response, the University told Cherwell: “’The Careers Service offers an impartial service which allows students to make informed choices about their futures through access to employers and professional networks.

“The Service is very concerned about the climate crisis and any employer wishing to advertise roles and opportunities on our systems are encouraged to answer a set of questions to allow students to find out more about their sustainability credentials.

“Students can easily access an organisation’s stance on the climate crisis, its plan on how it will achieve Net-Zero by 2050 and remain profitable, and other relevant credentials in sustainability.”

Equinor has been reached for comment.

Solar and wind energy could fulfill energy demand 10-fold, Oxford study finds

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Oxford’s Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment has unveiled research that indicates that wind and solar power could not only meet but vastly surpass the nation’s energy demands, providing a compelling pathway towards a greener, more sustainable future. 

The primary finding of the study asserts that wind and solar energy have the potential to generate a staggering 2,896 terawatt-hours (TWh) of energy annually. Putting this into perspective, this amount is nearly ten times the current electricity demand, which stands at 299 TWh per year. Furthermore, these estimates have been made intentionally conservative whilst addressing concerns such as land use and the visual impact of renewable energy installations.

The lead author, Dr Brian O’Callaghan, stated in a press release that “this isn’t merely a technical question but a matter of ambition”. He argues that the UK should embrace renewables with the vigour seen in the United States, which offers generous incentives for renewable energy adoption, while simultaneously preparing the nation’s grid for the impending surge in renewable energy production.

Battcock Professor of Environmental Economics, Cameron Hepburn, finds a silver lining in what he has described as “an unfortunately poor set of policy announcements from the government this week”. Professor Hepburn identifies a glimmer of hope in the form of initiatives designed to accelerate renewable projects and with the policy brief asserting that renewable energy can play a leading role in Britain’s journey towards achieving net-zero emissions. It suggests that while nuclear power and other renewables may also have their role, it is entirely conceivable to power the entire nation using wind and solar energy alone.

Professor Hepburn, however, cautioned against relying solely on wind and solar to reduce emissions, pointing out that other measures, such as transitioning to electric vehicles (EVs), can deliver substantial carbon savings.

The analysis in the report anticipates that offshore wind energy could serve as the backbone, contributing a substantial 73% (2,121 TWh/year) of the energy generated. Onshore wind, occupying a mere 0.07% of the country’s land, is projected to provide around 7% (206 TWh/year) of the energy. Utility-scale solar power is expected to make up about 19% (544 TWh/year) of the energy, with rooftop solar covering 8% of Great Britain’s roof area and contributing 25 TWh/year. This diversified approach ensures a well-balanced and more secure energy mix, which may aid both in environmental causes and reducing vulnerability to external economic shocks.

One significant challenge highlighted in the policy brief is the need for substantial grid upgrades to accommodate the surge in renewable energy. Scaling up energy storage is also a pressing task on the road to a sustainable energy future. However, the authors expressed confidence that these challenges can be overcome, particularly with the ongoing reduction in renewable energy costs.

The recent commitment by Prime Minister Rishi Sunak to eliminate bureaucratic delays in renewable energy and storage projects could be seen as a promising sign of government support for this transformative transition. However, the Government was equally criticized for U-turning on other environmental policies and pushing back net-zero targets. Sunak was also criticized last week for claiming to have “scrapped” government measures that appear to have never existed.

University Church moves to evict Oxford cafe as petition passed 8000 signatures

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The University Church of St Mary the Virgin has begun legal proceedings to evict Vaults and Garden Café, a popular coffee shop located within the historic building. A petition by its owner against the closure has reached over 8,000 signatures. 

Located across from the Radcliffe Camera, Vaults and Garden has been a popular spot for students and locals for just over 20 years. It has also been lauded in recent years for its commitment to sustainability and ethical business practices and won the 2017 Oxford Restaurant Award for most sustainable Oxfordshire restaurant. Will Pouget, the owner of Vaults and Garden, has started a petition to protest the proposed eviction and “intend to vigorously defend any possession proceedings” over the fate of the cafe. 

The University Church’s Parochial Church Council (PCC), which oversees the use of the space the café occupies, announced plans to renovate and conduct conservation work in the space in a press release and confirmed that Vaults and Garden cafe had been given notice to quit in May of 2023. 

