Tuesday, April 29, 2025
Blog Page 1839

5 Minute Tute: The Media and the Royal Wedding

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Has the press treated Kate Middleton differently from Lady Diana Spencer?

 

You bet. For reasons that have never been entirely clear, Prince Charles’s various relationships with women received inordinate press attention throughout his 20s and into his 30s. When it became clear in 1980 that Diana was “the one”, the popular newspapers went into overdrive. A so-called rat-pack of staff reporters and photographers emerged, augmented by a host of freelance hangers-on. They harried and harassed Diana on a daily basis for months. Barely a day passed without a picture of her being published alongside speculative stories, often based on quotes from anonymous “friends”. By contrast, Kate Middleton has received much less coverage and been subjected to very little harassment.

 

Why should Kate have had such an easy ride?

 

In the wake of Diana’s death, itself attributed in part to the pressure of press interest, both the press and the Palace took stock. National newspaper editors amended their code of practice in order to prohibit undue harassment, and the machinery of self-regulation, the Press Complaints Commission (PCC), opened up a dialogue with the Palace. An unwritten concordat enabled Charles and Diana’s sons, William and Harry, to enjoy their schooldays in relative peace. In William’s case, that “deal” also protected him from press scrutiny during his time at university, when he met Kate. So she also benefited from the papers’ enforced reticence.

 

So what happened to the rat-pack?

 

After Diana’s death in 1997, the papers were consumed with interest in the relationship between Charles and the woman he admitted had long been his mistress, Camilla Parker-Bowles. Would they marry or not? The squad of royal reporters therefore remained in place to follow that story. But Camilla was neither as glamorous as Diana, nor was she a fashion icon, so the photographic pursuit died down. As the years passed, with Charles’s aides carefully re-building his reputation in order to allow him to marry without undue controversy, and Camilla offering no hostages to fortune, newspaper interest dwindled. By 2005, when they married, the rat-pack had already disintegrated.

 

Surely there were, and are, eager paparazzi around to obtain candid pictures of Kate?

 

The hordes of freelance photographers who followed Diana around in the 1990s, and lived off the handsome proceeds, have largely disappeared. There is no market in British publications for their work. With one or two exceptions, editors have obeyed their own code by refusing to publish pictures obtained by harassment or due to intrusion. Editors are now expected to make themselves aware of the provenance of the pictures that arrive in their offices. On the rare occasions when they have overlooked that obligation by publishing, the Palace has contacted the PCC on Kate’s behalf and there have been swift, and usually public, apologies. 

 

Does this mean that William and Kate will enjoy a marriage free from all press intrusion?

 

Yes, if they maintain the same level of distance from newspapers in future as they have done thus far. One key reason for the huge coverage of Charles and Diana’s marriage was the off-the-record briefings of journalists by their aides and friends and, in Diana’s case, directly by her. It appears very unlikely that William and Kate will fall into that trap. However, there could be a problem in an heir to the throne vanishing from newspapers because monarchy depends to an extent on visibility. Then again, will there be newspapers by the time he becomes king? Sounds like the subject for a future Cherwell Tute…

Bod showcases Bible

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The Bod will exhibit King James’ Bible between 22nd April and 4th September.

The third and definitive English translation of the Bible was commissioned by King James I of England at the recommendation of John Rainolds, President of Corpus Christi College.

The exhibition is entitled ‘Manifold Greatness: Oxford and the Making of the King James Bible’, and commemorates the 400th anniversary of the publication of the King James Bible.

Dr. Diarmaid MacCulloch, a member of the Theology faculty commented, “It’s good that the Bodleian and the University have decided to show how important was Oxford’s part in creating the King James Bible because it is a book of worldwide significance in its own right, not just because of the fact that it is a version of the Bible.”

al-Assad’s days are numbered

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The future of Syria, it seems, will be decided within the next few days. The escalating violence being carried out by President Bashar al-Assad’s security forces has reached unprecedented levels in the last week. It is sadly becoming an all too familiar sight – a Middle Eastern dictator resorting to force in order to quell an internal challenge to his rule. Pictures and reports from Libya, Bahrain, and Yemen all tell a similar story.

