Sunday, May 25, 2025
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Oxford Majlis criticised over Russian ambassador invitation

The Russian ambassador to the UK is scheduled to return to Oxford for an event hosted by the Oxford Majlis on the 29 November. Originally, the event was intended to be filmed by Russia’s main state-controlled channel, Russia 1, raising safety and propaganda concerns. However, the Oxford Majlis stated that this was no longer happening. Both the Ukrainian Society and the New Russian Society have nonetheless heavily criticised the invitation, fuelled by the ambassador’s previous denial of Russian atrocities in Ukraine.

Andrey Kelin, who has served as Russia’s ambassador to the UK since 2019, has blamed “militant [Ukrainian] nationalism” for the ongoing conflict and spread misinformation about the war itself. He previously called the Bucha massacre, a murder of at least 458 Ukrainian civilians and prisoners of war, “fake” and has claimed that he has evidence that UK special forces have directly attacked Russian fleets in the war.

Kelin was last in Oxford for an event in May hosted by the Russian club, at which he said that Ukrainian students “may return to their country“.

The Oxford Majlis, a society “dedicated to the revival of sophisticated thought through discussion and cultural exchange”, told Cherwell that they “truly believe that the ability to speak personally with the Russian Ambassador will allow a greater level of comprehension of the ongoing conflict to be reached.” 

They further said that the idea to have Russia 1 present was initially proposed during meetings with the ambassador and that “all dialogue and questioning [would be] permitted” in front of the channel. Earlier today, however, the Majlis told Cherwell that they were “just informed” that Russia 1 would no longer film the event. 

The New Russian Society noted that hosting the ambassador could pose a “[v]ery real and imminent danger” to their members and their families in Russia, including a maximum of 15 years imprisonment for protest and dissent.

In response, the Majlis stated that they have “assurance from the Russian embassy” that no passport checks or other means of intimidation will occur, adding that they “will do everything within [their] power to ensure the safety of all who attend the event.” 

They also suggested that “everyone should be granted an audience no matter how decrepit and evil they may be, as a charity to the world that some wisdom may be found in such dialogue.” Consequently, they invited members of the New Russian Society to attend the address and question the ambassador.

Dr Jade McGlynn, a research fellow at King’s College London specialising in Russia under Putin, told Cherwell: “The idea there could be any free speech possible either from the Ambassador or from Russian students attending is bizarre. Would you speak freely if the Russian security services just took your details and your family were still there?”

When asked whether students would be able to meaningfully challenge the ambassador, McGlynn told Cherwell that “senior journalists have struggled in interviews with Kelin, [so] the idea some student society will be the ones to hold him to account or get him to debate in good faith is ambitious, to put it politely.”

She added that the last invitation to Kelin “was splashed across Russian news as evidence that students at such a prestigious university want to hear the Russian view on the war.” 

Following the Russian Club event in May, the Russian Embassy in the UK had tweeted that the guests “had an opportunity for themselves to establish the real reasons for #SpecialMilitaryOperation and its main objectives,” stating that the audience “displayed a keen interest for Russian foreign policy positions.” 

The Embassy further stated the event “demonstrate[d] the demand for the Russian point of view on current international processes to be heard, in spite of British media’s attempt to stifle it in every possible way.”

The New Russian Society said that they “call on everyone to join our protest” if the event goes ahead as planned.

Sir Philip Pullman receives the Bodley Medal

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Sir Philip Pullman has been awarded the Bodley Medal in a ceremony at the Sheldonian Theatre. 

The medal is awarded by the Bodleian Library “to individuals who have made outstanding contributions to the worlds of books and literature, libraries, media and communications, science and philanthropy”. Speaking to Cherwell, Sir Philip said that receiving the award meant “A great deal! I’ve been using the Bodleian Libraries for fifty-odd years now, so I really am humbled.” 