The plans come as part of the Church’s Vision and Strategy, which was set out earlier this year. They aim to “significantly reduce energy usage, improve accessibility, enhance security, and ensure that the Grade 1 listed building is fit to welcome all visitors well into the future”. It also involves the current café closing in the next few months, and it is hoped a new café, operated as a social enterprise, will open its doors in Spring 2025. 

When asked if Vaults and Garden would be able to sign a new lease after the renovation the PCC told Cherwell: “It is not clear to us that Fresh Connection Ltd [the company that owns Vaults and Garden] is a social enterprise. Following redevelopment and at the point the PCC comes to appoint suppliers or issue catering licence(s), these will be an open commercial process.”

Mr Pouget, who has strongly protested the church’s move, is calling the notice to quit “unfair”. He told Cherwell: “We hope to remain in occupation and would be delighted to work with the Church to achieve their stated social and ethical aspirations. We have twenty years experience of operating as an ethical business with a foundation of environmental and socially positive actions.”

Cherwell has received conflicting statements from both parties concerning the nature of the current relationship formed between Vaults and Garden and the PCC, and the nature of the Church’s role in the property. According to both parties, the café and the Church had a 15-year licence agreement from 2003 which elapsed in 2018. Since then there has been significant disagreement between Vaults and Garden and the PCC over the terms of their agreement after this.

Vaults and Garden argued that the notice to vacate was unfair and “do not reflect the twenty years [they] have spent building up a substantial and thriving business.”

However, representatives for the church council claimed they acted within the scope of the agreement, adding: “While it was not a requirement for the PCC to give notice, 3 months’ notice was provided and this was after prolonged attempts to achieve an amicable resolution.” PCC also claims that the renovation plans have been in development for the past two years.

Furthermore, Vaults and Garden maintains that the Church intends to shut the café down “before it has applied for planning permission and listed building consent before it has performed the required public consultations.”

PCC, meanwhile, have told Cherwell: “The plans have been reviewed by the Diocesan Advisory Committee (which reviews planning applications for church buildings) and the Church Buildings Council. The PCC has also sought advice from the local planning authority and consulted with heritage organisations and user groups. The PCC will move to public consultation as soon as [Vaults and Gardens] is out of the café.”

Vaults and Garden has remained open for business since the three-month period elapsed. They are hosting celebrations to mark their 20th anniversary. 

The dispute has now become a legal proceeding, a spokesperson for PCC has confirmed, with the initial hearing listed for early November. 

“There is always light and shadow, when viewing the history of a family, the history of a country”: In conversation with Georg Friedrich, Prince of Prussia and Head of the House of Hohenzollern.

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Freddie Evans interviews Georg Friedrich, Prince of Prussia, about the history of the House of Hohenzollern and its role in Germany today, his support for Prussia’s cultural heritage and for unity within Europe, resolving his family’s claims for restitution of property, and some advice for Oxford students.

More than 100 years after the end of the monarchy in Germany, Georg Friedrich and the German authorities are still in consultations on separating state property and private property of the House of Hohenzollern. More than 40 years of communist rule in East Germany left many unresolved issues. These topics made headlines within Germany and beyond. 

I was eager to find out more about Georg Friedrich, the family’s campaign to recover some of their possessions, and the story of the House of Hohenzollern in contemporary Germany. To gain a better understanding of his background and responsibilities, I asked Georg Friedrich to summarise the family’s history and his current role.

“The family history can be traced back to the year 1061. We can almost look back to 1,000 years of family history. That is why I’m looking forward to the year 2061, when I can celebrate my 85th birthday, my golden wedding and a thousand years of Hohenzollern history.

I am actually very proud to be the Head of the House of Hohenzollern. Since my father had died when I was still a small child, I succeeded my late grandfather Prince Louis Ferdinand as Head of the Family already 28 years ago in 1994 when I was only 18. I regard it as my duty to look after our family, to represent our family and to speak on their behalf. In my role as Head of the House of Hohenzollern, I have the great privilege of meeting hundreds of interesting people every year, people from all walks of life. I also very much enjoy our role in preserving Prussia’s cultural heritage. Since the abdication of my great-great-grandfather Kaiser Wilhelm II in 1918, my family has had no political role. Yet we are, for example, still the largest lender of art from our private collection to the main state foundations that look after Prussia’s cultural heritage. My wife Sophie and I furthermore dedicate a lot of time to supporting charities, including our own family foundation that is looking after disadvantaged children.”

