Tuesday, May 6, 2025
Blog Page 851

A voice for the evidence of the refugee crisis

“It’s the usual suspects that attend these things”, observes Julia Katarina, an accomplished musician and founder of Music for Refugees, having just succeeded in leaving us on the edge of our seats after a consummately beautiful rendition of a refugee Syrian love song. Christ Church’s one-off exhibition, Art and Awareness: A Showcase in Solidarity with Refugees on 12 May, which saw a score of varied and talented performers and artists take to the stage in solidarity with refugees, hoped to tackle a sense of the desensitisation and numbness towards humanitarian crises that is so prevalent today.

It is a sobering thought that, out of the world’s official count of 21.3 million refugees not only are over half of them are under the age of 18, but more embarrassingly, among the areas in the world that host the world’s displaced, Europe hosts but six per cent of them. We ourselves cough to the fact that, prior to this exhibition, this harrowing statistic had neither come to our attention nor been within our contemplation, reinforcing the main premise of Julia’s concern: the veritable lack of awareness as to the extent of the refugee crisis, and a pressing need to use the medium of art as a conduit to inspire awareness, urgency and action.

Commencing the showcase with poetry and spoken word was Aleppo-born Smir Darwish, who sought refuge in the UK as an asylum seeker in the Second Gulf War. His poem comprised a response to what he described as the most divisive of questions universally faced by refugees and asylum seekers upon entry at their final destination: where do you come from? The answer to this question, he tells us, dictates the success of a refugee’s struggles, sacrifices and sorrow—a ‘wrong’ answer diminishing these efforts to an exercise of futility, cancelling out the pain and effort endured by mere virtue of their birthplace—a simple geographical accident.

The voice afforded to Amir and the collective message he transmitted through his poetry—of the ‘bullet-wounded’, of ‘hungry stomachs’, of ‘single mothers’—elevated his role as one tantamount to a spokesperson for the silenced and the suppressed.

Another contribution derived from the photography of Gideon Mendel, whose prolific works have spanned decades and delved into issues such as apartheid and climate change, but more recently the refugee crisis. The nature of his address was twofold: first, it constituted an exhibition of his photography of the refugee crisis specific to the Calais Jungle, and second, his ruminations on the role of the artist.

One aspect of the exhibition was a series of photographs presenting his findings in the ‘art of collecting’—namely, a hotchpotch of objects discarded across the dismantled migrant camps that he acquired during his time spent there. The vestigial remains of a burnt shirt, the remnants of children’s clothing, a tally of used toothbrushes, a Sudanese sandal, and most poignantly, an array of filth-laden toys and story-books—minus their owners. The photograph of ostensible plant pots which, upon closer inspection, are tear gas canisters painted by children in the Jungle nursery, tells a story of the destruction of innocence. These artefacts of destitution, as Mendel told us, act “almost like evidence” of the suffering endured for the public to inform themselves with. Mendel’s unique style of photography in the Jungle, prior to his archaeological stint, lies in the idea of him giving the refugees use of the cameras, so that the point of view of the actual victims themselves could inhere in his work, rather than that of the comfortable photographer, giving the refugees an activity, a platform, and as he put it, a “space to find a photographic voice”.

His eventual transition in the Jungle from photographer to collector, he told us, lay in a confrontation about how there are “so many photographers, so many photographs made—the people resented it and you felt like the enemy”. The conflict of interest between the photographer having to make a living and the need for immediate humanitarian help, he opined, amounted to an almost “destructive force” behind the excess of photographers, when married with the complete lack of immigration lawyers in the Jungle, for instance. The art itself used rebelliously here, as a medium to convey the truth of the refugee crisis, and the discourse had between the artists and the audience attempted to distinguish a positive contributor from an officious bystander when cataloguing the horrors of a phenomenon such as that of the Jungle.

How the ensemble superhero film became king

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4 May 2012 was a day that changed the landscape of cinema. Joss Whedon’s Avengers Assemble, the climax of the first phase of the Marvel Cinematic Universe, was an epoch-making, trend-setting, earth-shattering event, the apotheosis of Marvel’s shared universe project. Still one of the best—and most successful—superhero films of all time, it laid the groundwork for a new age of team-up films. But how has Marvel managed to remain king of the genre, despite renewed assaults by Fox’s X-Men and the DC universe?

