Monday, May 19, 2025
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‘Measure in Love’ – Preview

Daniya Jawwad
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‘Measure in Love’ – Preview

In the last few months, many aspects of our lives have had to change and adapt to fit into what we call ‘the new normal’. Theatre is no stranger to this and truth be told, I was quite sceptical as to how musical theatre could function well on an online platform. However, having watched the preview of Raise Your Voice Theatre Collective’s ‘Measure in Love’, I may just be proven wrong. 

Featuring the amazing cast of St Catz Drama Society’s RENT production, ‘Measure in Love’ is the first ever virtual musical event organised by the Raise Your Voice Theatre Collective. As per its description, the collective aims to support various causes through online concerts and for ‘Measure in Love’, they will be fundraising for Color of Change and UK Black Pride. The former fights for racial justice in the US while the latter celebrates diversity in the LGBTQ+ community in the UK — both of which are wonderful causes that require our immediate attention and support. Alex Waldman, the director, shared that the collective ‘aims to provide a space, virtually, and hopefully in person following the conclusion of this pandemic, for more members of the Oxford community to share their artistic passions in support of charitable organizations that leave a lasting positive impact on society’. 

The performance itself features a variety of songs, ranging from popular musical hits to lesser known gems, and is as follows:

‘You Will be Found’ (Dear Evan Hansen)

‘Agony’ (Into the Woods)

‘Get Down’ (Six)

‘You Learn’ (Jagged Little Pill)

‘For Good’ (Wicked)

‘It’s De Lovely’ (Anything Goes)

‘No One is Alone’ (Into the Woods)

‘Seasons of Love’ (RENT)

When asked about the chosen repertoire, Alex explained that while there is no central theme, they wanted to perform a variety of songs (including group numbers, duets and solos) to ‘ignite multiple facets of human emotion’. The 11 minute preview of ‘Measure in Love’ gives us a taste of what is to come, with moving performances of ‘You Will be Found’ from Dear Evan Hansen and ‘Seasons of Love’ from RENT. Filmed from the comfort of each cast member’s home, both musical numbers were a delight to listen to, despite the unconventional medium. ‘You Will be Found’, according to Alex, highlights the importance of belonging and of a supporting community while ‘Seasons of Love’ is very dear to both the cast and crew as RENT brought them together in the first place. 

If you weren’t able to see their talent in March (and even if you were fortunate enough),  ‘Measure in Love’ will take place on September 5th (8pm BST) and they are already accepting donations – see this page for more details.

In depth: Poland’s war on women

Weronika Galka
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In depth: Poland’s war on women

TW: discussion of domestic violence, mention of sexual assault, mention of child abuse

On the July 27th 2020, the Polish Minister of Justice, Zbigniew Ziobro, formally introduced a petition calling for Poland to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (the Istanbul Convention), earning the scorn of human rights activists and high-ranking politicians (such as the Secretary General of the Council of Europe) alike. The announcement of the planned withdrawal from the Convention came on the heels of an April wave of protests caused by the Sejm debating further restrictions to the access to pregnancy termination, and its coverage was quickly eclipsed by the mass arrests of LGBTQ+ activists for hanging rainbow flags on monuments and participating in protests which followed a week later.

However, the possibility of withdrawal from the Convention should be seen as an especially heavy blow to human rights protection in Poland, and due attention paid to the proposal. The Istanbul Convention, adopted in 2011 and ratified by Poland in 2015, is the first legally binding European instrument on violence against women (EIGE 2017, p.63), introduced the first legislative definition of ‘violence against women’ and remains a comprehensive legal document. Crucially, it both addresses the wider matrix of gender-dependent imbalances of power entrenched in traditional gender role, and understands violence against women as a symptom of those deeply-rooted inequalities (FRA 2017, p.12). This wider, polycentric focus is mirrored in e.g. Articles 12 and 14 of the Convention, requiring government action to enforce education on gender equality and non-stereotyped gender roles, as well as ensuring that religion (amongst others) cannot be used as a justification for violence against women.

It is those ‘educational’ articles that Law and Justice took issue with. Reading the press releases from the Ministries and listening to the coverage of politicians’ opinions, one would be excused to think that the Convention focuses on legal regulation of gender roles, rather than gender-based violence. The Vice-minister of Justice, Mr Romanowski, accused the Convention of being ‘genderist babble‘ and ‘using women for ideological warfare’ while ‘forcing [parents] to promote gender ideology and demoralise kids’. Mr Woś, the Minister of Environment, similarly claimed that the Convention ‘introduces 54 genders in place of “male” and “female”’ and ‘forces parents to educate their children on the LGBT agenda’. Finally, the Prime Minister of Poland, Mr Morawiecki, doubted whether the Convention’s focus on debunking stereotypes on gender roles is compliant with the Polish Constitution. The conversation around the withdrawal from the Convention often left a distinct impression that the real women suffering from violence are somewhat less deserving of attention and protection than the (seemingly incredibly fragile) traditional gender roles.