On Good Friday at least 76 civilians were shot dead in fourteen towns and villages across Syria. The bloodiest day of the uprising so far raised the total death toll to over 300 since mid-March when the pro-democracy demonstrations began.

Yet there were reportedly tens of thousands marching through the streets on a day that had been named ‘Great Friday’ by the protestors. In spite of the genuine dangers associated with critical expression of any kind, these people risked everything and gathered en masse to voice their anger and dissatisfaction with the President. Their demand was loud and clear – an end to the regime and an end to authoritarian rule.

All this seemed incredibly unlikely as I crossed the border from Turkey just over a month ago. The first rumblings of unrest had already begun in the southern town of Dera’a, but as I journeyed south to Damascus with three friends they seemed distant and provincial. As we looked out of the coach window into the vast, barren, empty desert, Syria seemed an improbable place for the ‘Arab Spring’ to take root.

Over the three weeks we spent in the country, we did not encounter any anti-regime sentiment. The only two demonstrations we did come across were both in fact pro-government. The first seemed to be a fairly spontaneous outburst of gratitude for the President in the wake of his announcement that the Emergency Laws, which have been in place almost 50 years, were to be loosened.

It was as if every car in Damascus was out on the roads that evening. On our way back into the capital, our taxi’s progress was halted by an enormous procession of vehicles – horns blaring, flags waving from windows, chanting voices rising up into the dusty Damascene air. The capital’s radio-waves hummed with the energy of nationalist songs, which were occasionally paused to give a fervent voice the opportunity to extol the President’s generosity to the nation. There was an electric charge in the atmosphere.

The second demonstration we came across was clearly planned and of a different nature, largely because the participants were all schoolchildren. The chants were all the same, the banners all sported the same slogans, and the flags were all still the national flag – and yet, somehow, this was a much more unsettling sight. The vehemence and zeal with which these young children chanted the President’s name was, for me, a chilling manifestation of the regime’s power.

It later came to light that the President had given all schoolchildren and civil servants in Damascus the day off so that they could take to the streets in support of his regime. Meanwhile parents who did not want their children to take part in the rally were required to hand in a letter explaining exactly why that was.

With the benefit of being able to follow events on Aljazeera and BBC World in our flat, we were aware that the rest of the country was not so passionately pro-Assad. There were further outbreaks in Dera’a and intermittent bursts of activity in Latakia on the coast. But had we not had access to these news stations, our awareness of the situation would have been extremely distorted.

The state-run Syrian news channels were painting a very different picture. According to them, there were no protests; the unrest was being caused by foreign and internal powers seeking to promote sectarian violence and disrupt the unity of the nation. Syrians were being told explicitly not to trust international news channels, which were also attempting to throw petrol on the fire.

In recent weeks the Syrian news agencies have begun to focus on the ‘martyrs’ of the unrest, the state’s policemen. A typical headline from SANA’s website (Syrian Arab News Agency) from Sunday tells it all – “Interior Ministry: 286 Policemen Wounded by the Armed Groups since the Beginning of Syria’s Events”.

The successful uprising in Egypt hinged upon information. The role played by the young, internet-savvy middle classes in Cairo who used Facebook and Youtube to counter the government’s attempts to control the flow and distribution of information is well known. The populace is now not as credulous or as naive as it once was, and dictators across the Middle East are beginning to recognise this. Information has led to empowerment.

This is what I was told by Dr. Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, lecturer in Middle East politics at SOAS (The School of Oriental and African Studies) – “people have gradually lost their fear of the state and their trust in the political system… Absolute monarchies and dictatorial quasi-republics are simply not tenable anymore”.

Hosni Mubarak’s speech on the eve of his eventual departure from office illustrated just how out of touch he was with the common sentiment. He was seen as a relic from the past, still preaching superstition while his people demanded the truth.

Nonetheless the battle for information was always going to be tougher in Syria than it was in Egypt. According to Freedom House, journalists in Egypt did have partial freedom to criticise the government before this year. In Syria, however, the research body stated in 2010 that there was “broad state control over all print-media” and that the government carried out “online censorship and monitoring”. In practice, Assad commands the entire national media.