Many have pinned Avengers Assemble’s staggering success on the work that had already been done to build up its universe; the sixth film in the MCU, each of its predecessors teed up one of the major players. Such a foundation enabled Marvel to offset many of the major problems which tend to plague ensemble films: instead of being forced to watch cyphers fail to interact in any meaningful way, or endure hours of bland hollow shells going through the motions, they come together fully-formed, the audience understanding their motivations, histories, personalities, and drives.

And yet, it is untenable to argue that this is the only road to success, not least because 2014’s Guardians of the Galaxy was a smash hit which introduced a largely unknown cast of wacky characters. It made excellent use of Chris Pratt’s Peter Quill as a way into its ensemble cast, allowing the audience to get to grips with its universe one alien at a time. Its triumph is rooted in the regard it displays for each member of its cast: they all get their minute to shine, are all imbued with history and inner life, are all constantly forming opinions on the other characters and the group and then reforming them in the light of new circumstances.

This is the thread that links them all, the cloth from which all ensemble films worth watching are cut. Avengers Assemble, despite inheriting a pre-established cast, lets character dynamics play out organically: the ideological tension between Iron Man and Captain America, the science-based bonding of Tony Stark and Bruce Banner, the animosity felt by the team towards Fury’s secrecy all feel like natural consequences of these characters colliding. This is not a team composed of vapid symbols and vacuous icons, devoid of humanity, separated from comprehensible group dynamics in favour of trite iconography.

Marvel’s productions have notable (and well-noted) flaws: their villains are often plot devices where a character should be, their soundtracks rarely do anything more than exist, and the television-side of their universe has entirely failed to reach the heady heights of their silver-screen epics. Nevertheless, their unique character-driven formula has allowed for the creation of the best superhero ensemble films ever made. X-Men eat your heart out.

Getting to grips with the adult cartoon craze

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Bojack Horseman. Archer. Rick and Morty. All of them are big-name shows, finding huge adult viewerships. All of them are worthy of the praise and attention lavished upon them. And, most intriguingly, all of them are cartoons. However, despite finding success within a few years of one another, each of them has carved out its own niche in this increasingly crowded sub-genre.

Archer hews most closely to what one might expect from an adult cartoon: a ridiculous, raucous, raunchy spectacle of anarchic violence, the show succeeds thanks to the quality and variety of its comedy. It is a masterclass in the modulation of various comedic disciplines, sometimes dabbling in gross-out humour, always replete with quick-fire dialogue, and perennially bursting at the seams with recurring gags. In fact, the show has developed such a rich tapestry of recurring jokes—be it Sterling shouting “Lana,” or the inevitable refrain of “phrasing” that follows every innuendo—that all it has to do is stitch them together in new ways to produce quality content.

This approach, this drive towards the distillation of pure comedy, is entirely distinct from those taken by Rick and Morty and Bojack Horseman, shows which marry their surreal hilarity with darker, more mature themes.

Rick and Morty, for instance, returns time and time again to Rick’s abusiveness, his oscillation between affection for his family and absolute disregard for their fates, between unlikely hero and vulgar villain. And yet, despite this interlacing of mature drama and madcap comedy, there’s something reticent about Rick and Morty. For all its off-the-wall humour, idiosyncratic gags, and wild plot twists, it seems somewhat unwilling to deal with the full ramifications of its darkest moments.

For me, at least, this is why Bojack Horseman stands above Rick and Morty and Archer. Bojack is, at its core, an exploration of the darkest recesses of the human experience. It is as much tragedy as comedy, as much a tale of depression as it is a colourful cartoon populated by anthropomorphised animals. While Rick and Morty might still have found great success if it had excised its forays into genuine drama, it is entirely impossible to imagine an iteration of Bojack devoid of the strain of sadness that runs throughout it.

Each of these styles has a place within the expanding territory of adult cartoons, and it would be entirely incorrect to suggest that Rick and Morty or Archer have somehow made a mistake by adopting different styles. Bojack Horseman, however, is a masterwork, an effortless blend of comedy and drama, and a series that deserves its place amongst the great shows of recent years, be they animated or not.

Cliché of the week: “Where’s the cue ball going?”

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Where indeed is the cue ball going, John Virgo?

Is it really heading directly for the pocket, or have you merely chosen to remind your listeners of your single amusing moment in the hope of cheap laugh?

What once, and I mean once, was genuine and amusing has now become hackneyed and stale, trotted out for any loose white or misjudged safety.