Philip Pullman is a celebrated author, having been named as one of “The 50 greatest British writers since 1945” by The Times in 2008. He is most notable for the His Dark Materials trilogy and has received various other awards, including the Carnegie Medal in 1995. Sir Philip is also an Oxford alumnus (Exeter 1965), and when asked about his time at Oxford he told Cherwell: “Things have changed enormously since I was a student. You had a grant to live on, there were no fees, it was a time when this country was civilised and they thought it was a good idea to send people to university. Now you’re in debt for your whole lifetime. I felt privileged to be here.” 

There was a discussion by a panel that included authors Erica Wagner and Cressida Cowell, academics Dr Philip Goff and Dr Margaret Kean and the former Archbishop of Canterbury Dr Rowan Williams. In 2004, Dr Williams notably praised a National Theatre production of His Dark materials, which received backlash at the time from those who perceived it as ‘anti-religious’. Sir Philip was then joined in conversation by Richard Ovenden, Bodley’s Librarian. They talked about Sir Philip’s life, his work and views on the importance of literature. 

When asked if people still treasure books as much as they should, Sir Philip told Cherwell that “people who do will always treasure the books they have, and probably always have since they were first able to hold a book in their hands and make out what it was saying. There’s a magic about that which you don’t get from any other media.”

He was quick to emphasise the importance of library access, an issue he has campaigned on in the past, arguing that “the most important thing” is to “make sure that books are available in every school from the smallest primary school to the largest secondary school, with a decent library that’s properly funded and looked after by a qualified librarian”. He added that “we need to read books for pleasure but you can’t do that if the books aren’t there”.

On the subject of counteracting the decline of the country’s public libraries, Sir Philip told Cherwell “Don’t vote Conservative, it’s that simple. It’s all part of the general tendency that’s been around since the 70s that ‘public is bad and private is good’, but we must change that, I think it’s changing and people are seeing it.”

The conversation followed by an audience Q&A before Sir Phillip was presented with the Bodley Medal. The Bodley Medal is the Bodleian Libraries’ highest honour, and previous recipients have included Zadie Smith (2022), Sir Kazuo Ishiguro (2019) and Sir David Attenborough (2015). The original medal was struck in 1646 in honour of Thomas Bodley, and 100 replicas were struck by the Royal Mint, using the copper from the old roof of Duke Humfrey’s library. The first of these was awarded in 2002. 

First digital atlas of human fetal brain development published by Oxford

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A research team led by the University of Oxford published the first digital atlas of human fetal brain development. It depicts the way the fetal brain develops between the 14th and 31st weeks’ gestation period. Its main findings involved the development of asymmetries earlier on in the gestation period than previously thought. 

The atlas was established using data from Intergrowth-21st, an international project with over 300 researchers and clinicians in 18 different countries whose work is coordinated by the University of Oxford. Its focus is on improving perinatal health care globally and decreasing infant mortality rates.

The atlas itself was created using 3-dimensional ultrasound brain scans which were then analyzed using artificial intelligence (AI) and image processing tools. This use of AI makes the atlas unique in its depiction of how the fetal brain matures throughout pregnancy. 

Professor Ana Namburete, the first author whose research developed the methods of machine learning, said: “Uniquely, our atlas captured patterns of brain growth from as early as 14 weeks’ gestation – filling a 6-week knowledge gap in our understanding of early fetal brain maturation. 

“We also revealed significant asymmetries in brain maturation: for example, in the region associated with language development, which peaked at 20-26 weeks’ gestation and persisted thereafter without any differences between the sexes.”

Data from the study was collected in the Intergrowth-21st Project, which involved 2,194 fetuses in eight geographical locations. Co-principal investigator of the Intergrowth-21s Project, Professor José Villar said: “This is the latest step in the systematic study of early human growth and development that confirms, using the most advanced research methodology applied to a large number of fetal brain scans, the similarities of growth and development of humans across the world,” highlighting the importance of the international nature of the study. 