The long and distinguished story of the House of Hohenzollern has over the centuries encountered its fair share of controversies, most notably during the earlier part of the twentieth century. The repercussions of Wilhelm II’s actions in the lead up to the First World War are still widely debated and have shaped perceptions of the House of Hohenzollern in historical narratives relating to that period. I asked Georg Friedrich how he navigates the unique responsibility of representing the House of Hohenzollern in today’s world.

“From my point of view, there is always light and shadow, when viewing one’s history, the history of a family, the history of a country, any history in fact. It’s extremely important to not leave anything out while looking at history – to view the history at the time when it happened and to consider the context. I believe it important to be impartial but not uncritical in approaching history. I firmly believe that there are lessons to be learned from the failures in the past. History must not repeat itself.”

Acknowledging the numerous positive contributions made by the Hohenzollern dynasty, I asked Georg Friedrich about the specific aspects of Prussian and German history and culture which he, representing the Hohenzollern family, considers most significant and worthy of emphasis.

“When the state of Prussia was abolished in 1947, the huge cultural heritage was fortunately largely preserved. In 1957 the new democratic Western Germany established the so-called  “Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation” that would administer the state collections and museums. Until today this foundation is the largest cultural heritage institution in Europe. It makes me very proud that my private collection is among their largest lenders. But, there are many unexpected things one can consider. For example, the home colours of our national football team, black and white, derive from the colours of the Prussian flag.”

This reminder of the colours of the Prussian flag shifted our conversation to politics. What was Georg Friedrich’s perspective on the European Union. 

“In the 1970s, in the middle of the cold war era, my grandfather Prince Louis Ferdinand (1907-1994) gave a remarkable TV interview where he said that he strongly believed that Europe would eventually be united again. That was a long time before the fall of the Iron Curtain and the reunification of Germany. My grandfather always believed in the idea of European unification. I very much consider myself in his firmly pro-European tradition. And while I was personally disappointed when the British people voted to leave the European Union, I strongly believe that the United Kingdom will continue to be a strong member of the European family of nations and a strong ally in defence of our common Western values. Interestingly enough, my grandmother Princess Kira was Russian and at the same time a great-granddaughter of Queen Victoria. Therefore I sincerely hope that peace will also return to the Eastern part of our continent.”

One historically transformative figure who championed Enlightenment values was Friedrich the Great, King of Prussia (1712-1786). Through skilful diplomacy, military tactical genius and advanced domestic policy he elevated Prussia to become a thoroughly modern state and formidable European power. Does Georg Friedrich see peaceful co-existence between his legacy and modern principles of democracy and equality?

“Over the past 250 years, there has undoubtedly been tremendous progress in the development of freedom and democracy. Yet some of the core beliefs of Frederick the Great are still valid today: I think that Friedrich the Great’s saying “Jeder soll nach seiner Façon selig werden” – “Each must live as he sees fit”, is a phrase that says it all. It applies to many things we are discussing at the moment.” 

Georg Friedrich, Prince of Prussia and Head of the House of Hohenzollern at Oxford Union, Oxford, UK. 13 June 2023

I wanted to hear about Georg Friedrich’s assessment of public opinion in Germany and Europe heading towards increased recognition of the Hohenzollern lineage. 

“It is not so much about recognition. I always try to do my best by my family, my country and by the charities that are close to my heart. With regards to the history of my ancestors, I believe that it is important that we do not forget about our history and what has made us the way we are. I keep saying that our history is a bit like our parents: of course, one can neglect them, and one can think badly of them. But at the end, one wouldn’t be here without them. The same applies to our past.  It is, however, important that one keeps drawing the right lessons from what happened in the past.”

When it comes to recognition, the British monarchy is unremittingly in the media spotlight. Could Georg Friedrich envision a constitutional monarchy in Germany, akin to the House of Windsor?

“That is definitely not a discussion that is taking place in Germany. Our current constitutional arrangements in Germany have led to the longest time period of peace and prosperity, of growth and freedom in our history. I do not see any reason to change that. If I compare myself to my ancestors, I believe none of them were living in happier circumstances than in the free democratic societies in which we have the privilege of living in today.”