Even worse, his time in the commentary booth is now spent waiting for just such an occurrence. No matter how fine the pot, how tight the safety, the audience knows that John Virgo is secretly disappointed that the white did not rattle the jaws.

Indeed, John Virgo no longer contains his catchphrase to the white ball.

Cries of “where’s the yellow ball going” and “where’s the black going” now echo through the halls of the Crucible. They haunt even the greatest players with their sheer mediocrity.

Yet Virgo seems somehow not to realise what any comedian will tell you—he is overdoing it and it is no longer funny.

You can hear the arena ripple with exasperation while Willie Thorne purses his lips as the words slip from Virgo’s.

Please, John, it is well and truly the right time to give up the ghost, because quite frankly it’s killing us.

Not Wong: Dissecting the BNOC phenomenon

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We’ve all seen at least one of them during our time in Oxford. Walking down Cornmarket dressed as if they belong in the 18th century, strutting down the hallways of the Union, plastering their names all over the most viewed articles across the most prominent newspapers in Oxford. The BNOC is a mythical creature, who straddles the line between the ordinary and the extraordinary, the infamous and the famous, the average Oxonian and a character who defines and shapes the landscape of the university.

Yet, what—if any—are the attributable causes of the BNOC phenomenon? Why do BNOCs exist, and for whom are they ‘big names’? Why do we care, after all, about the life of someone who struggles with largely the same tutorials, readings, and difficulties that any other university student would face during their time in Oxford? There are multiple plausible explanations, but there is an underlying thesis that is recurring and apparent—the BNOC phenomenon is the product of the hyperreality negotiated by power structures and relations amongst students. In less academically pretentious terms, it’s an innate and inevitable part of the Oxford bubble.

Firstly, BNOCs are BNOCs because of the projection of our sense of self-importance. There may be celebrities out there in the public domain, but there is something unique about the nature of BNOCs within Oxford—for many, they represent the counterparts and resistance towards the ‘imposition’ of external celebrities. We accord ourselves an imagined level of sophistication, maturity, and importance associated with the so-called membership of the ‘top university in the world’, and project this imaginary on to characters that we perceive to be—in some way or another—functionally equivalent to celebrities who exist outside Oxford. To us, these individuals are big names, because an ecosystem is deemed important and sustainable only if it, too, like the external world, can turn out individuals who are big names in their own right.

More importantly, the obsession some have over the antics of often eccentric, bizarre characters is an apparent manifestation of Oxford students’ desire to reject the cultural hegemony. To the extent that liberalism is seen by some to be taking over the ‘outside world’, reactionary figures who openly champion bitter, anti-liberal ideals are celebrated as BNOCs.

Alternatively, to the extent that the dominant culture encourages a discursive culture of tolerance and moderation, the Oxford community projects its BNOC candidacy on to those whom it deems to be firebrands, and those who are unafraid to voice their concerns. And truth be told—there’s absolutely nothing wrong with that. Every community has its own aesthetic method of arbitrating importance, and if certain individuals do pass the ‘BNOC test’ in Oxford, kudos to them for somehow climbing this ‘meaningful’ social ladder of recognition, built as a way of reinforcing the Oxford bubble of self-importance.

Secondly, BNOCs tend to be important figures or leaders who represent some form of power or factions of power. Let’s be very clear here—power is neither purely materialist nor entirely culturally embedded. Neither is it explicitly tied to only structures and associations (if anything, BNOCs rarely tend to be people who are seen to have sold out to the legendary Establishment, whomever the Establishment may be). BNOCs may rise to ‘fame’ by being representatives or leaders within particular societies and associations. Or they may rise to ‘fame’ on a tide of populism, a tidal wave that sweeps across societies and percolates through the cracks of particular organisations. Power could be understood here as multi-dimensional—some gain their power from the collective mobilisation of others (e.g. ‘voting’, cough), whilst others acquire their power from the implicit consensus of others (e.g. ‘internal nomination’, or ascent through organisational hierarchies). Still others derive their power from the ideologies that effectively emanate from their capillaries. Note—the academic nature of Oxford lends itself nicely to a substantial volume of performativity when it comes to ideological preferences.