The studies findings were consistent with previous results studied by Intergrowth-21st Project, on a baby’s skeletal growth and infant neurocognitive development. These previous findings helped produce the international standards for fetal development and postnatal growth, which are used internationally for research and clinical practice. 

Attention is drawn towards the importance of the mother’s health, nutrition, education, and environmental needs which are vital factors in a babies’ health and development. It also showed that asymmetries in brain development can be observed from as early as 14 weeks, with peak asymmetries in regions concerning language development maturing between 20 and 26 weeks’ gestation. 
Moving forward the atlas can be used to help investigate the origins of neurodevelopmental disorders, allowing scientists to compare the extent of deviations from the development of healthy fetal brains. Professor Stephen Kennedy, co-Principal Investigator of the Intergrowth-21st  Project, explained that “the atlas will help scientists answer complex biological questions about the fetal origins of cognitive function in childhood, such as how language is acquired.”

World Cup Madness

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FIFA recently announced the winners of the 2030 World Cup Bid, Morocco, Spain, Portugal..and Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina. In a shock move, FIFA has set the tournament to be played in three continents, with six teams qualifying automatically.

The initial bid was unconventional from its inception – the World Cup has never been played on more than one continent let alone more than one country, and although the next stage is set to be the US and Canada, there is no way to determine if this format will be successful. The bid was initially for Spain, Portugal, and Ukraine in a demonstration of hope that did not last long. Morocco joined in March and complicates things further as the weather variation increases. Despite the insecurities and unknowns about the host nations, the prospect of sharing the prestigious tournament with 3 football-crazy countries is at least an idea that promotes unity and collaboration. But to add 3 more? And for those to be in South America, the other side of the world?  Players will sweat in Rabat and freeze in Montevideo.

Although the reasoning may be “logical”, commemorating the centenary of the World Cup in Uruguay in 1930, it begs the question why not just give Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina the hosting honour? there is no doubt the interest is there, especially in a nation that just won the World Cup. The decision has shocked climate groups, as the carbon footprint of FIFA events seems to grow; flying to a game across the ocean will have a significant toll on the climate, and monetarily on fans alike.

Legally everything gets even more complicated. Say we had another Rubiales, an alleged crime committed during the World Cup in a country that the offender is not from. In order for this to be prosecuted in the offender’s home country the act must be criminal where it was committed. So, if the crime occurred in Uruguay but was committed by a French person it would have to be prosecutable in both countries in order to go to trial in France. FIFA regulations would then have to be consulted as they craft their response, and each jurisdiction would have to consider their own laws if they were to support…… It makes for a much more difficult case. 

All in all, it reads as a money grab from FIFA, able to exploit World Cup fever in 6 different countries all at once. It fits their track record, as Qatar’s carbon dumping proves,  but questions the integrity of football’s greatest competition. Essentially ensuring a Saudi World Cup in 2034, will change the World Cup as we know it.

Image Credit: Alex-David Baldi // CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 DEED

Oxford’s term structure needs to change – here’s why it won’t

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You, reading this, are probably an Oxford undergraduate. Or at least you’re an Oxford undergrad some of the time. It might seem obvious, but Oxford students are only really Oxford students for less than half the year. We spend eight weeks at college, before the world of bops and essay crises, union hacks and Najar’s, dissipates again and we have to return home. Like many of us, I’ve always found the structure of Oxford terms to be profoundly disorientating; once I’ve adapted to the pressure-cooker environment of this place, the term is suddenly finished and I’ve got to adapt to the dull monotony of the vacation again.

Why on earth does Oxford University persist with this ridiculous term system? There’s a reason that Oxford is just about the only university in the world, apart from Cambridge, that uses it. If you want your students to learn as much as possible, obviously it makes sense to keep them in university for as long as possible. That’s why almost all UK universities have term lengths around 32 weeks; across the pond, Yale and Harvard – the two academic institutions most comparable to Oxbridge – keep their students for around 40 weeks of the year. Modify term structure a bit, even just by slotting in a reading week or two, and you’d save students enormous amounts of stress, while helping prevent some of the disorientation that lurching between term and vacation causes. Worst of all is how Oxford’s unusually short terms primarily hurt underprivileged students – if the vacation gives you an opportunity to saunter off to your Swiss ski chalet, maybe you don’t see the problem, but those who suddenly go from ancient banquet halls to council homes, from a world of privilege to a world of poverty, probably do.

