Wednesday 25th June 2025
Blog Page 235

Five things I wish I’d done as a fresher

Reflecting on my first year at Oxford, here are some of my own mistakes delivered up as sage advice for a new cohort. Coming from a seasoned third-year, I wish I’d…

  1. Not purchased and packed half of the IKEA homeware range.

Perhaps I’m a little late with this one, seeing as many may have gone out and purchased their kitchen and crockery items soon after results day. As much as I loved cooking during my first year – it’s a great way to gain independence, as well as make friends – I really didn’t need to pack five plates, four sets of cutlery, two massive pizza plates, and enough bowls to stock a small buffet. While I would recommend purchasing a small number of essentials, such as those covered in IKEA’s student essentials crate, I wouldn’t recommend going overboard; remember, you will have to lug it all the way to uni, all the way back at the end of term, and up goodness knows how many flights of stairs in between. There are plenty of shops in Oxford where you can purchase any essentials you’ve missed, so don’t overpack to the extreme!

  1. Learned how to budget… properly.

A detailed sheet with every single one of my expenses, incomings and outgoings, wasn’t at the top of my list at my start of university. Admittedly, I am very thrifty when it comes to food shopping and that has served me well, but I wish I’d kept a closer eye on my finances during my first year. Although your student loan may at first seem infinite, making it far easier to spend on treats or takeaways, it’s worth remembering that it has to last you an entire term – maybe even the holidays too. Working out where to cancel an unused subscription here, or scrape a few pounds there, can leave you with quite a neat little stack of money at the end of term. This in itself is a great habit to get into; both at university, when you get given a lump sum of money every few months and have to make it stretch until the end of term, and, in time, after you graduate and have to start managing substantial bills on your own. It is important to keep a keen eye on your finances by sitting down, going through your bank statements, and making use of spreadsheets available on Google Sheets or Microsoft Excel to track your spending holistically. 

  1. Not been afraid to go to my support network for help

First year at any uni is a big step for anyone, but the first year of Oxford? It’s crazy! Students can often get the feeling of being isolated and alone despite living in halls or large groups, and if you find yourself feeling this way it is important to acknowledge this and talk to someone about it. Talk to your family, your friends from other universities or from home, and share how you feel – more often than not, your friends will understand how you feel and maybe even feel the same way. It’s perfectly normal to feel homesick every now and then, and at times like this calling home can be incredibly comforting. 

  1. Gone to my lectures!

Admittedly, it was very hard to sleep through lectures for my first year, as everything was online and we could watch them at any time. Luckily, now that everything is back to normal, lectures are still very much on – yes, even the ones at 9am on a Friday. I would advise to go to your lectures straight from the get-go, as getting into the habit of going now is crucial for your second, third, or even fourth year of university. Lectures are a great way of covering content that isn’t mentioned in tutorials, or for refreshing a topic already discussed in a tutorial that week. I know that my ancient coinage lectures were a great time to catch up on topics or reading that I’d missed in classes that week, and also offered me an amazing chance to talk to one of the leading academics in the field of numismatics. This is Oxford, so the chances of your lecturer being the person who wrote the handbook on your subject are higher than you might think!

  1. Gone out! Made friends!

This might seem very obvious , but finding the time to socialise, go out, and meet new people can be really hard if it’s not something you’re used to doing. I had not – and still have not – been to club nights, although I have been getting more and more involved in student journalism and other societies since my first year. Through these activities, I’ve managed to meet a lot of people and make some really great friends that I’ll keep in touch with after I’ve graduated next year. Freshers’ Week is the perfect time to do this, as it’s one of the first chances most first-years will get to meet other people outside of their immediate colleges. You also get a rare week to go to club nights and parties without the worries of a hangover impacting your work, lectures, or classes the day after – an incredibly unusual occurrence in Oxford, and something to make the most of for sure!

Overall, some of the friends you make at university – whether on your course or by other means – will be friends that you keep and take with you throughout your twenties and life as a young adult, if not further. One of my biggest regrets from my first year was not taking the time out to socialise, meet new people, or make an effort to hang out with them, despite the Covid-19 restrictions in place. It’s important to remember that everyone is in the same boat as you, and probably feeling just as nervous! 

Image Credit: Jess Buckle via Pexels.

How to survive Freshers’ Week

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Ah, Freshers’, a week filled with many new faces and places, and very little free time. How can you navigate this hectic period?

First, and most importantly, put yourself and your health first this week. Most of you won’t – I didn’t. But, be warned, I got a cold (or “freshers’ flu”) that made me sound like a hoarse Jordan Peterson for a week, and I had to run out of my first tute to have a coughing fit. You can preserve your mental and physical wellbeing relatively well if you avoid severe exhaustion. Club nights and other evening activities are amazing (and cheaper!) during Freshers Week, but missing one to get a good night’s sleep will not ruin your social prospects. Another great way to steal more sleep: nap! Your schedule may seem to be full of activities, but so many sports tasters, trips around town and in-college games aren’t compulsory. Don’t feel pressured to do everything, especially if you desperately need to rest. That being said, lots of these activities are designed to be fun, active and are thus great stress-relievers. Adjusting to a new city and uni life is incredibly overwhelming, so going on college-led walks to parks, participating in games, and letting loose at night can really help you relax and become more at ease with Oxford. In general, if you don’t throw sleep, self-care, and moderation to the wind, then maybe you won’t get a bad case of freshers’ flu.