That’s how certain BNOCs can rise to fame by riding on controversial and reactionary viewpoints e.g. celebrating Trump, glorifying Nigel Farage and the alt-right, and/or practising disingenuous campaigning. The bottom line here is that BNOCs should not be interpreted as individuals who ‘stand out’—they are merely puppets controlled by systems of power (and/or anti-power). And even when they characterise themselves as ‘anti-establishment’, they are merely a component of an alternative power structure that seeks to displace the entrenched one—and replace it with its own.

Lastly, perhaps a cautionary note and a caveat. Some BNOCs build their entire careers around the pursuit of fame (or infamy). But many others, in fact, contribute a substantial amount towards the Oxford community, with or without fame.

Despite all of the above, there are certain inspirational elements to be found in many BNOCs—some spend all their time hacking at night clubs and threatening the employment prospects of club bouncers, others spend more time on their second/third/fourth careers than their studies, and still others come to dominate particular scenes of art and culture in Oxford. The bottom line is clear: being a BNOC is a value-neutral identity. Some BNOCs are utter tossers, others are not—but the litmus test ought not to be whether they are famous, but what they are famous for.

The Oxonian hyperreality is one of intricacy and deep confusion. When you put a large number of confused young adults together, after all, you shouldn’t be surprised that there exists an innate desire to project the Kardashians and Trumps on to characters in this community. But there’s also much more to many BNOCs—not everyone is a contrarian, certainly not everyone is an alt-right edgelord, and, whilst ultimately everyone may be a manifestation of underlying power structures, BNOCs can do good—too.

But let’s not pretend that they are saints or holier than thou. Because they really aren’t.

Armed police stationed outside the Rad Cam

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Thames Valley Police have told the public to be “alert but not alarmed” as armed police officers have been stationed outside the University’s Bodleian Library and other key sites in Oxford.

Last night, the Prime Minister raised the national terrorist threat level to ‘critical’, meaning an attack could be highly likely.

Police have stressed that there is no intelligence to suggest a specific threat to Thames Valley, but said that overnight additional armed and unarmed officers have been stationed at “crowded places, including transport hubs and shopping centres”.

This included two armed officers with rifles patrolling outside the Old Bodleian Library and Radcliffe Camera, with other officers understood to be stationed outside the Ashmolean Museum.

It comes less than 48 hours after a suicide bomb attack at Manchester Arena on Monday which killed 22 people and injured 59 others.

“I would like to reassure you that the move to critical is something that we prepare for. We will continually review our deployments and take all possible steps to keep people safe within Oxfordshire,” Deputy Chief Constable John Campbell said.

He urged Oxford residents to remain calm: “At this time we need everyone to remain alert but not alarmed.

“We need your help to help us protect our communities and disrupt those who seek to harm us. I would urge you to contact the police straight away if you believe that someone is acting suspiciously.

“Our officers and staff will continue to provide a visible presence in our communities and we have the specialist resources in place to respond in an emergency.”

Oxford stands in ‘solidarity’ against terror at Manchester attack vigils

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Hundreds of Oxford students joined faith leaders and local residents on Tuesday evening to remember the victims of Monday’s horrific terror attack in Manchester which claimed the lives of 22 concert-goers, many of them young children.

Around 100 students attended a vigil outside the Radcliffe Camera, organised by OUSU, to “stand with Manchester”.

Several students, some wearing “I heart Manchester” t-shirts and visibly emotional, spoke at the event, which took place less than 24 hours after a suicide bomber detonated an improvised explosive device at an Ariana Grande concert at the Manchester Arena.

They had come to express their “love and solidarity,” as Katt Walton, a Christ Church student who is from Manchester, said in a speech outside the Rad Cam.

“(We’re) sending out our condolences to the people who have lost loved ones, friends and family, especially as it was an event which was supposed to be a really fun night (and) a lot of younger kids went,” she later told Cherwell.

“It’s really important to remember that this wasn’t a godly act, it isn’t down to Islam, and that this isn’t a time for Islamaphobia to come out of the woodwork. (Terrorism) aims to divide and conquer and the best thing we can do is stand together,” Walton added.

In a further vigil on Cornmarket, faith leaders from the city’s major denominations — Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu — gathered to send their “prayers for Manchester”. Candles were lit and around 50 people took part in a minute silence, remembering the victims of an attack which the Prime Minister Theresa May has described as “cowardly” and “sickening”.

“We hope to show unity and solidarity, and that no terrorist can divide us,” said Dr Sheik Ramzy, Director of the Oxford Islamic Information Centre and a member of the Muslim Council of Britain.