One answer given for Oxford’s short terms is the need to give students the opportunity to gather work experience and pursue internships. That argument is hardly convincing. For every hour I spent adding to my CV during the last vacation, I spent many more lying in bed – and you were probably the same.

Having a structure of three eight-week terms used to be the norm in Britain – but over the course of the last century, university after university has abandoned them. Why hasn’t Oxford? There are two answers to that question, two answers that can serve as the solution to almost any question you might have about this place – tradition, and money.

Tradition is the more obvious answer to outline. Oxford’s three terms are based around the religious calendar, the Feast of St Michael, The Feast of St Hilary and Trinity Sunday. But I had never heard of the Feast of St Hilary before beginning this article; Hilary term certainly isn’t being modified out of fears of offending a Catholic bishop that died over a millennia ago.

Instead, one of the main reasons Oxford’s terms haven’t changed, no matter how little sense they might make for the 21st century, is because of Oxford’s bizarre system of governance. The authorities of Oxford University are set up like something from The Trial, like how Brexiteers imagine the EU to run, authority divided and subdivided between dozens of different institutions, whose authority is then divided and subdivided even more. In practice, the Vice Chancellor does most of the heavy-lifting for the central university, but the Congregation, Council, Pro-Vice Chancellors, Divisions, Departments and countless committees also play a crucial role – and that’s not even mentioning all the colleges, who hold most of the real power, all with their own labyrinthian bureaucracies too. In practice, this means that trying to bring about change, especially radical change, in Oxford University is a difficult, usually fruitless, task. When do you think, for instance, Oxford’s last all-male educational institution began admitting women? The answer is 2016, when St Benet’s Hall finally wrapped its head around gender equality, at least several centuries after the rest of us. The dictates of reason or logic, whether around term structure or anything else, mean nothing when they fall on the deaf ears of an endless bureaucracy.

What about money, then? Oxford University’s financial structure is about as impossibly complicated as its governance. The long and short of it, however, is that students, and undergrads especially, aren’t really that profitable for the university – its coffers are instead mainly filled up with a steady stream of income coming from investments and land. Indeed, it’s much harder making money when undergrads are here than when they’re away. According to the university, a home student at Christ Church can expect to pay around £15,000 a year in course fees, accommodation and utilities combined – around £750 a week. Spending a week at Christ Church as part of ‘The Oxford Experience’ – a residential program run during the vacation – costs more than twice that, as much as £1895 for a single week. Weddings and other receptions rake in even more money than residential –a wedding reception at the Bodleian Libraries goes for as much as £12,000, more than the cost of an entire year of undergraduate studies made in just one night. The vacations are also the major period for DPhil students and fellows to complete their research. Giving students more term time would mean higher workloads, and therefore higher wages, for academics – and considering the payment for a tutorial is often as low as £25, we know how much Oxford dislikes giving money to its workers.

Oxford University’s term structure is rubbish – but next time you find yourself overwhelmed by the pressure of termtime, or twiddling your thumbs during the vac, bear in mind that, unless you’ve got several billion pounds along with the powers of persuasion to bring several whole bureaucracies along with you, things probably aren’t going to change.

Oxford launches new study to improve COVID-19 and flu vaccines

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Oxford University’s Vaccine Group has launched a study on lymph node responses to vaccines in younger and older individuals. The trial may potentially improve vaccine design for different age groups.

The study (LEGACY03) receives £1.95 million of funding from the Medical Research Council and is enrolling volunteers. Participants must be between 18 and 45 years old or over 65 during screening. The enrollment lasts three months, based at the Centre for Clinical Vaccinology and Tropical Medicine, Churchill Hospital Oxford.