This has helped him cultivate a great deal of genuine popular support across the country, a fact that should not be dismissed. His face can be seen everywhere – always the same narrow-set, piercing blue eyes and patchy moustache – on towering government buildings and on state-sponsored roadside bill-boards, yes; but also on car-bonnets, on the back wall of a barber’s shop, and in private living rooms up and down the country. Thus, although fear is always a factor, there is also a cult of personality surrounding Assad which still resonates with a lot of people.

And yet recently the President’s position is looking increasingly vulnerable. Offering empty concessions with one hand whilst meting out violent suppression with the other, he appears desperate and uncertain. So far his major speeches have fallen on deaf ears, too – there are indeed times when Assad looks and sounds like Mubarak in the last days of his rule, out of touch and rapidly losing ground.

It is still uncertain how the situation in Syria will be resolved – whether it will be the next Tunisia or Egypt, or whether it will become increasingly more violent like Libya, only time will tell. The regime hopes it will be able to silence the demonstrations as the leaders of Iran did two years ago. At the moment, it is all in the balance. What is certain, however, is that change, in whatever form it lurks, is just around the corner. And it does seem likely that Bashar al-Assad’s days are numbered.

Should you vote for AV? NO

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The battle over the Alternative Vote has been waged with the gusto and precision of a professional wrestling match; punches have been thrown as opponents jeer from across the ring, but after every round politicians turn to rest without so much as hurt feelings. AV does not get the passions of the nation pumping, it does not impart revolutionary hopes of a brighter, more democratic future; frankly, it barely sparks interest. This is for a simple reason: the British public do not care about AV.

First Past the Post is not faultless; whether you have been offended by the coalition’s formation, startled by the small margins with which MPs win their seats or shocked by the laziness of MPs, we can all say that First Past the Post has robbed us of justice in one way or another. Indeed, if there were a voting system which could remedy all of these complaints and provide voters with a proportional but fully functional government, a referendum would be of far more interest. However, AV is not the problem-solving system we are searching for. It will not rid the world of unpredictable coalitions, MPs with small support bases or laziness.

AV has been shown to promote the interests of smaller parties, creating the need for coalitions much like our current, much loved and admired government. Coalitions, that is, without sturdy manifestos, without a clear and decisive party line with which the opposition may argue, and without any policy coherence. Coalitions allow parties to break pledges in the name of cooperation, meaning that, as those who marched in December know, parties create a blame game with no accountability.

Looking to small margins, the aim of AV is to ensure that all MPs need at least 50% of votes in order to win their seats, a result which few MPs can currently claim to have gained. However, this is only guaranteed to be true if all voters rank every candidate, a practise which is not only improbable but counterproductive. The claim that all MPs should have 50% of the vote stems from the idea that each vote is worth the same amount, but surely, to paraphrase Churchill, this means only the most meaningless votes, reallocated the greatest number of times, are used to meet the quota.

This is all electoral maths really; the value of votes can be counted in any way. The real issue is a view which has never been put more succinctly than by my mother- “I don’t want to vote for anyone else”. How is it that AV campaigners can claim that voters will be more informed and make considered choices when AV goes against all principles of decisive voting? When my mum, now taken as the paradigm of British democracy, takes to the polls, she weighs up her options votes for the person she thinks will do the best job. She does not want anyone else. There is no reason that the second vote of someone who has failed to make a viable first choice should count against her guided and decisive political wisdom.

Finally, look to the claim that AV will make MPs work harder, a claim forced home by endless political broadcasts of normal, approachable voters, whose megaphone-wielding and vaguely stalker-ish activities hold their lacklustre and wasteful MP to account. It’s true that some MPs have well-earned reputations for their inability to listen to constituents or read expenses laws, but it is not true of everyone. MPs work up to 80 hour weeks, travelling, dealing with claims from all constituents regardless of their first, second or third preference votes, and visiting village fetes in between. Most MPs work hard. Most MPs respect their constituents. Most MPs would not need to change their ways under AV, and those that would could just as easily be voted out by organised opposition under First Past the Post.