Dr Ramzy, holding a sign reading “We stand with Manchester”, told Cherwell: “We are all together as one family, one British family, to stand against any terror, and we shall win.”

Dr Sheik Ramzy holding a sign reading “We stand with Manchester”. Photo: Phoebe Freidin/Cherwell

Addressing the crowd outside the Carfax Tower, Bede Gerrard, Ecumenical Canon of Christ Church Cathedral, said: “We are here as human beings, as citizens of Oxford and as citizens of this country. We want to be a country where peace is sovereign.”

“As people of faith we should embrace our diversity,” he added, speaking to Cherwell.

“Religion is so often put forward as something that divides people. And it can do, but it’s not meant to. I think we’re trying to show that together we are stronger than apart.”

The two events follow a major vigil in Manchester’s Albert Square on Tuesday evening to remember the victims of the atrocity. Outside the Rad Cam, students — including finalists wearing full subfusc, and others in their religious dress — stood in silence for a minute to show their defiance to terror.

Students add personal messages in remembrance of the victims of the attack at Manchester Arena. Photo: Phoebe Freidin/Cherwell

Orla White, the OUSU Women VP, told Cherwell: “We were hoping to show solidarity with Manchester, and to be led by students who are from Manchester, to provide a space for people to come together and respond to a really horrible tragedy.”

As the vigil ended, the crowd sang a rendition of the Manchester band Oasis’ song ‘Wonderwall’, reading the words from lyric sheets handed out by student union organisers: “And all the roads we have to walk are winding / And all the lights that lead us there are blinding”.

At one point, an irritated student stuck his head out from a Bodleian Library window above to shout: “Don’t you realise you are right outside a library?”

The crowd, with tears and smiles on their faces, sang louder.

@_jackhunter

Sir Roger Moore 1927-2017

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Beloved actor Sir Roger Moore, best known for playing the third incarnation of super spy James Bond, has died aged 89.

Sir Roger played Bond in a total of seven films, including Live and Let Die (1973), The Man With The Golden Gun (1974), and The Spy Who Loved Me (1977), alongside stars such as Jane Seymour, Richard Kiel, and Sir Christopher Lee.

Announcing the sad news on Twitter, Sir Roger’s family confirmed that he had passed after “a short but brave battle with cancer”.

Outside of Bond, Sir Roger found fame as the face of TV’s The Saint, while his wide-ranging career saw him win a variety of accolades including a Golden Globe and a Saturn Award.

Although best known for his acting, Sir Roger’s knighthood was given for his extensive charity efforts, including his work as a UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador.

A statement from Sir Roger’s family released on Twitter read “The love with which he was surrounded in his final days was so great it cannot be quantified in words alone”.

“A maelstrom of violence and destruction”

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With President Trump having recently ordered strikes on Syrian air bases last month, the seemingly never-ending war is back in the news. So, from how the brutal tangled conflict began in the first place, to the role of the West, to Russia—here’s everything you wanted to know about the Syrian war, but haven’t been able to ask.

We’re starting off in March 2011. Rapper Nate Dogg had just died, and the Royal Wedding was a month away. Elsewhere, the Arab Spring was in full bloom—right across the Middle East people were rising up and turfing out corrupt autocratic governments in the hope of shiny new democratic ones. Tunisia’s President was the first to go, with Egypt’s following suit.

Libya’s dictator, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, was refusing to take the hint that it might be time to call it quits—and was waging a grisly civil war against rebel groups. By September 2011 he too would have joined the list of vanquished Arab leaders.

A far cry from the tumultuous goings-on in other parts of the Middle East, at this point in time Syria looked relatively quiet. Beneath the surface, though, a storm was brewing. The entirely undemocratic President of Syria, Bashar al-Assad, had a family history of beastliness towards his own people and was no doubt on edge as pro-democracy sentiment spreads like wildfire around the Arab world.

In March 2011 a handful of pesky teens were arrested by police for anti-government graffiti in the southern city of Dera’a. The boys were from established and well-known families so the arrests did not go unnoticed. Citizens in Dera’a turned out in peaceful protest to demand that the lads were released.

It could have all ended there—the entire maelstrom of violence and destruction that would engulf Syria for the next years could have been entirely avoided if the Syrian government had just released the boys and made a handful of political concessions. Tragically, though, the Assad regime made the fatal error of firing upon the protesters.