As people age, their immune systems change, and so do their vaccine responses. Understanding such changes allows vaccines to be better tailored for efficacy and protecting the vulnerable. 

The study’s Principal Investigator, Dr Katrina Pollock MRC, a Clinical Scientist at the Vaccine Group, characterised two challenges in adult vaccinology, namely, “the diversity of responses to vaccines in different people” and “making vaccines for targets that rapidly evolve, like COVID-19 and HIV”. 

The innovative study looks at immune responses at the cellular level, allowing the tailoring of “future vaccine design to get a better outcome for patients across the board”. 

Participants in the study will receive two licensed-for-use vaccines: an mRNA COVID-19 booster and a seasonal flu jab. Cells from the lymph nodes will be sampled using a technique called fine needle aspiration (FNA). A needle extracts cells and fluid from the lymph node. 

After vaccine administration to the arm, white blood cells go to the injection site and transfer some of the vaccine to lymph nodes in the armpit, where the response occurs. Instead of using antibodies in the blood to measure the vaccine’s output, the study visualises lymph nodes with ultrasound scanners and takes small numbers of cells from lymph nodes to observe their response. Scientists can then establish in detail how different vaccines work when paired with information on what happens in the blood.

Oxford Union believes violent protest is a necessary political tool

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On Thursday night, the Oxford Union voted narrowly in favour of the motion “This House believes violent protest is a necessary political tool,” with 112 voting for the motion and 103 against. The House was at full capacity, with hundreds of students on the main floor and in the gallery above. 

Speaking in favour of the motion were Thierry Paul Valette, a French activist and journalist who founded the Yellow Vests Citizens Movement; Worcester College student Theo Adler-Williams; and Regent’s Park College student Charlotte Fallon.

The opposition side was argued for by Sathasivian Cooper, a South African Psychologist and activist who spent over five years in Robben Island where he shared a cell block with Nelson Mandela. Alongside him, St. Anne’s College student Julia Maranhao-Wong and Somerville College student Ashlyn Cheong debated against the motion. 

Opening the case for the proposition, Theo Adler-Williams of Worcester College began his speech by informing the House that the motion had been decided months ago, noting that it was well in advance of the Israel-Hamas War. The case for the proposition, he declared, was not about the current war but instead about the “general proposition” that violent protest is a necessary political tool.

Adler-Williams affirmed the necessity of violent protests, in cases such as the Haitain revolution, when people do not enjoy basic human and democratic rights. He argued that to vote against the House’s motion required believing that the Haitian slaves had non-violent options available for recourse. However, he clarified that violence was not needed in every single instance: “It is not necessary to use a crowbar every time you want to open a door, but a crowbar is a necessary tool, because sometimes you need the crowbar or the door will remain shut.”

Following Adler-Williams, Julia Maranhao-Wong opened the opposition by agreeing that protest plays a necessary role in any healthy democracy. The crux of the debate, according to Maranhao-Wong, was not about the necessity of protest but rather about what lines we draw when we decide to exercise that right. She asked the audience “At what point do we recognize that we must be better than that which we protest?” Extreme situations, she said, required “revolution” rather than “protest”. 

Thierry Paul Valette spoke next, opening his speech by affirming “the right of peoples to defend themselves and, above all, the right to live with dignity.” He criticized Macron for “overlooking the oppression of [French] citizens in their daily lives” given that “thousands of people live under poverty and thousands of people live under bridges.”

He added that he “didn’t know of any circumstances where men have overcome injustices without being willing to take up arms when necessary.” 

Valette further addressed the ongoing war in the Middle East and claimed that Hamas would not exist had it not been for the design to drive people from their homes. It took, he argued, the brutal terrorist attack on 7 October for us to address the condition of the people in Gaza. Toward the end of his speech he declared that “terrorism also wears the guise of democracy and we must react.”