After aggravating the problems of First Past the Post, would AV actually be able to help budge Britain towards a more proportional system? Well, maybe. To answer that would not only be to predict the outcome of the referendum but also the actions of governments of the future. It may be that AV would succeed, vote in a government who owe their support to the system and create a rush to make it even harder to form an effective government, or it may be that AV would remain as the “miserable little compromise” that the British voters supported, a stranded half-step even further from proportionality. The most compelling argument for AV is that it is the chance to vote for a change, any change, it may prompt more change; but, in the words of James Wharton, a Conservative MP, “it’s a chance to vote for the wrong change”.

So, rather than continue the wrestling match, exchanging petty insults and dodging half-hearted jabs we should throw the deciding punches. AV is not proportional, it’s unpredictable, it devalues first preferences and it does not ensure more change; that’s why the British public do not care about AV. I only hope that May 5th will provide the knock-out.

Oxford’s right royal parties

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Corpus Christi have scheduled a marriage ceremony  between the two college tortoises as Oxford gears up to commemorate the royal wedding today.

Corpus Christi have scheduled a marriage ceremony  between the two college tortoises as Oxford gears up to commemorate the royal wedding today. 
Oldham and Foxe, described as being “in a loving relationship since they met six years ago,” will marry at 2pm, immediately after William and Kate. Alex Coupe, Corpus’ Tortoise Keeper, describes the marriage as “a celebration of corpus’s favourite reptiles in the first pseudo-official reptilian civil-partnership!” 
JCR President, Jack Evans, said the engagement marked “a great day for our JCR” and wished the couple a long and happy life together. 
In a press release, the tortoise Oldham was quoted as saying, “We are both very, very happy,” and it was reported he proposed while they were both on holiday to Kenya.
However, Cherwell was informed of a vicious enmity developing between the couple. “Oldham has been discovered physically attacking Foxe. Allegations being that he mounted Foxe on numerous occasions, and attempted to push Foxe down the stairs. 
Despite the fact that most colleges are retaining their original collections timetables for Friday, many JCRs are nonetheless attempting to organise viewings of the wedding for all who can attend.  
Somerville, for instance, will be setting up a projector in the college bar whilst Trinity’s JCR will be reserved for Royal Wedding-watchers only while the coverage is on. 
Mala Murlwood of Mansfield College told Cherwell that even though some students face to six hours of exams today, they still plan on screening “William & Kate: The Movie” in the evening, a film described as being “toe-curlingly, teeth-furringly, pillow-bitingly ghastly”. 
Several colleges, including Regent’s Park, Pembroke, Lincoln and Mansfield will have Britain themed bops in 0th week whilst Trinity are going all out with “A Right Royal Bop.”
Students at some colleges have raised concerns over the continuation of collections on the Bank Holiday. The JCR Exec of Christ Church reportedly petitioned the college management to have their collections moved forward a day, but were denied their request leaving one student “absolutely furious”.  
St Catz student Nathan Jones, a fervent royalist who presented Prince Philip with a ticket to St Catz ball, said that it was “a shame that my college isn’t following Corpus’s example in enabling all of its students to make the most of the day.” He also pointed out that several of the libraries will be closed on that day and that catering or cleaning services in many colleges had been cut or reduced to give staff the day off. Jones remarked that it was “unfair that staff are able to enjoy the opportunity to celebrate the event when students do not have that option.”
Not all Oxford residents are thrilled by the royal engagement however, with an anti-royal street party planned for Manzil Way on Friday. 
Organised by the BigSociety Events Committee, a group campaigning for a republican Britain, their Facebook event proclaims, “If you’d rather be in EAST Oxford than WESTminster Abbey on 29th April…then get yourself on the Uncivil List and join us for a STREET PARTY!” 
One attendee has condemned the event for “distracting from real events of the day and an enormous expense burden on taxpayers”. The Bank Holiday will force people to “take the day off, even if they don’t want to, but who can’t afford to lose the wages” he added.  
Another student commented, “I’ve been labelled a ‘killjoy’ for not gushing enthusiasm for the Royal Wedding. You don’t have to be anti-British to think the monarchy is an outdated institution; it stands for everything an progressive democratic country should protest.”
 “According to the Federation of Small Businneses, today is going to cost the economy £5 billion. I am sure the couple love each other very much and their marrige is a happy occasion for them, but there is no reason why two very rich and priviledged people should be entitled to taxpayers’ money.”
Over 500 people may attend the street party, one of eight sanctioned by Oxford City Council for the big day. 
The Mayor and town council of Abingdon have announced that they will be throwing 4,000 currant buns from the roof of the County Hall Museum at 6pm on Friday to mark the Royal occasion. This is a tradition that dates back 250 years to the coronation of King George III.