Given that you most likely fall ill by the end of this week, try to have a good time before everyone in college is going through a pack of Lemsip a day! Freshers’ Week is full of exciting events. My advice: try a variety. Even if you don’t fancy yourself the clubbing type, go to one night and definitely hit up your college’s bop (the fun Oxford word for a chill fancy dress party, often in the college bar). You shouldn’t feel pressure to drink, and there is often a strong sober contingent who will come along. These will be a mix of second-year helpers or fellow freshers who aren’t keen on everyone’s first impression of them being tinged by alcohol-induced escapades. On the other end of the spectrum, if you are a keen partyer, indulging in some of the daytime activities, even a games or movie night instead of going out, is equally fun. The pub quizzes and scavenger hunts organized during my Freshers’ helped me meet a bunch of interesting classmates and were a great way to make friends. You might not meet some of your closest friends in Freshers’ Week but meeting people at events during the day allows you to party with people you know at night.

Freshers’ does not determine what societies you do or what your Oxford experience will look like. It is merely one week, and the first week at that. One of the biggest events of the week is the uni-wide Freshers’ Fair. All the clubs, societies, teams, and a variety of other groups from around Oxford will have stalls advertising their activities. Lots of free stash and food will be available as well, so it’s worth going, but don’t feel the need to stay too long. Many societies and sports teams will have open meetings and practices the first week, so the fair itself isn’t the only place to get involved. Freshers’ Week, like the fair, is just one moment in time. Both are fun, both help you become part of the university, but they are not the be all and end all. In Freshers’ Week, focus on enjoying yourself and adjusting to uni life and you’ll have an unforgettable time – and an amazing first term at Oxford.

Image Credit: Toby Ord/ CC BY-SA 2.5 via Wikimedia commons.

Packing: too much or too little?

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Deciding on what to pack when going to university for the first time can be tough. Having packed and unpacked my suitcases for three terms now, I can safely say that it is an art that requires perfecting. You’re torn between having to deal with lugging into your accommodation a suitcase that is so heavy it seems you have packed enough bricks to build a two-storey semi-detached, or risking leaving behind items that turn out to be essentials when you arrive for term. If you are worried you may have under-packed for Michaelmas, chances are you have packed plenty. To reassure you, these are some of the excesses of my own first-term suitcase.

1 – Clothes

It may be tempting to fold half your wardrobe into your suitcase on the chance that the occasion will arise to wear that sweater you got on your 16th birthday that is hibernating at the back of your closet. In my first term I brought so many clothes that some never made it out of my room. Colleges provide washing facilities, so don’t worry about bringing enough clothes to last you all eight weeks; you will definitely be able to recycle outfits! It is important, however, to have some warm clothes for the transition into the colder weeks of Michaelmas.

2 – Kitchen supplies

I and many of my friends brought a bunch of kitchen equipment that we hardly ever used. The kitchens in my building were very basic, lacking even a hob or an oven, and so any cooking done was limited to the microwave, kettle, and toaster – the most complex “meal” I ever made was hummus on toast. For most meals, I would go to Hall; as well as being a functional trip to acquire sustenance, Hall serves as a great social occasion to see friends and wind down a bit. If you think you might end up going to Hall far more often than cooking, you probably won’t need an entire array of pots and pans!

3 – School notes and books

Although it might be useful to take a few pages of notes you think could be helpful to refresh your understanding of concepts you learnt at school, it will probably be rare that you will need to refer to old exercise books and folders. Once you start attending classes, tutorials, and lectures, you will quickly build up a bank of notes and other resources which will very likely suffice for your studies at Oxford. Don’t forget that you have access to over 100 libraries, so you will pretty much always be able to find a book with the information you are looking for.

4 – Miscellaneous room items

By all means bring items to decorate your room with – it makes your room all the more cosy to return to after a day’s work. However, you may find that some of the room décor you bring does not end up serving its purpose. I brought a blue rug to add some colour and comfort to my room but when I moved my belongings into my room during freshers’ week, I discovered that my floor was already covered in a blue carpet, making the rug both redundant and invisible. Likewise, some of my friends brought various bedroom paraphernalia, like an extra duvet or a desk-lamp, which did not come out from being stored in their wardrobes the whole term, as college already provides these items.

Don’t worry if you find yourself with a surplus of belongings at uni. With each term, as you get used to living and studying in Oxford, you will get more and more adept at the fine craft of packing for uni, and figure out for yourself what you can leave behind, and what you ought to remember to bring next term. You might even be able to put “suitcase specialist” on your LinkedIn by the time you graduate.

Image Credit: Timur Weber via Pexels.

Why Isn’t Dystopian Fiction Fun Anymore?

Like many of you, I’m kind of a slut for the dystopian genre. The first time I read The Hunger Games was in my stuffy Year 5 classroom, drowning out the sounds of Snakes and Ladders and Uno games as we were kept in for wet play. I felt like I had escaped to a new, scary other world. Even if it bore some similarity to our own world, I could be rest assured that when I closed that book I wasn’t fighting for my life in a totalitarian dystopian regime, I was sitting in my village school classroom hoping they serve apple crumble at lunch.

Nowadays I can’t figure out if I’ve gotten old or the world has gotten worse, but reading dystopian fiction is hitting a bit too close to home… I read books for escapism but this summer after reading All That’s Left in the World by Erik J. Brown and the Legend series by Marie Lu, I just feel like I can’t escape my own reality. And yes, I know what you’re thinking “That’s the point of dystopian fiction, it’s supposed to reflect our society blah blah blah”, and I get that obviously. Still, there’s just something a bit too sinister about how much it’s reflecting our society. Like George Orwell’s 1984 was so crazy I doubt anyone reading it at the time was like “Oh yeah, I can totally see this as becoming our reality in the next 10 years”, well, maybe someone did, but everyone definitely thought they were a weirdo. In All That’s Left in the World the story follows a pair of young boys as they navigate a post-apocalyptic world that was devastated by a pandemic. In the book they struggle to navigate a world where most of the population has died because they and the government refused to take the illness seriously. Then more people died from violence and starvation due to hoarding of supplies by a select few. And then top of that, white supremacist neo-nazi-esque communities start to spring up in order to rebuild society in a very twisted image of what they considered ‘perfect’. Reading this felt eerily familiar to the year 2020. Like, too similar, like I’ve literally lived all of this already, of course not to the degree of the characters of the book, but enough that I was very uncomfortable. This wasn’t a very far away distant future like the one Orwell imagined for his readers, this felt like it could be our reality next year. Though I suppose that was Erik J. Brown’s intention seeing as he published in 2022. It’s still a world away from the typical almost fantastical dystopian worlds given to us by Suzanne Collins and Veronica Roth.