In line with the distinction outlined by the first opposition speaker, South African activist Sathasivian Cooper made his case for peaceful protest. He argued that while violent revolution could be justified in extreme circumstances, a protest – “a statement or action expressing disapproval or objection to something” – could not be justified if violent. The cases of the Haitian Revolution and Spartacus were not protests, he emphasized, but rather questions of life and death. 

When discussing the cyclical effect of violence, whereby those to whom violence is done tend to do violence in return, Cooper referenced his own experiences in South Africa. He explained that he had managed to break free of this cycle, stating: “I cannot but oppose violence in all its manifestations for a variety of reasons. Having experienced violence myself I would not want violence visited on anyone.”

Cooper concluded his speech by declaring: “We cannot justify war and violence. It is simply a refuge of those who don’t allow the power of their minds to overcome their circumstances. We cannot justify that inhumanity,” to which the audience applauded loudly. 

Closing for the proposition’s side, Charlotte Fallon touched on previous concerns over the effectiveness of violent protest. She noted that the debate motion was “not about whether violent protest is more effective or whether it’s more favorable or whether it should be the first choice.” Rather, it was about whether violence was appropriate for people who had no other recourse. On this point, she told the House that “violence is rarely the answer. But when it is, it is the only answer.”

Distinguishing between legitimate and illegitimate resorts to violent protest, she stated that legitimate violence “must be acting in pursuit of the general human interest rather than the special interests of privileged groups.” According to Fallon, one such point of general human interest is ensuring the state upholds its commitment to respecting its citizens as full and equal under the law. When the state fails to uphold this commitment, then “those individuals are justified in fighting for their basic human rights and interests.”

The final speaker for the opposition was Ashlyn Cheong. She began her speech by quoting Mahatma Gandhi’s stance on violence: “I object to violence because when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary; the harm it does is permanent.” She inveighed against the cyclical effect of violence and emphasized that “when you support violent protest, you become the monster you sought to defeat.”

Dwelling on the fact that “the ends do not justify the means,” she asked those who support violent protest “who gave you the right to determine what can be written off as a mere expense in the grand scheme of things?” 

Cheong highlighted that violent protest often serves as a useful pretext for state retaliation, diminishing its effectiveness. She argued that when protestors demonstrate peacefully state violence prompts international outrage, whereas protestors who demonstrate violently do not typically enjoy the same international sympathy. 

In summarising this position, she told the House, “by remaining peaceful, you create hurdles to the state’s use of brute force.” 

Over 1,900 Oxford students, faculty, and alumni call on University to endorse immediate ceasefire in Gaza

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A petition for the University to endorse an immediate ceasefire in Gaza has garnered over 1,900 signatures from Oxford students, faculty, and alumni. 

Representatives from Rhodes Scholars for Palestine and Oxford Palestinian Society released the petition titled “ACT AGAINST GENOCIDE” on 26 October. The demands include calls for the Vice-Chancellor “to speak and act against the ongoing genocide enacted by Israel against the Palestinian people” and for the University to “issue a strong and clear call urging the UK government, led by Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, to immediately adopt and endorse a policy of ceasefire in Gaza.”

The petition went on to cite a Human Rights Watch report on Israel’s use of white phosphorus in Gaza and Lebanon. The petition condemned these tactics, saying “both the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and the European Union High Representative for Foreign Affairs have stated that targeting civilians in these ways constitutes a clear violation of international humanitarian law.”

Of particular concern to those who wrote the petition was the role Oxford University plays in the Israel-Palestine conflict. The petition stated: “Oxford is not just silent in the face of Israel’s genocidal military campaign against Gaza; it is actively complicit and implicated in it: A Freedom of Information Request sent by AOAV (Action On Armed Violence) found that Oxford is in the top 5 universities in the UK to accept arms funding (2013-21) from companies found by Amnesty International to fail to ‘demonstrate adequate human rights due diligence.’”