Despite not being in a discussion about reinstating the monarchy in Germany, the discussion about restitution of Hohenzollern property is very much in the news there. I asked if he could comment about the current status of his claims for compensation for land and palaces expropriated from his family and return of property including palaces, paintings, the imperial crown jewels, the family library and correspondence.

“It’s important to point out that the separation of state property and private property of my family was already settled in 1926, after the end of monarchy, when my family had become private citizens. 

During Soviet and communist rule in Eastern Germany, some of our private property was illegally confiscated or stolen, while any property in the democratic Western part of Germany remained untouched. After the reunification, my grandfather applied for restitution of our private property in the former communist part of Germany. When in 1994 I succeeded my late grandfather as Head of the Family I also inherited these open legal questions.”

Is it likely that these claims will be successful?

“I have no doubts that all open questions will continue to be resolved in a respectful dialogue between the state authorities and my family. I am very grateful for the close, constructive partnership with the governments on federal and state level in Germany.”

I asked Georg Friedrich if he had advice for Oxford students.

“When I was a young boy, especially at school, others thought of me as someone special. They asked me questions like: Do you live in a castle? Does your father have a crown? I felt very awkward by that until I realised that it was absolutely legitimate for them to ask these questions. In those days I had the sincere wish to be “normal”. But then I found out for myself that there is no such thing as “normal people”. Each and every one of us is special in his or her own way– by their own biography, by their individual talent and ways how each of us can make a contribution to society. Therefore I can only encourage everyone to be open and interested in others and to be conscious of the many privileges we enjoy as citizens of liberal democracies.”

Over 300 protest in support of Palestine

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More than 300 people gathered on Cornmarket Street to protest in support of Palestine today, eventually ending the demonstration at Manzil Way. The protesters were accompanied by a large police presence, as they chanted “from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.” The rally was organised by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign with support of the Oxford Palestine Society (PalSoc). One counter-protester was removed from the demonstration by police.

In a social media announcement before the event, PalSoc stated its objectives with the demonstration were to “demand Israel end its violent imposition of a system of occupation, apartheid, and colonization over the Palestinian people.” The student society further argued that “the offensive launched from Gaza can only be understood in the context of Israel’s ongoing, decades-long, military occupation of Palestinian land,” while adding that they “mourn the incalculable loss of life this week and the tremendous harm inflicted upon all affected citizens as events continue to unfold.”

Beginning the protest, one speaker said “let’s keep everyone safe today; let’s conduct ourselves with dignity and peace.” He advised the protesters not to speak to the media, as “every word you say to the media will be distorted.”

Speaking to Cherwell, one protester said: “We’re here today because of Israel’s actions and to show support for Palestinians. Countries like our country and the USA are so quick to show support [for Israel] when the Palestinian people have been suffering for such a long time.” She added: “I think the UK has the utmost responsibility to Palestine.”

When asked about what the role of students should be in the conflict, one student at the university replied “it’s difficult to do anything materially when you’re in a different country.”

An older gentlemen commented that the problem is “not new”, but rather “a frozen conflict that occasionally starts burning, followed by a little bit cooling down and then again.” He explained that “no one approves of war or terrorist attacks, but then you have such an asymmetry of power and possibilities – it’s not equal.” 

The Socialist Workers Party set up a stall at the protest with a Palestinian flag and distributed dozens of “Freedom for Palestine” pickets. They also gathered signatures to end the selling of arms to Israel. Speaking to Cherwell, their representative said: “The British people need to push their government to stop selling arms to Israel, an apartheid state that perpetuates systemic oppression.”

Protestors also held up various posters including an “end the siege, stop genocide” poster and chanted “resistance is justified when people are occupied.” Another popular recurring chant was “one, two, three, four, occupation no more. Five, six, seven, eight, Israel is a terrorist state.” 

When asked by Cherwell about the protest in front of his church, Rev. Anthony Buckley, vicar at St Michael’s church said: “I strongly believe in the right to protest, it is very important for anyone to be able to demonstrate as long as they are not too disruptive.”

In response to the protest, the Oxford University Jewish Society told Cherwell: “The protest organisers have not acknowledged or denounced Hamas’ antisemitism, which we are afraid will embolden those who wish to use this moment to target Oxford’s Jewish community. Furthermore, statements made by the Palestinian Society advertising the protest have minimised Hamas’ terroristic activities over the past week. We believe the glorification or justification of the killing of any innocent civilian is unacceptable.”