Even the Legend series by Marie Lu, though I read it two years ago, rereading it this summer made me squirm. The series follows a pair of teens on other sides of the economic scale, surviving in a totalitarian region of America. During this time the is a sickness running amuck in the city, mostly affecting those living in poverty in the underbelly of the city. Then (spoiler alert!!!) it’s revealed that there really was a cure for this plague, and the government decided to only give it to the rich and used the plague to cull the poor essentially. Heavy stuff, right? But is it a stretch to argue that this was kind of similar to Covid policy? Of course, the government didn’t create Covid, and I’d like to think they weren’t intentionally trying to unalive people. But undeniably Covid policies allowed the rich to get richer and be safer, whilst the working class, and notably, those in the service and healthcare industries remained unsupported and made to work in unsafe environments. Marie Lu wrote this series in 2011, a good 8 years before Covid-19 was discovered, but there were many similarities between the society she conjured (perhaps predicted?) and the society we live in. 

Of course, I don’t think Marie Lu’s society could exist within the next five years or Erik J. Brown’s apocalypse will happen in the next couple of months. But, the fact that in Britain we’re having conversations on how to keep poorer people alive during the winter (some interesting characters on the internet think that 3 bowls of porridge a day and some Primark blankets are going to protect people from the cold and hunger). It makes me wonder if the dystopian novels that we read, the social and economic inequality expressed in this genre, are really so far off from our own reality. And I wonder, if we realised how close we were to experience the reality of the dystopian genre will we change our society? Will the genre become fun again? Or perhaps, the new appeal of the genre is its extremely close proximity to our reality. But let’s be honest, there’s no fun in that at all.

Image Credit : Flickr via Creative Commons

 

Why Giorgia Meloni’s election makes me fear for my right to abortion

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Giorgia Meloni swept to victory in Italy’s general election on 25th September and will soon establish herself as the country’s first-ever female prime minister. Sadly, however, I cannot see this as a positive step for women. In fact, the opposite is true. Having looked into the anti-abortion beliefs of the “female Mussolini” and her radical Brothers of Italy (FdI) party, it appears that Meloni is on track to continue the alarming pro-life narratives associated with Europe’s shift towards the political right. As a young woman in the UK who’s keen on having as much reproductive freedom as possible, the potential impact of Meloni’s premiership has me worried.

Setting the scene, Europe’s recent surge in right-wing ideology is hard to deny. Perhaps it’s unsurprising, given that the pandemic, war, and energy crisis have all fallen within one electoral cycle, but nationalist parties such as France’s RN and Germany’s AfD are gaining. Meanwhile, the UK continues to stagnate in the clutches of a Tory government which has overstayed its welcome. With this as context for the fact that the Fdl won 26% of Italy’s overall vote on Sunday, compared to the mere 4% it won in 2018, the likelihood of any pro-life policies meeting little resistance should give urgent pause for thought.

Even prior to Meloni’s election, it was difficult to terminate a pregnancy in areas controlled by the FdI. Clinics in the party stronghold of Le Marche refused to follow Italy’s existing law on dispensing abortion pills, and a study by The Economist reveals that over 20% of women seeking an abortion in the Italian south had to travel to other parts of the country. 

Although Meloni has said she will keep abortion legal, she also intends for the state to strongly promote alternatives (that is, continued pregnancy), and to demotivate doctors from offering the procedure. In a strongly Catholic country, where around 70% of physicians are already conscientious objectors to abortion, many fear that a further clamp-down will have devastating effects on women seeking time-sensitive treatment.

Worse still, Meloni (who was recently dubbed “Il Duce in a blouse”) is herself a woman. Not only this, but her campaign ran on the words, “I am Giorgia. I am a woman. I am a mother…” 

Of course, Giorgia is entitled to her personal opinion, as all women should be, but the problems caused when female leaders publicly express pro-life views are manifold. As seen with Donald Trump’s strategic appointment of Amy Barrett to the US Supreme Court, these individuals rapidly gain the praise of pro-life men, being portrayed as morally superior to their abortion-seeking counterparts or framed as representative of the mainstream female view. Meanwhile, for all Meloni’s talk of reclaiming personal identity, it’s telling that no woman with a pro-choice, LGBTQ+, or minority ethnic identity has ever enjoyed the same rise to power.

But why am I worried? Stepping back – with respect – don’t I live in England? Unfortunately, Meloni’s election is just one event in a summer of challenges to abortion access. In June, the UK’s MP for Devizes, Danny Kruger, disagreed on the point that pregnant women should have an absolute right to bodily autonomy. Meanwhile, several women in the UK are facing prison sentences for taking abortion pills after accidentally passing the legal 10-week cut-off point for medical abortion. Given the difficulty of accurately assessing one’s own stage of pregnancy when many in-person gynaecology consultations were delayed by the pandemic, these women are hardly to blame. And the prosecution seems arbitrary – who benefits from punishing these women other than enforcers of pro-life values?