Joumana Talhouk, a Lebanese DPhil candidate in International Development, was among the students who met with the Vice-Chancellor last week to discuss the petition. Talhouk told Cherwell that “the Vice-Chancellor justified the University’s silence in the meeting by stating that the University is a non-political organisation.”

Talhouk continued: “The Vice-Chancellor said the University’s unequivocal condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was ‘different’ given the UK’s sanctions against Russia. This response begs the question of whether the University of Oxford merely mirrors the UK government’s political position, thereby jeopardising its independence, self-governance, and integrity as a leading academic institution.”

According to the drafters of the petition, the Vice-Chancellor issued a promise after the meeting to respond to the demands by 3 November. They report not having yet received any response.

When asked to comment on the petition, the University told Cherwell the following: “The Vice-Chancellor (VC) has been meeting with representatives of all the student groups affected by the terrible crisis situation in the Middle East. She will continue to do so going forwards. She is very grateful for the time the students have spent with her. 

“The University has been clear in all its communications about its recognition of the desperate and tragic humanitarian crisis and loss of life, as well as the need for a peaceful solution for the peoples of Israel and Palestine. The focus of the collegiate university has been to ensure the community within Oxford remains together, has access to welfare support and other needs during this period, and that there is zero tolerance for any form of Islamophobia or antisemitism within our university. 

“The VC and student representatives of the petition discussed a range of issues and the explanation on various points mentioned was more detailed than that given here, notably on Ukraine. The petition deadline for response was one given by the students and the VC did not agree to respond by a specific date, as she has to discuss all such issues very broadly, as she explained to the students. She will respond directly to those students presently.”

The call for a ceasefire comes at a time when the death count since 7 October has surpassed 10,000 Gazans, according to the Gazan Health Ministry, and 1,400 Israelis, according to senior Israeli officials. According to the Ramallah-based health ministry, over 150 Palestinians have also been killed in the West Bank (including annexed East Jerusalem).

Innovating Euripides: Medea Opening Night Review 

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The Oxford Greek Play is a bizarre tradition: an undergraduate foray into Greek tragedy which first occurred in 1880 and has continued triennially ever since. This year’s instalment sees Euripides’ Medea run at the Oxford Playhouse in a production which rises to the inevitable challenges of setting a play with significant tracts literally in Ancient Greek

The play progressed well with Siena Jackson Wolfe playing the titular character, her performance oscillating from intense rage to strategic and consciously performative passivity. At the play’s climax, Medea’s murderous grief was sympathetic and entirely convincing. Medea found its stride by its second act, the dramatic costume change of Medea – from Primarkesque casuals to a stunning Grecian gown – sparking a shift towards rapid and intense plot movement. The new translation by co-director Neel Gokal complemented these profoundly modern costume choices with its slide into profanities: the line “Woe is me!” found its analogue in an “Oh, fuck!”. Overall, a balance of modernity and antiquity was struck in a way which preserved the historicity of the text whilst still transmuting it for a modern audience. 

Most impressive about this version of Medea was its set (by Elspeth Rogers): an abstract portico adjoining a shadow box, with a raised platform at its precipice. The result was a scene of Classical spectacle complemented by lighting (by Alva Orr) which gave the atmosphere of an Aegean summer. The raised platform played host to a chorus of six who remained on stage throughout the play and chimed in after each scene to give their two cents on the plot. This was done with precise and unwavering poetic metre (in Ancient Greek, of course). The shadow box was an incredibly creative set-piece which allowed the play to overcome the notorious constraint of Greek drama: that all the intrigue happens offstage. Instead, we were enticed into watching backstories, marriages, and murders played out in real-time as they were narrated by minor characters who drifted on and off the stage.  