This was where Syria first started to heat up. Protests quickly started popping up across the country as citizens demanded, ever more loudly, that President Assad step down. The regime tried to deal with this using a two-pronged method of reform and violent crackdown, but the reforms were too little too late, and the crackdowns only served to fuel the unrest.

With the deaths that ensue, by late 2011 Syria first started featuring in news around the world. Maybe you remember it. The ferocity with which the government was responding to protests drew international criticism, sanctions, and calls for an end to Assad’s regime. Everyone agreed that Assad had to go—the only question was, would this be revolution à la Egypt (where the leader steps down voluntarily) or, God forbid, another Libya?

As we now know, Syria turned out to be far bloodier, more protracted, and more complex than even the Libyan conflict, which in comparison now seems to have been mercifully brief.

So Assad dug his heels in and by 2012 the situation had deteriorated into an all-out civil war. Rebels across the country had taken up arms and were fighting the regime, which had also been suffering from defections in the army. What’s critical to note is that there wasn’t one unified rebel force, there were heaps of them.

The main headache for Assad was a group known as the Free Syrian Army, which was seen by the West as the main alternative to the Assad government. The Free Syrian Army benefitted enormously from military defections and managed to capture pretty impressive swathes of land from the regime. These were our guys. When it came to liberal secular democracy, they could talk the talk.

Western governments started bending over backwards to support the Free Syrian Army and, before long, the rebel movement was receiving arms and funding from the US and Great Britain. Despite this, the Obama administration, and the West in general, remained highly averse to being sucked into actually fighting another war in the Middle East.

When we remember that Obama had been elected in the wake of the colossal disaster that was the Iraq war, we can understand that the idea of another shoot-from-the-hip American misadventure in the region was unappealing to him.

What this meant for the Free Syrian Army was, though they received a boatload of rhetorical support and money from Western governments, that no Western troops would ever materialise to fight alongside them.

In July 2012, as Fifty Shades of Grey hit the top of Western bestseller lists, the Free Syrian Army had their breakthrough—capturing Syria’s second largest city and biggest commercial hub, Aleppo. Aleppo is a name that would be in the news for years to come. You almost definitely will have heard it at some point. Damascus, the capital of Syria, was never successfully captured by the Free Syrian Army—but there was sporadic fighting in its suburbs. From the outside it looked like Assad, and his whole nasty regime, was in trouble.

We need to take a quick breather here. Syria is one of the Middle East’s most diverse countries. The ex-French colony is about 90 per cent ethnically Arab, and ten per cent ethnically Kurdish. Religiously, Syria really is a mixed bag—most of the country is Sunni Muslim but there are all kinds of other religions sprinkled across the nation—from Christians to Jews to your more boutique options like Druze and Yazidi.

Syria’s ruling elite are Alawite—a subsection of Islam that looks quite a lot like Shi’a. This is of critical importance. You have a country with a Sunni majority being ruled by a small Shi’a elite. This is usually the point where people turn off. Once the terms Sunni and Shi’a rear their big complicated heads most readers throw in the towel and swap over to Netflix. If you can bear it though, understanding the Sunni-Shi’a split does clear up a lot of the madness of the Middle East—including Syria.

The actual difference between the two schools of Islam isn’t enormously important —it’s primarily based on who became the leader of the Islamic faith after the death of Mohammed. What you need to know is that 85-90 per cent of the world’s Muslims are Sunni and that pretty much all the others are Shi’a.

The most powerful and important Sunni country is Saudi Arabia. Indonesia does actually have a larger economy, but they don’t have a dog in this fight. The undisputed king of the Shi’a world is Iran. Whenever there’s a conflict between Sunnis and Shi’as in the Muslim world, the Saudis and the Iranians are inevitably somewhere behind the scenes, locked in indefatigable attempts to expand their respective spheres of influence. As such, the idea of Sunni rebels ousting Shi’a affiliated Assad sounded lip-smackingly good to the Saudis.

From the very beginning of the conflict in Syria, Saudi Arabia was pouring funds and arms into the hands of the rebels. In response, Iran was doing everything possible to keep the regime in power. This helps explain why the war has been so excruciatingly drawn-out. It’s not just a conflict between the Syrian government and rebels, but between various other interests willing to spend whopping sums of money on their side of choice. It’s not just Saudi Ara side of choice. It’s not just Saudi Arabia and Iran that are battling it out: Putin is a close ally of Assad’s and has been supporting his regime since the start of the conflict. On the flipside, Turkey, which borders Syria, has been funding rebel forces looking to topple the regime.