Whether or not the US Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v Wade opened the floodgates to all of this is debatable but a concerning pro-life sentiment has been growing on this side of the Atlantic for some time. Indeed, the group “Oxford Students for Life”  ran a controversial anti-abortion stall at the Oxford SU Freshers’ Fair last year and other pro-life groups attended freshers’ events elsewhere in the country. 

While pro-life demonstration isn’t the same as banning abortion, events such as these suggest that the general acceptance of women’s choice in the UK is at a troubling low. Meanwhile, any question-mark held over female autonomy can be dangerous, especially among students.

As young people, who are statistically more likely to have casual relationships and less sexual experience, the attendees of last year’s Freshers’ Fair should have been told that abortion is a perfectly sound choice to make. Beyond this, the majority of female Oxford students have career plans, student debt, and few means to break off their studies for an unplanned pregnancy. In cases such as these, choosing abortion may be empowering, and women should not be pressured over such choices by other groups within the university.

Luckily, a lot of pro-life sentiment in the UK comes from a lack of education. Many of those against abortion mistakenly believe that it’s a violent procedure which causes foetal pain, rather than simply taking pills to trigger a pragmatic, early-term bleed – as it is in over 80% of cases. If proper teaching about abortion was included in the national curriculum, I’m hopeful a lot of these problems could be solved.

Still, those who oppose abortion on religious or moral grounds, like Meloni, are more worrying. Even in Oxford, I’ve spoken to several highly-educated students who believe that abortion is wrong because another body is involved. However, if a woman’s well-being is seen as subordinate to that of her foetus, how far has our society really come for women’s rights?

With so many high-profile figures taking it upon themselves to advocate for unborn cells, women need as much space as possible to advocate for themselves.

Image: Vox España, CC3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

EXCLUSIVE: Malala, AJ Tracey, and Imran Khan to speak at the Oxford Union in MT22

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The Oxford Union’s termcard for Michaelmas Term 2022 promises an exciting lineup of big names and events. Ahead of its full release on Friday 30th September, Cherwell can exclusively reveal what’s in store.

Malala Yousafzai, the world-famous education activist and youngest Nobel Peace Prize laureate, will speak at the Union on 1st November. Having advocated for girl’s education in Pakistan since the age of eleven, Yousafzai survived being shot by the Taliban in 2012, elevating her to the international stage. She has since set up the Malala Fund, a non-profit organisation campaigning for girls’ education in developing countries, and is a graduate of Lady Margaret Hall.

On 17th October, the Union will also welcome British rapper AJ Tracey. Known for the hits, “Thiago Silva” (with Dave) and “Ladbroke Grove”, Tracey entered the charts in 2018 with his single “Butterflies”. The rapper, singer, songwriter and record producer continues to rise in popularity, releasing a new track, “Reasonable” in May. 

Imran Khan, the former cricketer and Pakistani politician, will appear at the Union on 25th October. Khan studied at Keble College before winning the Cricket World Cup for Pakistan in 1992 and later serving as Pakistan’s 22nd Prime Minister. He was ousted in April 2022 through a no-confidence motion but remains a significant figure in Pakistan and the War on Terror.

Other speakers will include Dr Anthony Fauci, Chief Medical Advisor to every US President since Reagan, Billie Jean King, the former World Number One tennis player, and Baroness Hale, the first female President of the Supreme Court, Harry Redknapp, former football manager, and Bhad Bhabie, viral internet star.

In addition, the Home Secretary Suella Baevermann will be speaking in the Union’s annual no-confidence debate, “This House Has No Confidence in His Majesty’s Government” on 13th October. Notably, this year’s motion follows the accession of a new British monarch and Prime Minister in the space of a week.

The Union’s highlight social this term will be The Broadway Ball, with other events including a Haunted House and Karaoke Night in partnership with OxWiB and Pink Week.

Union President Ahmad Nawaz told Cherwell, “My committee, my officers and I have worked extremely hard over the whole summer to put this termcard together and I am incredibly proud of it. I hope the members will love it!”

The details of other events on the termcard will be released tomorrow.

Included in list of debates 

“This House Has No Confidence in His Majesty’s Government”

“This House Would Boycott The Qatar World Cup”

“This House Believes Woke Culture Has Gone Too Far”

“This House Regrets The Rise of Hook-up Culture”

“This House Blames Western Lenders for The Plight of Developing Countries”

Image credit: Oxford Unon

Truss’ ‘mini-budget’ is a car crash for young and ordinary people

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With this set of fiscal reforms the government had a chance to offer people some respite.  Instead, the only thing they have made certain of is that the rich will get richer at the cost of everyone else.

I won’t pretend that I was hopeful when Kwasi Kwarteng stood up to present his so-called ‘mini-budget’ to Parliament on Friday.  I didn’t have any expectations of him delivering a package of measures beyond the inadequate policies that he had teased.  What I didn’t foresee though, were the perilous moves and gambles he made to save the richest in our country tens of thousands of pounds and leave everyone else picking up the pieces of a wrecked economy.

The picture was already bleak. The Bank of England has cautioned that the country may already be in a recession. High inflation is piling pressure on peoples’ purses and we are trapped in an energy price crisis with limited short-term relief that leaves millions of people every day forced to choose between ‘heating and eating’.  These pressures are only set to get worse going into next year as the situation worsens and support runs out. Kwarteng’s mini-budget will ensure that the people currently under the most pressure continue to foot the bill.

Let’s take a look at the headline announcements, policy by policy.  Firstly, those much talked-up tax cuts. Kwarteng has reduced the basic rate of income tax from 20% to 19%) and confirmed the scrapping of the national insurance rise that was set to arrive in November.  Although this offers absolutely nothing to students, pensioners, and non-earners, it is true that the average household could save up to around £1000 per year.  While that looks appealing, it is nothing compared to the comparative pay-rise that the country’s top earners will now receive.  The 45% tax rate and dividend tax, which affect the highest earners, have both been scrapped. So has the much-debated cap on bankers’ bonuses. The Conservatives’ supporters in the City must be struggling to believe their luck!