Oldham and Foxe, described as being “in a loving relationship since they met six years ago,” will marry at 2pm, immediately after William and Kate.

Alex Coupe, Corpus’ Tortoise Keeper, describes the marriage as “a celebration of corpus’s favourite reptiles in the first pseudo-official reptilian civil-partnership!” 

JCR President, Jack Evans, said the engagement marked “a great day for our JCR” and wished the couple a long and happy life together. In a press release, the tortoise Oldham was quoted as saying, “We are both very, very happy,” and it was reported he proposed while they were both on holiday to Kenya.

However, Cherwell was informed of a vicious enmity developing between the couple. “Oldham has been discovered physically attacking Foxe. Allegations being that he mounted Foxe on numerous occasions, and attempted to push Foxe down the stairs.

Despite the fact that most colleges are retaining their original collections timetables for Friday, many JCRs are nonetheless attempting to organise viewings of the wedding for all who can attend.  Somerville, for instance, will be setting up a projector in the college bar whilst Trinity’s JCR will be reserved for Royal Wedding-watchers only while the coverage is on. 

Mala Murlwood of Mansfield College told Cherwell that even though some students face to six hours of exams today, they still plan on screening “William & Kate: The Movie” in the evening, a film described as being “toe-curlingly, teeth-furringly, pillow-bitingly ghastly”. 

Several colleges, including Regent’s Park, Pembroke, Lincoln and Mansfield will have Britain themed bops in 0th week whilst Trinity are going all out with “A Right Royal Bop.”

Students at some colleges have raised concerns over the continuation of collections on the Bank Holiday. The JCR Exec of Christ Church reportedly petitioned the college management to have their collections moved forward a day, but were denied their request leaving one student “absolutely furious”.  

St Catz student Nathan Jones, a fervent royalist who presented Prince Philip with a ticket to St Catz ball, said that it was “a shame that my college isn’t following Corpus’s example in enabling all of its students to make the most of the day.”

He also pointed out that several of the libraries will be closed on that day and that catering or cleaning services in many colleges had been cut or reduced to give staff the day off. Jones remarked that it was “unfair that staff are able to enjoy the opportunity to celebrate the event when students do not have that option.”

Not all Oxford residents are thrilled by the royal engagement however, with an anti-royal street party planned for Manzil Way on Friday. Organised by the BigSociety Events Committee, a group campaigning for a republican Britain, their Facebook event proclaims, “If you’d rather be in EAST Oxford than WESTminster Abbey on 29th April…then get yourself on the Uncivil List and join us for a STREET PARTY!” 

One attendee has condemned the event for “distracting from real events of the day and an enormous expense burden on taxpayers”. The Bank Holiday will force people to “take the day off, even if they don’t want to, but who can’t afford to lose the wages” he added.  

Another student commented, “I’ve been labelled a ‘killjoy’ for not gushing enthusiasm for the Royal Wedding. You don’t have to be anti-British to think the monarchy is an outdated institution; it stands for everything an progressive democratic country should protest.” 

“According to the Federation of Small Businneses, today is going to cost the economy £5 billion. I am sure the couple love each other very much and their marrige is a happy occasion for them, but there is no reason why two very rich and priviledged people should be entitled to taxpayers’ money.”

Over 500 people may attend the street party, one of eight sanctioned by Oxford City Council for the big day. 

The Mayor and town council of Abingdon have announced that they will be throwing 4,000 currant buns from the roof of the County Hall Museum at 6pm on Friday to mark the Royal occasion. This is a tradition that dates back 250 years to the coronation of King George III.