The American Jewish Council has also previously said that, while advocating for Palestinian statehood is not antisemitic, any slogan that calls for “the elimination of the Jewish state, or suggesting that the Jews alone do not have the right to self-determination, is antisemitic”.

Oxford has also updated their statement today, writing: “The impact of the appalling attacks by Hamas, and the deep concerns for the civilian Palestinian population and hostages in Gaza itself are understandably being felt by communities across the world, including in our own. Our thoughts are with all those suffering and we stress that there is no place for antisemitism or hate for any faith at Oxford.”

The demonstration comes at a time when Gaza is under siege and Israeli authorities are reporting over 1,200 Israeli deaths. Factoring in the reported 1,500 dead Hamas fighters found within Israeli borders and the 900 people Gaza officials claim have been killed by Israeli air strikes, the total number of deaths from the war is now well past 3,000.

Veering east? What Slovakia’s election means for Europe and the world

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The recent Slovak election has sent European leaders scrambling to shore up support for Ukraine after a pro-Russia party emerged victorious on Saturday 30th September, yet the results may not be quite what they seem.

On the face of it, Slovakia’s election sounds like a simple, clear-cut, and immediate European disaster: a pro-Russia party raked in the most votes, and a firmly Eurosceptic populist who has called for an end to aid for Ukraine is inches from power. Neither of these facts are false. The winning party Smer-SD, better known in English as Direction-Social Democracy, is indeed, at least in its current iteration, Putin-friendly. It ran on a populist programme with hints of left-wing nationalism and social conservatism. Meanwhile, its leader, Robert Fico, has embraced Orbán-esque positions on sanctions and, further fuelling both domestic and foreign concern, is likely to need the support of the far more hardline Slovak National Party (SNS) to cobble together the seventy-six seats required for a majority in the National Council.

All of the above has quite understandably raised the blood pressure of European and American observers alike, fearing that the replacement of a clutch of unstable but avowedly pro-Ukraine centre-right governments with another recalcitrant, Russia-leaning leader might well add another flashpoint to the already faltering European consensus on Ukraine. Michal Šimečka, leader of runners-up Progressive Slovakia (PS) went so far as to describe a Fico-led government as an “abiding evil” after final results were released. Anxiety over Smer’s victory is made bitterer still by the fact that for a few brief hours on Saturday, Europe thought it was out of the woods. Both exit polls released after voting closed showed Progressive Slovakia, a pro-European, NATO-focused, and socially liberal party, narrowly ahead –results which, under Slovak rules, would have given PS the crucial first stab at a majority.

Yet Smer’s victory is pyrrhic at best, and the path to Fico taking the reins is fraught with the skeletons of his checkered political past. Of these, the looming skeleton is without doubt Peter Pellegrini, a former prime minister himself and now leader of Hlas (Voice), a social democratic and pro-European party that finished a respectable third, now finding itself the republic’s kingmaker. Pellegrini stepped in to replace Fico after the latter was forced out of office in a 2018 scandal involving the murder of a journalist and his fiancée. In 2020, he further underlined their differences by walking away from Smer with ten other deputies to found the centre-left Hlas. However, Pellegrini has indicated his preference for a Fico-led government, describing Smer as “closer” to Hlas, though he has not ruled out working with the liberals.

Nonetheless, a Fico-Pellegrini government, albeit with the support of the SNS, is by no means the worst outcome. As recently as August, a Smer-SNS government looked just as likely, but with Hlas relegated to the sidelines and replaced by Republika, a newcomer formed of defectors from the People’s Party of Our Slovakia (L’SNS), a party which traces its roots to Jozef Tiso, a priest and fascist who led Slovakia during WWII when it was a Nazi client state. Compared to this, a Smer-Hlas coalition seems a whole lot better. Even the SNS might be booted from consideration, after the counting of candidate preferential votes allowed four former members of the neo-fascist L’SNS to leapfrog more mainstream candidates into its parliamentary delegation. This could force Fico to instead work with any of a collection of centre-right and pro-European parties, as well as Hlas, or even open the door to a liberal-led government.