As a result of these changes alone, someone earning £250,000 will be £8,344.88 better off each year.  That is in stark contrast to a graduate earning £28,000.  They will save just £347.18. Combined with their student loan repayments, they’ll take home just 60p for every £1 they earn above the marginal tax rate.

Up next is stamp duty – the tax normally levied by the government on when purchasing a property, depending on its value.  This is a policy that the government has dressed up as being targeted at young first-time buyers.  In reality, the government has chosen a reckless path that risks driving housing prices even higher than they were during the days of the COVID-19 pandemic.    Meanwhile, The Bank of England pulled in the other direction, raising interest rates and therefore provoking a mortgage repayment rise for millions.  This selection of policies will do nothing to help the vast majority of graduates for whom affordable mortgages are a distant dream and instead further escalate a crisis in the housing market to dangerous levels.

And then the corporation tax cuts – a sorry attempt to reduce the economic impacts of Brexit that the Conservatives continue to hide from and deny.  Immediately after the announcement on the BBC’s Politics Live programme, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury Chris Phillip pointed to Ireland and Google as a case study for just how effective this move would be.  “They aren’t [in Ireland] because they like Guinness,” he joked to a remarkably unamused room.  This neglects the fact that the Irish government and the EU have been trapped in legal proceedings to exert any meaningful tax payments at all from that company for the last five years.  The reality is that the biggest companies have already left and the UK will struggle to return without more relaxed immigration laws to increase the availability of skilled workers, or any workers for that matter.  In the lead-up to Friday, The Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) warned a “race to the bottom” of similar measures had failed to boost investment and economic growth in Britain over the past 15 years.  There’s absolutely nothing so far to suggest that this will be any different and if not worse.

Fear not, though! The Chancellor was also bold enough to announce up to 40 new ‘investment zones’ that he promises will “unleash the power of the private sector”.  Ignore the fact that this policy has been tried countless times in the past all over the world and been proven to fail.  Instead, past attempts have seen companies and their jobs moving from one area of the country to another and failing to attract anyone new from overseas.  Kwarteng hasn’t been able to offer any suggestions of why his plans will be any different.

With this budget,the government had an opportunity.  They could have offered some relief to normal families, students, and median earners.  But no. Not only was there no improvement to the temporary measures to protect against the energy crisis but further investment in our collapsing public services was left completely off the table.  Infrastructure changes have also very much taken a ‘back to the future’ approach by neglecting the long-term potential of cheap green energy to remove subsidies on North Sea Oil and the moratorium on fracking.  A truly meaningful windfall tax on energy companies and sensible fiscal reforms could have gone a long way to funding these changes. But instead,Truss and Kwarteng have bet on it in order to deliver a budget that focuses on ideology and ignores real-life problems.

The outcome of all of this has already been a picture of economic disaster. Sterling lost 4% of its value in just 24 hours and is now at a 37-year low. This is not only catastrophic for importers but will drive up inflation even further.  

Meanwhile, analysis by Bloomberg has forecast that interest rates could rise to 5.3% by August 2023.  This is a problem because not only does it make borrowing more expensive for everyone, reducing spending, but also makes government borrowing dearer.  This comes just as the Treasury is looking to lean on borrowing to fund their tax cuts and investment.   The director of the IFS has summed up the situation by saying:  “The plan seems to be to borrow large sums at increasingly expensive rates, put government debt on an unsustainable rising path, and hope that we get better growth.”  

Bankers and high earners won’t be too concerned by a crashing economy as they revel in their now duty-free champagne, toasting the new money that they can now spend on holidays abroad in foreign markets.  In the meantime, the worst-off will have to continue to choose whether to ‘heat or eat’ as winter approaches. Pensioners are comparatively the worst-off, and young graduates have again been neglected altogether.    Levelling-up has come to an end before it even began and has been replaced by trickle-down economics. Again, the young – and especially students – have been left to foot the bill.

Image: CC2:0//Policy Exchange via Flickr.

The University must come clean

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Oxford obscures information from students who are campaigning for a more just, ethical university. The new Vice-Chancellor of Oxford should prioritise transparency.

The Oxford Climate Justice Campaign (OCJC) has revealed through dogged research and investigation that the University and its colleges continue to receive money from the fossil fuel industry. While it is reprehensible that such financial relationships continue, we want to draw attention to another, equally important issue: the lack of transparency about those relationships in the first place.

We only know that BP, Shell, Total, ExxonMobil and the like are cumulatively donating millions each year to the University because generations of campaigners before us have battled for that information. That shouldn’t be the case. We call on the University to create a publicly available and searchable database of all research funding and donations it receives. A lack of transparency is unacceptable because it undermines trust and, more importantly, prevents accountability.

Student campaigns’ main way to expose the donations the University receives from fossil fuel companies and to get other information is through freedom of information (FOI) requests. But even with this legal instrument, which should compel the University to disclose, it is still a battle. First, FOIs can be a time-consuming undertaking for students. Lengthy delays from the University demand constant student pressure. OCJC has examples of the sheer persistence necessary. Often, only partial answers will be provided at the end of the delay. This relates to the second issue: the University frequently relies on exemptions built into the FOI Act of 2000. For instance, the University often refused to disclose because of the threat that disclosure would pose to the “commercial interests” of it and its funders (namely, companies like Shell and oilfield services firm Schlumberger), citing section 43 of the Act. It’s hard to take seriously the University’s commitments to sustainability when it withholds simple information about donations received from these companies in the interest of their profit margins.