Local elections should stay local

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During short breaks between hours of recession-beating property auctions and bargain searches, viewers this Easter have been barraged by parties pleading for votes. David Cameron reminded them that times are hard, Nick Clegg gave a slightly creative economics lecture and Ed Miliband used his life story to remind them of good days of overspending and underestimating. Across the nation, they were told, it is time to make a change by voting in the local elections.

It’s true beyond all doubt that councils matter. Whether they are the heart and soul of the locality, over-bureaucratised messes or even just a general groaning presence within our towns, they matter. The council can affect our lives from the cradle to the grave, and the party leaders have helpfully volunteered to remind us of just that.

Yet, it is precisely this pro-action on the part of central parties which detracts from the importance of local elections. Local elections are not about large-scale cuts from central government, they can’t change that; they are not about which leader inspires the most trust; they are definitely not about national issues. They are about the individuals from our areas that we trust the most to protect the services we care about, to represent our interests; but, most importantly, the local elections are about the everyday issues that affect our lives: bin collections, cycle lanes, schooling, attitudes to students and priorities that could make an immediate difference.

In many ways local elections are more important than Westminster elections; that’s why parties’ decisions to let loose the Westminster big dogs on the campaign is completely misguided. People don’t want to vote for David Cameron right now, they aren’t ready to vote for Ed Miliband and they don’t care for Nick Clegg, but everyone cares for their area. Local elections are important because of what they are, not because of the national figures that endorse them.

In order to get more people involved in local elections, national publicity campaigns should leave Westminster out of it and instead spend more time advertising the opportunities to vote by post or proxy, and show the projects that have been completed purely as a result of council campaigns and funding. There is a role for the national media in local campaigns, but that role is not the imposition of impersonal messages from leaders. It is the publicising of the overarching interests, achievements and opportunities which can be offered by local elections.

If party leaders want us to vote in local elections then, now more than ever, their best option is to just let us vote; get off our TVs, leave us to our choice of high-value day time programming and, finally, let local elections stay local.

Review: Scream 4

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Scream 4 (or Scre4m, if you’re going to be technical about it) had a greater level of anticipation than horror devotees would normally afford the fourth sequel of a masked-killer franchise. By combining Kevin Williamson – the chap who penned the first Scream – and original director and horror royalty Wes Craven (think Nightmare on Elm Street, Last House on the Left and the original Hills Have Eyes) fans were right to expect something more.

With it all in place for a fabulous revisit to everything that made Scream so good, the film makes a gallant effort at revitalizing an otherwise well-slaughtered cash cow. Originally written as a self-aware spoof that just happened to also be a bit scary, Scre4m takes this original premise to the next level: more meta, more gore. The deliciously ironic opening sequence is undoubtedly the high point of the film, taking the audience through a number of clone-like opening sequences to the parallel ‘Stab’ movies until finally arriving at an equally indiscernible opening to Scre4m – unashamedly using the opportunity for audience-pleasing cameos from some of American television’s hottest young things, a satisfying amount of blood and a vintage-Scream analysis of the fact that ‘a film in a film in a film’ doesn’t really make any sense. Fantastic.

Sadly, it does not keep up with the high standard it sets for itself at the beginning. It becomes hard to work out if Emma Roberts is deliberately unconvincing as a poke at the bad acting in slasher flicks; sadly, however, I don’t think Emma is that clever. The other fresh additions do a varied job but are similarly stuck between embracing the intentional crapness of the film and trying to do a good job. It has to be conceded that the comic relief is definitely well carried by the hilarious Deputy Judy. With recurring characters having been brutally whittled down to a ‘Key Three’  of Neve Campbell, David Arquette and Courtney Cox, it was still a pleasure to see their characters return for one last time. Again.

The all-American soundtrack is an equally enjoyable recreation of one of the high points of the first film. Williamson’s writing includes many revisits to the original (having the staple film geek character stating that it is a ‘Screamake, not a Shriekuel’) without making the ending predictable and affording the movie at least some entitlements as a film in its own right.