Photography by Olivia Cho

A note on the Ancient Greek aspect: fear not fellow non-Classicists, it was subtitled by a pair of TV screens flanking the stage. However, I cannot speak for the effectiveness of this staging hack which, according to a dig through the Cherwell archives, has been used since at least 2011. Unfortunately, the subtitles were poorly co-ordinated with the actual speech and were so bright that they detracted from the few moments of solemn darkness. In the spirit of charity, I chalk these fallbacks up to opening night technicalities. 

Medea provides a challenge to directors in its directness of plot: we are told the story of Medea’s rage at Jason, the fallout this entails, and little more. The play is devoid of side-plots, and ends abruptly, in a conclusion which can feel unsatisfactory. Directors Halah Irvine & Gokal offset this constraint well through the play’s emphasis on the prologue of the Nurse, delivered by Eve Campbell. The mythological context and backstory was provided less through the poetry than by the Nurse’s angst and desperate concern over her mistress and friend, Medea. This framing device was crucial to the production’s success. 

A small number of scenes were limited by the sheer volume of line delivery: shouting matches compounded one another and by the end there was little place left to go. The accompaniment of a live string quartet – which was otherwise well-utilised – added in part to this snowballing. A change of pace, and dynamic, would have worked wonders, allowing especially the character of Jason (Medea’s conniving husband, played by Jay Shah), to rise into a more three-dimensional role. That being said, this made Jason an easy character to hate: a useful redirection of the play which allowed us to hail Medea as a troubled hero rather than a murderous she-devil. 

Honourable mentions must go to the Tutor, played by Peregrine Neger, and Creon, played by Pablo Wickham, who both provided requisite sass to an otherwise quite distressing play. The intensity of the rest of the play was balanced well by a domestic scene at the end of the first act with Medea and Aegeus, played by Ben Gilchrist, which brought on roars of laughter at double-entendres which are surely absent from Euripides’ original. 

Photography by Olivia Cho

All in all, Medea was a well-carried out exercise in Greek tragedy. Despite the limitations of its form, the production was assured: bouncing along from hilarity to shock to horror.  

Oxford Classical Dramatics Society’s Medea will continue its run at the Oxford Playhouse until Friday 10th November, with matinees and evening performances on both Thursday and Friday. Tickets are available to purchase.

Artificial intelligence skills may increase workers’ salaries by up to 40%, Oxford study finds

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Workers with artificial intelligence skills may be able to increase their salaries by up to 40%. A recent investigation into the economic value of skills has found out that the more one skill can be combined with others – AI skills being most easily combined – the more they are worth. Higher levels of “complementarity” lead to a potential increase in salary.

Dr. Fabian Stephany and Ole Teutloff, researchers at the Oxford internet Institute and the Centre of Social Data Science at the University of Copenhagen respectively, included 25,000 workers and 962 skills in their study.

AI skills were found to be economically valuable because of high demand coupled with the fact such abilities are not yet widespread. Its “complementarity” was determined by the number, diversity, and value of skills they can be combined with. 

The paper explains how previous methods viewing skills as “interchangeable oversimplified the complexity of human capital, as workers possess a variety of heterogeneous and multidimensional skills that match the demands of different jobs.” Teutloff commented that conceptualism the skills’ relationship as a network allowed them “to show the context dependency of human capital.”

Most notably, the study found a positive correlation between programming language and data science skills and potential wage increases. It found that AI skills, on average, increase worker wages by 21% – the average skill, meanwhile, is estimated to only increase wages by 8%. 

Stephany stated: “We find that AI skills – lie natural language processing, programming Python or data analytics are among the most valuable skills in our entire data set because they can be combined with […] other skills in different working domains.”

The three skills with the highest potential wage increase included machine learning skills at 40%, Tensor Flow – a software library for artificial intelligence and machine learning – skills at 30%, and Deep Learning skills at 27%. Natural language processing and data science also had a high economic value. 

Commenting on the rise of AI, Dr Stephany stated that “as new tech favours new skills and makes others redundant, the skills gap in Europe widens.” He added: “‘By recognising the value of complementarity, we can better guide [the skills of] workers […] in times of technological change.”