The University has even more techniques to avoid disclosure. It has cited section 14 of the FOI Act, stating that a given request is substantially similar to a previous request and that, therefore, fulfilling the “new”, arbitrarily amalgamated request would violate section 42 of the Act: it would be too costly in terms of staff time to fulfill the information request. We have had to then consider referring the case to the Information Commissioners’ Office when the delays are unacceptable or the exemptions inapplicable. This, in turn, involves even more unpaid student time spent battling bureaucracy.

The FOI exemptions that the University cites are hard to take at face value. The University has admittedly provided more information after years of our requests (from a starting point of virtually zero information, it now usually provides names and amounts of donors, but only when FOIed and after many weeks). However, its justifications have never changed for resisting the vast majority of requests over the course of that change. This suggests an institutional response more focused on opacity for its own sake than following a consistent rationale for withholding information.

Even if we are sceptical of the motivations behind the exemptions that the University regularly invokes, perhaps there are other reasons for the lack of transparency? For example, there is arguably a line beyond which greater transparency might prevent the University from being able to discharge its obligations to students, either because of a damaged reputation or balance sheet. Or perhaps the thinking is that the donations we are speaking about are so insignificant as to not even be worth publishing.

But I can’t accept either argument. First, if OCJC were to do nothing, no one would know about what donations the University accepts from fossil fuel companies, how much, or when. And we haven’t heard that the disclosures we have painstakingly gleaned thus far have had a dramatic impact on the University’s ability to attract research funding. So, even if there is a “line”, it is hard to believe that we’re anywhere near it. As for the donations being insignificant, if this is true, then surely it would be a small job to make them public.

Regardless, these arguments miss the point and the principle. Transparency about the University’s ties to fossil fuels and from where it receives its funding is in the public interest, no matter the size of that funding. Accountability is only possible with that transparency. And we can’t simply take the University’s word for it.

The fight for transparency is not just OCJC’s. Oxford Worker Justice, the Climate League of Oxford and Cambridge, Divest Borders, It Happens Here and Rhodes Must Fall have all also battled with opacity. Student campaigns have had to undertake arduous investigations to get information on sexual harassment, staff wages and work conditions, and financial ties to the border industry. Even then, lengthy investigations often yield only partial information on these urgent issues. Dr Tena Prelec says that she “supports OCJC’s call for the University of Oxford to be more transparent”. She notes that the UK has no legal requirement for universities to report donations, making it extremely difficult to find accurate data about this, whis does little to address credible concerns about reputation laundering and authoritarian influencing. While “these issues are not exclusive to Oxford, the university has the chance to be the first mover in implementing radical transparency”.
As a campaign, we believe deeply that the University facilitates greenwashing and extends social license by accepting fossil fuel donations. We are calling for a public and searchable database because transparency depends on information being accessible as well as simply available. If institutions with as much capital as our University can’t be transparent, especially on issues so pressing as climate change and fair wages, then those institutions must change. We hope the new Vice-Chancellor will foster an environment of transparency, where students and University administration are able to work together in an environment of trust and thereby make the University an even greater force for good in the world.

Image: CC2.0//mike langridge

The Oxford Period: SU launches university-wide campaign for free menstrual products

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The Oxford University Student Union is launching a campaign calling for the provision of free menstrual products across the University. As well as addressing period poverty, “The Oxford Period” campaign aims to normalise free access to sustainable period products for all menstruating students and lead discussions about women’s reproductive health.

This builds on the achievements of campaign founder and Co-President, Sofia Olendraru, who won the SU Student Voice Award in Trinity Term 2022 for her work obtaining free period products at Worcester College. 

“It still feels incredible to have that recognition of my work,” Olendraru told Cherwell. “I wanted to keep working on this, which is why I helped start The Oxford Period and the award has given me access to a lot of support from the SU like funding and advice that’s been really valuable.”

When founding The Oxford Period, Olendraru came together with students from other colleges, who have all advocated for free period products in their own JCRs. The campaign now hopes to create cohesion between the efforts of individual Women’s Officers, believing that a university-wide initiative may help to solve the problems caused by disparities in college funding and budget-allocation policies.

“The number of students from low-income backgrounds at the University of Oxford is increasing overall and this, on top of the cost-of-living crisis, means that period products are sometimes just not affordable,” campaign strategist Eva Hogan told Cherwell. “Given the context of school absenteeism due to periods in female students across the country, we believe the University has an imperative to provide free products.”

Since 2017, the number of students at Oxford from ACORN categories 4 and 5 has increased by 6.7%. Hogan told Cherwell she was aware of students who use period products sparingly, as a result of rising costs.

“Period poverty is distinct from other types of poverty because of its gendered and corporeal nature, and the daily shame attached to periods, which is why it’s so important to tackle it,” she added.

Despite this, she acknowledged that period poverty may be less prevalent in Oxford than in statistically poorer areas of the UK, an argument which she says has posed challenges for those advocating free periods at Oxford in the past.

However, the campaign will also look at factors beyond affordability, with its other core emphasis being on the normalisation of free periods. “No factor should influence whether you pick up menstrual products, even if you think you can afford them,” Hogan expanded. “We want you to pick up menstrual products because you menstruate. Also, because we’re at a university where students are quite statistically likely to end up in positions of power, it’s important to set a standard, so that future leaders can hopefully bring free periods into the workplace or into policy.”

As an initial aim, The Oxford Period intends to collect signatures for an open letter, which will call on Oxford University to provide free period products in all colleges and university buildings. The Cambridge Period Project at Cambridge University recently succeeded with a similar open-letter proposal. The campaign has also been inspired by Oxford’s Green Party councillors Rosie Rawle and Lucy Pegg, who made free period products available in the city’s public buildings from July 2022.