Like its predecessors, Scre4m is a jumpy romp that makes you laugh, makes you scream and makes you crave an American high school red cup party – even if you do get murdered.

Big budgets, scanty scripts

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Hollywood: the cinematic capital of the world, where billions of dollars are poured into making stories come to life on the big screen! With all the glamour, the money, the razzmatazz, you’d think it’d be pumping out classic after classic, creating finely-crafted masterpieces of cinema every year with only the occasional film which is merely above-average. The problem, of course, is that everybody who isn’t from the 1930s knows that this isn’t exactly what happens.

What we get instead is usually an uninspired remake of a better film, yet another sequel in a franchise whose shambling corpse should’ve been bludgeoned to death aeons ago, or something based on a particularly popular book, TV show, short story, comic book, cartoon, toy, video game or cereal packet. And when we do get something original, it’s usually something like Zach Snyder’s latest turgid offering, Sucker Punch. It’s shit. Consider that the official Cherwell review. He can put it on the poster if he likes.

But all this really makes you wonder – how? How on earth can a film with a bad script get funded for many millions of dollars, and worked on by hundreds and hundreds of people? In March, director Michael Bay admitted that Transformers 2 was ‘crap’, blaming the writing strike. So this was a script that even Michael Bay – Michael Bay, the man behind Pearl Harbor – realised was awful. You’d think he’d send his script-writers back to whatever Neanderthal cave they’d lurched from in the first place and tell them not to return until they’d come up with something a year 11 film studies student wouldn’t be embarrassed to submit as coursework. Instead, he made it into a movie, and it cost $200 million.

It’s oddly perverse, when you think about it, that the best writing these days can usually be found in small-budget indie films. Of course, in an indie flick, the writing is really all there is to hold up the film – it can’t rely on special effects, set-pieces and A-list actors to wow audiences into grovelling submission. But this isn’t an excuse. All that money and star power should be backing something of genuine quality, and if indie films can find good script-writers, mainstream movies have no excuse. Why, then, has Hollywood yet to get to grips with the groundbreaking idea of actively trying not to make movies which are embarrassingly bad?

Part of the reason is to do with the way Hollywood works. Script-writers may write the actual dialogue, but seldom are they behind the essential plot of the film – that’s up to the producers. And producers are also the people in charge of budgeting and finance. Not the creative type, in other words. With the best will in the world, there’s little chance of a script-writer producing a masterpiece when he or she’s handed a plot written by two glorified accountants trying desperately to appeal to their market demographics (‘we need a hot girl and an explosion, but also a bit of lovey-dovey stuff for the ladies’).

That’s a problem, but it’s not the real reason Hollywood keeps pumping out rubbish. The real reason is simple: Transformers 2 was the 23rd-highest-grossing film of all time. Films don’t have to be good to make money, they just have to have vaguely impressive special effects, be part of an established brand, and/or have enough money behind marketing. Writing simply doesn’t factor. Audiences don’t find out if the writing is crap until they actually start watching the film, and by that time, their money is already spent. Never mind that writing makes or breaks the quality of a film – good reviews don’t a fortune make.

This is why films like last year’s Inception are important. Inception showed Holywood that big blockbuster films, filled with special effects and action sequences, don’t have to be aggressively stupid. Films which require an ounce of thought on the audience’s part can still be fun and can still make money. Hopefully, now that good special effects are so commonplace that audiences are growing increasingly blasé about them, Hollywood will stop trying to push that boundary and pay attention to writing instead.

Of course, first that’d require it to stop trying to turn 3D into a cash cow. But that’s a rant for another day.

Review: Spurious

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There was a moment when I thought Spurious was Waiting for Godot. Then I realised that it’s really Lucky Jim, without the women. It’s a philosophical novel about thought, but really it’s an academic novel about failing to think, about all the things we do instead of thinking, and about – well, you know, what is thinking anyway?

Sure it’s definitely Beckettian. The action is two anonymous guys talking to each other and about each other, lamenting, pitying, vacillating. ‘When did you know you weren’t going to amount to anything?’ Lars’s problem, or his great good-fortune, W. says, is that he doesn’t know. Maybe he still thinks he’ll amount to something, that he’s not as stupid as W. insists he is.
‘Of course we’re never really depressed, W. says. What can we, who are incapable of thought, understand of what the inability to think means for a thinker?’ At other times, they say they are ‘essentially joyful.’