With this in mind, Slovakia’s election begins to seem less a disaster, and more an inconvenience. The presence of Pellegrini in government will force Fico to moderate his rhetoric, as he already has done, announcing on Monday no major shift in his country’s Ukraine policy—at least for now. A Russia-sympathetic leader, though a headache for the EU, is not such a problem if he is effectively declawed by the reality of his government.

Likewise, much of the discussion of the election has focused on the ability of Slovakia to blockade EU sanctions, if it so chooses. But Slovakia, a country of just five and a half million, holds few other cards. The EU, in contrast, can hold €6 billion in recovery funding over Fico’s head, if he makes trouble. Slovakia, in other words, is wholly dependent on the EU – it is even part of the Eurozone, a rarity in Eastern Europe. It is simply too small and too reliant on Europe to weather the opprobrium of its fellows.

This is not to say that the election is insignificant; Slovaks are faced with the return of a polarising leader who is under investigation, harasses journalists, and frequently resorts to xenophobia whenever it is politically convenient. However, for Europe, and the world, it is not set to be a dramatic turn of events. Fico, ever a political shapeshifter, will take whatever form his coalition necessitates, which will inevitably mean walking back from the pro-Russia brink.

On the morning after the election, Viktor Orbán took to X (formerly Twitter) to gloat, proclaiming “Guess who’s back”. This has ended up being a surprisingly prophetic statement. As the postbellum became clear, we have all been left wondering which Fico will walk back into government. Will it be a pro-Russia firebrand willing to buck the EU and march into international isolation alongside Hungary, or will it be a muted troublemaker whose big words translate into little action?

Given the fractured results Slovaks have delivered, it can only be the latter.

Academe in wartime: Oxford’s response to the war in Sudan

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Six months into the war in Sudan, and the situation is bleak. Humanitarian workers are despairing at the broken supply lines and the outbreaks of communal violence – both centred in the capital, Khartoum, and and in the Darfur region. 

To understand the perspective of Oxford’s own academics on the state of Sudan, I spoke to co-founder of the Oxford Sudanese Programme, Dr Ahmed al-Shahi. He aims to raise awareness about the ongoing conflict, amidst the fast-paced news cycles which seem to have left it behind.

Dr Al-Shahi is a social anthropologist who has been studying and visiting Sudan for over 50 years. “Do I have family there? Biologically, no, but socially yes,” he said. “I have a very wide range of friends there: academics, politicians, merchants, since 1965, or even before.” Having taught at the University of Khartoum until 1970, Al-Shahi donated his anthropological books and journals to the University library. Since the war broke out in April, he has not been able to send anything: “You don’t know whether it will arrive or not.”

To Al-Shahi, “Sudan is a wonderful country, it is very diverse – ethnically, religiously, linguistically, ecologically. Sudanese are lovely people, they are very kind people. They render great assistance to people, especially foreigners.” Before I began asking questions, Al-Shahi made it clear he thought that “what’s happening now is totally in contradiction to the true nature of Sudanese people. They are very peaceful people. So the army is doing all the damage at the moment.” 

So what is happening now in Sudan? 

The war began in April 2023: fighting broke out between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), after failed attempts to merge the two under a civilian transitional government. Sudan has a long history of military coups, and under the ex-leader Omar al-Bashir’s three-decade rule, he used both groups as quasi-independent armed forces to maintain power. While the RSF and SAF cooperated to oust him from power in 2019, neither look likely to back down from the current power struggle.

At the time of writing, at least 5.4 million people have been displaced in the last 6 months. Families have been divided, without money to escape the fighting. RSF fighters have been accused by civilians of evicting people from their homes, or looting their belongings.  “Such looting and destruction has never really happened before,” Al-Shahi told me. Many of his friends have fled the country, and though he was able to call a friend in Northern Sudan, it was purely down to good luck. “Communication is very difficult because all the internet has been cut. And thus deliberately, so that people from the outside cannot call asking what’s happening.”

I asked Al-Shahi how effective aid could be in alleviating the humanitarian crisis, but the fact is that aid is compromised due to the precarity of the situation. There are problems with politics, military, transportation, movement. It’s very difficult for aid to reach ordinary people. And you cannot bring aid unless you have approval from the government – to accept it. But which government? There is a problem with legitimacy, to know who is in charge.”