The Oxford Period campaign logo, Credit: Sofia Olendraru

Beyond this, The Oxford Period wants to start important conversations about women’s health and plans to host discussions challenging the stigma around menstruation.“There’s such a horrific lack of research into menstrual health, because of how it was historically perceived by men, meaning that girls still often don’t feel comfortable going to their GP and can’t get the medical help they need,” Hogan said.

Consequently, The Oxford Period hopes to organise educational panel discussions throughout the campaign, in conversation with medics, researchers, and menstruators. These may address topics, such as birth control, menstruation in the workplace, and the experiences of non-binary people, and the experiences of women who are unable to menstruate.

The Oxford Period will be represented at the SU Freshers’ Fair on 6th-7th October 2022.

Image credit: Sofia Olendraru

Why multinational corporations need to invest in African economies

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Ghana, known as one of the largest and most stable economies in Africa, is currently in the midst of an economic crisis; its population is suffering from a lack of access to food and fuel due to rising inflation. Riots broke out in Ghana at the start of July as a result of the poor economic conditions. Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo blamed such conditions on the effects of the pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war, noting that ‘the economy has [instead] begun to firm up and the cedi has systematically appreciated against the dollar…’. Ghana, in trying to alleviate the dent in its economic growth, has sought the assistance of intergovernmental bodies in the past, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). When Ghana last sought the assistance of the IMF in 2015, it received $980 million through an extended credit facility arrangement, equal to 180% of its quota. They have since ruled out seeking IMF assistance a second time, with the Finance Minister of Ghana stressing that the country is committed to managing its finances without assistance from the multilateral institution.

So what is the alternative? Despite Akufo-Addo’s argument that the cedi, to date, has appreciated against the US dollar, it has only done so marginally. As of early September, the exchange rate between the dollar and the Ghana cedi stands at $1 = 11.53 GHc, a significant increase from the same time last year, where the value of the cedi against the US dollar was 8.26 GHc. The loss of value in Ghana’s currency, which is a common issue with other African currencies, means that importing costs are higher for its businesses. For example, Ghana imports most of its cereals and grains from Russia, the world’s leading wheat exporter. However, with the country cutting its grain export by 40% in August, prices have simultaneously increased, meaning Ghana and other African countries spend substantially more of their currency on exported goods. Importing goods from other countries has now become more difficult for Ghana, and as the currency depreciates, more cedis are being spent on imports than in the previous year putting strain on the country’s budget. This raises the question – could multinational corporations alleviate this economic burden?

Although African economies, in general, face increasing economic pressure from inflation and global instability, certain sectors such as IT and telecommunications have thrived and become essential to the survival and growth of these same economies. Multinational corporations may be able to take advantage of this. By building up and empowering previously deprived communities within African countries, as well as acquiring poorly functioning or defunct infrastructure and reviving them, these corporations not only fuel the development of developing nations and emerging economies but manage to also achieve their corporate social responsibility objectives on a large scale. Scholars and critics argue that such investment lays the foundations for neo-colonial business activity, allowing large American, British, or Chinese companies monopolise and dominate whole sectors within African economies. Still, more than ever, Africa and its nations are willing to open themselves up to foreign investment in order to fund new infrastructure, establish their economies, and improve foreign relations. With a focus on Ghana, this piece will advocate for multinational companies to invest in African economies and thus contribute to their growth and survival.

According to Matthew Kindinger, practice lead at FrontierView, Ghana’s economy is forecasted to grow around 3% in the coming year. Sectors of the economy, such as IT and telecommunications, as well as healthcare and education, are described as well-positioned to support the economy, having outperformed headline growth predictions. Focusing on IT and telecommunications in particular, it is argued that this sector’s success has come largely from multinational corporations acquiring nationally-owned telecoms infrastructure.  

The most notable example of this is Vodafone Ghana, Ghana’s national telecommunications company owned by Vodacom Group (the largest telecoms company in Africa). The entity was previously founded in June 1995 as Ghana Telecom as part of the ADP (Accelerated Development Plan) reform, a programme aimed to improve public access to telecommunications in both rural and urban areas through the provision of payphone facilities. The ADP reform, planned with the assistance of the World Bank, formed part of Ghana’s plans for a five-year restructuring of the telecoms industry. Prior to the deregulation of telecoms within Ghana, communications, both domestic and international, were the responsibility of post offices and other local authorities. This transpired over many years through the post-colonial days with different types of phones being used in the system. The deregulation of the sector enabled the establishment of Ghana Telecom, which acted as the national body solely responsible for telecommunications. The significance of this was that the removal of governmental restrictions within Ghana’s telecoms industry was the catalyst for its growth, as various companies competed for dominance. This would be important to Vodafone later as the deregulation enabled it to strike a deal with the government. In 2008, Reuters reported that Vodafone Group paid $900 million (£454 million) for a 70% stake in Ghana Telecom, which was Ghana’s third largest mobile phone operator. The government of Ghana retained a 30% stake in Ghana telecom following Vodafone’s acquisition.

However, the main opposition party in Ghana’s government at the time criticised the agreement with Vodafone, arguing that it ‘lacked transparency’ and massively devalued Ghana Telecom’s assets. Harume Iddrisu, the ranking opposition member at the time, argued that the value of Ghana Telecom, which was given an enterprise value of around $1.3 billion, should not have been less than $1.5 billion.