Lars has a grotty flat in Newcastle. It is deeply, inexorably damp. Soon, the damp will be everywhere: ‘Yes, it will be everywhere. The flat will be made of damp, and spores will fill every part of the air. And I will breathe the spores and mould will flower inside me. And I’ll live half in water, like a frog.’

There is nothing to be done about the flat. It doesn’t really matter. Here is why this is more of an academic novel than an existential novel: the lives of both Lars and W. are the vessels for careers. It is career that drives them and drives their depression. However, the meaninglessness of that drive is, of course, the existential point.

The academic is always Max Brol, the fat executor of Kafka’s literary estate (‘Kafka was always our model, we agree… At the same time, we have Kafka to blame for everything’), the friend whose only meaning was to proclaim his friend’s genius.

‘He can picture me, W. says, working at my desk, or attempting to work… surrounded by books by Schelling and Rosenzweig and Cohen, and books that explain Schelling and Rosenzweig and Cohen, and then by still other books with titles like The Idiot’s Guide to Jewish Messianism and Rosenzweig in Sixty Minutes.

This is the sum of academic thought. It is not real thought. It’s not real. ‘It’s all shit, it’s all going to shit. It will always have already been shit,’ W. says.’ No, this is not a hopeful novel, it’s not that kind of messianism. But it’s funny. That’s all we have, isn’t it? Redemption through laugh-out-louds.

 The book is also (of course) about writing, trying to write. W. and Lars are writers. It is mysterious, like thought, like greatness… like damp. ‘His book is better than him, W. and I agree. It’s greater. What’s it about?, I ask him of a particularly difficult section. He’s got no idea, he says.’

Heracles to Alexander the Great

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Stepping into the first of three rooms of this exhibition, the King’s Room, the visitor encounters an intimate and understated space, designed in deliberate contrast to the exhibition’s archaeological importance. With a focus upon Philip II and his famous son Alexander the Great, on display are hundreds of objects from the Temenid dynasty of Macedon, which ruled from the 7th to the 4th century BC. 

Near the entrance of the King’s Room stands a small statue of Heracles, from whom these kings claimed descent – hence the exhibition’s ambitious-sounding name – and images of the legendary hero crop up on various other objects, symbolising strength and power.

For those such as myself with limited knowledge of the classical world, it is easy to walk through archaeological exhibitions seeing no further than the aesthetic beauty of the artefacts. However, on the day of my visit I am lucky to hear Professor Robin Lane Fox and Dr Angeliki Kottaridi introduce the exhibition and speak of its huge significance. Their excitement is palpable as they enthuse about the only first-hand image we have of Alexander the Great, found on an innocuous looking hunting frieze in one corner of the room, and fragments of a palace from Philip II’s time, the building’s importance comparable to that of the Parthenon.

Beauty in itself is not forgotten; Lane Fox does not try to contain his emotion when relating the discovery of an impossibly intricate gold wreath of myrtle leaves, thought to have belonged to one wife of Philip II, the Thracian princess Meda. Such craftsmanship is found throughout this exhibition, on objects ranging from tableware to shield decorations, and rewards close scrutiny.

The Queen’s Room, the largest of the three in the exhibition, holds a particular highlight – the Lady of Aegae. Gold funeral jewellery dating from around 500 BC has been arranged in the shape of the woman it once adorned; placed at the end of the room to face the approaching visitor, she stands just as her living counterpart would once have done. The effect is impressive, and in a way touching. It is possible that this was the mother of Alexander I, but for many her identity will be of less concern than her value as an embodiment of the elevated position of Macedonian women, who were spiritual symbols as well as respected mothers.

From such lavish jewellery to a scattering of broken pottery and bent nails found in funeral pyres, ‘Heracles to Alexander the Great’ brings many aspects of this distant past to life. It is the product of decades of excavations from Aegae, and many of these objects will not yet have been seen anywhere else in the world. It is certainly not to be missed.