The Syrian war has often been categorised as a chessboard for foreign powers, who are using the conflict to push their own agendas. It’s a decent analogy which has been bandied about at many a cocktail party. Really though, Syria is a Chinese checkers board—different countries have slightly different interests in the conflict—and are all pushing it in slightly different directions.

Sometimes, foreign interests can be neatly compartmentalised: the West, the Saudis, and the Turks all want Assad gone; Iran and Russia want him to stay. However, this war is so impossibly confusing because it has not always been clear which countries have been supporting which groups.

Back to our timeline: 2013 was when everything fell apart, primarily because the moderate rebel forces became less and less moderate. Western powers pulled funding and arms pretty early on, as it became clear that the main opposition to Assad was switching from being the Free Syrian Army, to a ragtag collection of jihadist groups.

This was an awkward moment for the West. By December 2013 moderate rebels controlled so little land that most onlookers had to come to terms with the fact that Assad was probably not going to be toppled. The focus swapped in the West from indirectly combatting Assad, to eliminating the threat of terrorism—even if that meant Assad had to stay in power.

There was now no easy way out for the West. A madman, who’d used chemical weapons against his own people, was pitted against a group of terrorists.

Try to understand the intricacies of the jihadist factions who are fighting Assad in Syria and you can be sucked into a never-ending blackhole of long Arabic names, ever shifting alliances, and constant re-branding exercises. Only a couple of groups are really worth noting. The first is called Jabat al Nusra.

They’ve since gone through a series of unsavoury mergers and acquisitions, and have transformed into a revamped conglomeration named the “Levant Liberation Committee”—undoubtedly the single most accounting firm-esque name ever given to a violent terrorist group.

Don’t get distracted by all the names though, you already know these guys— they’re al Qaeda. Al Qaeda and other equally nasty groups started capturing territory off the government and off moderate rebels like the Free Syrian Army in December 2013. Over the course of 2014, more and more of Syria fell into extremist hands.

In June 2014, so-called Islamic State (or Daesh) entered the fray. Daesh’s leader, a man by the name of Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, split from al Qaeda to do his own thing. Daesh quickly made headlines around the world, mainly due to their slick marketing campaigns partnered with their unmatched savagery.

Before long even their old chums at al Qaeda were criticising the unnecessary brutality of their tactics. The problem was, Daesh proved to be alarmingly good fighters, and before long they’d captured a huge amount of territory not just in Syria—but also in neighbouring Iraq.

Daesh’s military breakthroughs triggered a rapid shift in international priorities. You probably remember this period. Daesh was in the papers every other day and none of it was good. From beheading Western journalists, to destroying UNESCO world-heritage ruins in Palmyra, to waging genocide against the Yazidi people, they quickly established themselves as both barbaric and highly effective.

By August 2014, the West had had enough. The United States, Australia, France, Jordan, and a number of additional nations began bombing the jihadists. To re-cap, it’s mid 2014. The moderate rebels we liked are basically holed up in Aleppo, and aren’t looking particularly moderate anymore.

The West is bombing Daesh and a couple of other equally unsavoury groups. Saudi Arabia and Iran are still battling it out by funding groups on either side. Finally, Assad is chugging away, fighting both extremists, and moderates, and is now more or less being left to his own devices by Western governments.

One extra group should be mentioned before we go on—the Kurds. The Kurds are harder to fit in naturally because they’re fighting for a slightly different set of reasons. They’re a group of people with their own language, culture, and ethnicity who live split across four different countries (Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran) and have historically had a pretty tough time in all four.

As such, Kurdish fighters aren’t interested in marching on Damascus, their goal has primarily been to carve out and secure an independent Kurdish region in the North East of Syria. That Kurdish area is surrounded by Daesh-controlled land, and from 2014 onwards the Kurds have been the ones putting in a lot of the grunt-work on the ground against Daesh—both in Iraq and in Syria.

To complicate matters a bit, Turkey doesn’t like anything that smacks of Kurdish independence, as they’ve been battling the Kurdish independence forces in their own backyard for quite some time. What this means is that even though Turkey is a key Western ally and doggedly anti-Assad, they’ve actually been bombing the same Kurdish forces that the West is relying on to fight Daesh. Confused? Welcome to Syria.