In October 2015, President Nana Akufo-Addo revealed that Ghana Telecom was sold to Vodafone because it was an ‘inefficient company’. From these facts, it is inferred that opposition towards the Vodafone acquisition throughout Ghana came as a result of patriotism as the only state telecommunications organisation was sold to a foreign company, posing a danger to national security, as well as due to the sum paid for such a strategic state asset. Considering other business operations within the country, Ghanaians have long been suspicious of foreign direct investment as it has often resulted in the enabling of exploitation and other illegal activity. This was the case with Aisha Huang, a Chinese national who was deported from Ghana in 2018 for taking advantage of Ghana’s leadership system to run a galamsey operation (‘galamsey’ is the Ghanaian term for illegal small-scale gold mining). It is argued, however, that this ‘distrust’ was unfounded, as Ghana Telecom, now known as Vodafone Ghana, has not harmed the country’s growth or security in any way, but has instead contributed to the nation’s development.

For example. In 2016, Vodafone made a deal with KNUST (the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology) to provide enhanced high-speed internet and Wi-Fi connectivity to all faculties across the university’s campuses in Ghana.  The telecom sector, according to KPMG, is undergoing a huge transformation, and it is clear how governments, businesses, and even whole sectors of the economy can benefit through such investment. Another interesting example of a company that aims to benefit from the growth of sectors in the Ghanaian economy is Samsung. Samsung’s vision for corporate social responsibility maintains that they wish to support people to use technology as a force for good and that digital innovations are changing society at an amazing rate and have the potential to help solve some of the biggest problems the world faces. Their ‘Samsung Smart School’ combines the strengths of Ghana’s IT and education sectors. Trialled with International Baccalaureate (IB) students at Al-Rayan International School in Accra, Samsung’s pioneering approach to combining technology and education has had positive effects on both the country and the business. It has the potential to be a substantial investment in the education and development of Ghana’s children, while also ensuring the technology and education sectors are well supported. But what if such foreign influence isn’t welcome?

The primary hindrance to foreign investment in Ghana’s economy is the view that such large corporations do not aim to benefit the country, but rather exploit it. This was the fear of those who opposed the Vodafone acquisition of Ghana Telecom, with the National Democratic Congress taking to the streets of Ghana in a series of demonstrations to vent their anger. Interestingly, Nana Akufo-Addo, in 2015, questioned why there was no solely Ghanaian company present in the telecommunications sector in Ghana. The Ghanaian government, back in 2006, received offers from several major companies to acquire Ghana Telecom, including a Ghanaian-led consortium, yet decided on Vodafone. By agreeing on the acquisition, this created a relationship between Vodafone and the Ghanaian government that would benefit both entities. Vodafone’s deal with the government would have a positive effect on its economic value, and the Ghanaian government would receive significant investment from Vodafone into its telecoms infrastructure, to a level that would be unmatched by a national company. The lack of transparency in relation to this deal was what fueled so much anger against the agreement. Harume Iddrisu stated himself that ‘we are aware of the government’s desperate need for cash to finance a gaping budget deficit. However, it is important to advise the government to take into serious consideration the supreme national interest.’. Could it be the case that countries that choose to work with foreign organisations that wish to invest with them are ignoring the interests of their own people? Taken further, the involvement of multinational organisations in the affairs of a single country, especially an African one, can often display red flags for neocolonial behaviour. 

Writing for LSE Blogs, Mark Langan re-engages with the concept of neocolonialism to explain Africa’s cycle of poverty. He notes Nkrumah’s warning of the evils of neocolonialism and external intrusions in ‘The Last Stage of Imperialism’, and gives examples of how regressive donor and corporate interventions continue to stifle genuine opportunities for growth in African countries. One key example he notes is China. There is a large debate on whether China’s increasing presence in Africa represents an opportunity or a threat for the African continent, with their presence being viewed as either a development partner, an economic competitor, or as a coloniser. This can be seen in practice – for example, the government of Ghana signed two agreements with the Chinese government to secure a $1 billion loan to refurbish railway transportation in the country. The Western and Eastern rail lines, as well as the lines between Tema and Akosombo, alongside other railway projects, will benefit from the loan. On the other side of the debate, however, stories have arisen concerning the ‘Shanglin gang’, Chinese miners from the Shanglin county of Guangxi in search of gold in Ghana. Not only have some residents of Shanglin blamed the Chinese government for encouraging the Ghanaian gold rush, but the Ghanaian government has also faced criticism from its own people for prioritising their bilateral relationship with China (now their biggest foreign investor and trading partner) over the national interest of the country. 

African nations are in a very dynamic yet fragile situation. Despite challenging economic circumstances, they have benefited from growth in particular sectors such as telecommunications, IT, and education. Multinational organisations have tried their best to benefit from such remarkable growth, while also passing on benefits to the countries they work with. Despite this, countries that work with foreign organisations and investors run the risk of alienating their own people in favour of the supposed benefits of foreign investments, never truly understanding the aims of the other side. Still, the argument holds that African nations are more than willing to open themselves up to foreign investment, and thus multinational corporations need to invest in African economies. The economic benefits that the country gains, as expressed in this piece, only stand to strengthen the reputations of these corporations. Foreign direct investment results in higher profits and a stronger market position for companies who wish to partake, as well as access to emerging markets. These benefits outweigh the risks of potential foreign exploitation, which corporations, as opposed to countries, aim to avoid for reputational reasons. They also pave the way for further development opportunities – for example, Vodafone, in July 2022, agreed to sell its Ghana operations to Telecel, an African company based in Zimbabwe, as part of plans to streamline their business. Telecel’s expansion within over 30 countries in Africa has largely been through acquisitions, and Vodafone’s investment in Ghana’s infrastructure has made the acquisition process easier and more lucrative, with both parties aiming to push for a $500 million deal. Foreign investment from multinational corporations boosts economic growth and accelerates investment into an economy’s sectors, which is what Ghana, and Africa as a whole, aim for in their engagement with multinational corporations.

Image credit: Virgyl Sowah