This problem has persisted for decades. He recounted a memory from 1985, the year of the military coup d’état against President Nimeiry. The new government under Dahab would later be overthrown by Al-Bashir in 1989. Aside from political instability, Western Sudan was also suffering from serious drought and threat of famine. 

Al Shahi recalled, “A woman, with her 3 kids, was sitting by a tree. I greeted her – she said, ‘I’m from Darfur, my husband was killed. So we fled.’ I asked her, ‘to where?’ She said, ‘I don’t know. The villagers all along the Nile are very kind to us. They put us up, they feed us, and off we go. We don’t know where we will end up.’ I asked her if she got any aid. ‘You’d think so, but the aid goes to the merchants… you find it at the market being sold.’” 

“I’ve seen it myself,” he assured me, noticing my disbelief. “The sacks with the United States label – you buy it at the market. It’s supposed to go for free.” The situation seems to be quite similar today. Food supplies are running out, and the World Food Programme has issued warnings of a hunger emergency amongst those crossing the border into South Sudan. In June, international donors promised almost $1.5 billion in additional aid for Sudan’s humanitarian crises. But even with this donation, as l-Shahi said, “you need a chain of people who can deliver aid honestly and fairly among the people who are in need.” This chain has been broken in Sudan: a UK UN representative warned that Sudan is now among the worst in the world for aid access

I told Al-Shahi about my college’s charity fundraiser. A close friend at my college is Sudanese; she and I organised a bake sale in May to raise money to go towards humanitarian aid. At the time, we were so happy with the result. As far as bake sales go, it was very successful – it felt like we could make a small, tangible difference with the money we raised. After hearing everything he had said, I was no longer so sure. Raising money is only the first step in a long journey to making a difference. “You raise money, but where does it go? Who’s in charge of it? I fear the money may be swallowed on the other end. Corruption is rife [in Sudan]… It’s also a moral issue. You give aid to help people, but then this aid is going to the army who kill people.” 

So what can we do here, at Oxford? 

In preparation for the interview, I had questions written down about the financial responsibility Oxford could hold in this situation. But this far into our conversation, I felt less hopeful about what the University could do in the face of a crisis which requires international cooperation. Dr Al-Shahi told me about two students who reached out to him for advice. “Their parents fled, their businesses destroyed. Some of them are supported by their parents, so suddenly their income declined, if not, became nonexistent. There is a Sudanese organisation for Oxfordshire. They’re trying to do their best… They offer moral support, certainly, and they try to make them [Sudanese members of the university] feel part of a wider community. That they are not forgotten.” To his knowledge, Al-Shahi has not heard of any Sudanese student who has had to cease their studies due to lack of funding.

I asked him whether the University should be involved in raising awareness rather than money. “Yes, they need to raise awareness. If they raise money, it should help the Sudanese students here at the University.

“Heads of colleges should write to any Sudanese students saying, if you have any problems or difficulties, come and see us and see in what way we could help. That is very important – to give them assurance that somebody is there for them. And to give them stability and continuity.”

In the official University response to the situation in Sudan, the University stood “in solidarity with all students and staff affected by the crisis”. It was stated that the University had “written to staff and students from Sudan, to offer welfare and other types of support”, and money was available via the Hardship Fund for assistance. 

At the end of the interview, I asked Al-Shahi what he wanted readers to take away from this article. He told me the reason he accepted this interview was to raise awareness amongst students and members of the university. “When the media confront an international crisis, they get all geared up. Gradually, there is another problem in the world… Suddenly, Sudan is at the bottom of the pile.” The situation for journalists in Sudan is very difficult at the moment. “It’s difficult for journalists to get into the country, and movement is difficult because of the fighting, they are risking their lives.” It has  been reported that journalists critical to authorities have been ‘threatened from both sides’, and the situation is similar in South Sudan.

“The readers should understand this –  The conflict has nothing to do with ordinary people, who are suffering the most. The conflict is between two military organisations, the state army and the RSF, who vie for power and control of resources.”

I thought I would have a more optimistic way of ending this article, but I’m not sure I do. The situation continues to this day –  it’s important not to forget it. 

With thanks to Dr Al-Shahi for the interviewIf you would like to learn more about academic perspectives on the state of Sudan, please visit https://www.sudaneseprogramme.org/

This article was emended on 17/10/2023 to correct information about an Oxford student’s relationship to Sudan.