The final hopes of a moderate rebel victory came to an end in 2015. This was largely the fault of one key international player: Russia. We’ve already heard that Russia had, like Iran, been providing money and arms to the Assad government over the course of the conflict. Around September 2015, though, Putin ramped up his involvement significantly and began bombing the rebels directly.

Much of this bombing was directed at terrorist groups, but Russia also targeted CIA trained ‘moderate’ rebels. It was seriously downhill for the non-jihadist rebels from this point on. Over the coming months they gradually lost ground, and in December 2016 they lost Aleppo. Nowadays they’ve basically been pushed back to the Turkish border, with no realistic hopes of turning their situation around.

What’s important to note though, is that even at his weakest point, Assad controlled 13 out of 14 provincial capitals in Syria. It remains highly unlikely that, even with additional Western air support and without Russian bombing, the rebels would ever had had a serious chance at taking Damascus.

One final element of the war, which has re-surfaced recently, needs to be mentioned. Way back in 2012, when Obama was coming up with reasons not to get militarily involved in another Middle Eastern war, he specifically mentioned that if Assad were to use chemical or biological weapons against his own people, he would be crossing a “red line” that could prompt military action from the United States.

The problem was, Assad did. America looked weak. Basically, Obama’s bluff had been called—which has since been held up by those on both sides of the political fence as one of the greatest failings of his presidency. Rather than attack Assad directly, the Obama administration sought to make a deal (assisted by Putin) with Assad, which led to the destruction of the Syrian government’s chemical weapons stockpile.

At the time it looked like this had done the job, but recently there have been new chemical attacks against rebels. In response, President Trump ordered the first American air strikes directly against Assad forces since the beginning of the conflict.

This brings us to the present day. The war remains far from over. Daesh controls what appear on a map to be an enormous amount of territory to the East of Syria (though the reality is most of the land controlled is empty desert). The Kurds have held on in the North West and Assad, despite his critical victory in Aleppo, is still at war with disparate jihadist and non-jihadist rebel groups around the country.

Putin is still strongly supportive of Assad, and has harshly criticised the recent Trump airstrikes. Only time will tell what changes the new White House administration will bring about, but one way or another the conflict is unlikely to end any time soon.

The Greek poet Meleager of Gedara once described Syria as “one country which is the whole world”. It’s fitting then, that the Syrian conflict feels very much like the whole world is at war.

Keble JCR: no boat burning after Summer VIIIs

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Keble College JCR has narrowly voted in opposition to the College’s provisional decision to burn a boat on its front quad ahead of Summer VIIIs, in a non-binding vote held this evening.

The College’s Governing Body had voted last week to allow the Keble College Boat Club to burn an old boat in the centre of the College’s Liddon quad if the men’s first crew (M1) or women’s first crew (W1) finish Head of the River next week.

Members of the JCR were presented with three options in an emergency motion at a JCR meeting earlier today. JCR members were asked whether they supported the burning of the boat, a celebration of the boat not based around burning, a rejection of the burning altogether, or abstention.

50 students voted to reject burning the boat altogether, with 73 choosing to celebrate the boat without burning it. There were 120 votes in favour of burning the boat and four abstentions, leaving a narrow majority of three votes in opposition to the Boat Club proposal.

One Keble JCR member, who did not wish to be named, told Cherwell: “It says something about Keble that we sent this motion to debate. We are not afraid to question even the most traditional of traditions. The debate that we had was well-mannered, mature and ultimately helpful for the whole college I think.

“Everyone here supports the Boat Club and will be very proud if they gain headship but we also want to ensure that Keble’s values of progressiveness and modernisation are represented in everything that we do.”

Keble MCR, which was polled on the question on Sunday, voted 21-18 against burning the boat. Both the JCR and the MCR motions were wholly advisory, with no power to mandate the Boat Club.

Sven Jaeschke, the men’s captain of the Boat Club, told The Oxford Student: “The grass won’t be touched and we would use fire retardant blankets to further protect it. The old wooden boat that we intend to burn, however, hasn’t been used for over 40 years and is of almost no value anymore”

The Governing Body voted in favour of burning the boat 12-9 with three abstentions, with JCR and MCR representatives not allowed to vote.

Keble College Boat Club and Keble College JCR have been contacted for comment.