The Government justified its move to withdraw by arguing that the standards of domestic Polish law is ‘entirely compliant’ with and even ‘surpassing’ the Convention and that its protection of women against violence is constantly improving, and hence withdrawal will not affect Polish women – who ‘remain the government’s first priority. However, the available statistics on violence against women cast doubt on both parts of this statement. Poland has one of the lowest scores in the EIGE’s Gender Equality Index (55.2, with 67.4 as the EU average),  and every year around 100,000 reports of domestic violence are made. Although the data compiled by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) in 2014 suggests that 19% of women in Poland have experienced sexual or physical violence (14% less than the EU27 average), the levels of disclosed violence are positively tied with the Gender Equality Index, which, combined with one of the lowest levels of trust in the police in EU, makes it likely that the real levels of violence are significantly higher. 33% of Polish women do not know any organisations helping victims of violence (compared to 3% in Norway). That the violence is underreported is also suggested by the statistic that in nearly 80% of reported cases, the victims suffered health consequences – i.e. only examples of the most serious instances of violence are reported. The Convention’s educational measures are specifically aimed at raising the public awareness of what behaviours short of infliction of bodily harm constitute violence – if women do not recognise that what happens to them is not ‘normal’, and violence is not openly addressed in the society, it will continue to occur mostly unchecked. In a country in which 6% of the population (the highest result in EU27) thinks that violence against women is ‘acceptable in certain situations’, 28% thinks that violence against women is often provoked by the victim and 21% thinks that domestic violence is a private matter to be handled within the family, low levels of reported violence alone cannot be used as an indicator of the victims’ safety improving.

Moreover, Mr. Ziobro is not entirely correct in saying that the Polish law is coterminous with or surpasses the Convention. Although important changes concerning the victims’ pre-trial protection from abusers have come into force recently, at least two major gaps remain: Polish criminal law fails to replicate Convention’s focus on consent in crimes of sexual violence (Art.36(2)) and does not criminalise economic violence (Art.3(b)). Furthermore, both Polish legal NGOs and the EIGE highlight that in many other aspects, the Convention, although ratified, is dead law due to under-implementation. A 2016 report by the Centre for Women’s Rights shows that both the police and the legal system fail to adequately help the women who suffer from violence or wish to exercise their legal rights against their abusers – with women who do not conform to the stereotypes of a ‘true victim’ or ‘a good wife’ being denied access to justice or treated as ‘having asked for it.’ Outside of the law enforcement systems, NGOs do not have the resources to answer all remaining needs of the victims. Joanna Piotrowska, the leader of Feminoteka, highlights the severe inequality in the availability of resources, which are almost non-existent outside of large towns, as a particular problem, with the withdrawal of MoJ funding for women’s rights NGOs further impacting their capacity to help. The legal protections often become non-existent if the woman in question does not conform to the traditional gender roles, e.g. by virtue of being a member of the LGBTQ+ community – with the state’s response crossing from not improving things to actively carrying out violent acts against women, such as the reported instances of sexual assault of women arrested during recent protests in support of LGBTQ+ rights.

Law and Justice’s attacks on the Convention are part of a larger campaign against gender equality, women’s and sexual minority rights, which has been noted by EIGE to have had numerous negative effects on institutional, legal and policy frameworks aimed at combating gender-based violence. While the sense in attacking a made-up concept might escape the luckier readers, manufacturing of crises in which a made-up concept (‘gender ideology’, ‘illegal migrants’) loosely based on an existing, vulnerable group is pitted against the well-being of the nation (e.g. its cultural sensibilities) in order to distract from the real crises and party in-fighting will be familiar to many.

By introducing the spectre of a foreign-made Convention which will ‘introduce 54 genders’ and ‘is a tool of neo-Marxist Kulturkampf aimed at demolishing [Poland’s] Christian values’, the Government causes a moral panic amongst those who for any reason (prejudice – but also lack of access to adequate education or a strong sense of religious identity) take such claims seriously, and an outpouring of outrage from those who do not. Meanwhile, Covid-19 infections are on the rise, the country is standing on the precipice of a severe economic crisis and Catholic Church-connected paedophilia scandals continue to emerge. The political pragmatism guiding the whole affair became even more visible when, in response to Ziobro’s withdrawal petition and following national protests and an international outcry, Morawiecki sent the Convention to the (according to the Venice Commission, Law and Justice-controlled) Constitutional Tribunal for review of its compliance with the constitution, placing a possible withdrawal on the back-burner for as long as needed.

Those who say that the possible withdrawal from the Convention is not aimed at legalising violence against women are thus correct, in a twisted way. The withdrawal is aimed at protecting the fictional ‘true Polish women’ from the non-existent scarecrow of ‘gender ideology’, with possible resultant impacts on the levels of violence against women being an afterthought to hailing a victory in the fight against non-standard gender roles. The underenforcement of the Convention prevented it from having much positive impact on Polish women’s situation; the first likely effect of its possible disappearance from the legal system would be a symbolic approval and reinforcement of traditional, violence-inducing gender roles.

However, in the long term, it might open the door for a further and more substantive roll-back of enforceable women’s rights – that such concerns are not baseless is evident from the fact that a draft bill calling for the first instances of violent domestic abuse to not be recorded has already been introduced once (in 2019) by the Minister for Family, Work and Social Affairs, Elżbieta Rafalska. Any international answer to the recent developments in Poland must thus be intersectional in that it addresses not only the attacks on the Convention alone, but on the longer campaign to restrict the human rights of vulnerable Polish groups as a whole. Otherwise, Polish women suffering from violence and domestic abuse will continue to suffer in silence– but as long as they conform to the government-approved gender roles, their safety from ideological spectres is ensured.

Pandemic Perspectives: Greece

William Sutton
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Pandemic Perspectives: Greece

There was an eerie feeling around college towards the end of Hilary. Nothing had changed yet: pubs and nightclubs were still open and the geography department was confident that the overseas field trip in the first week of Trinity would go ahead. Yet rumours were trickling in that we wouldn’t return next term.
With this backdrop, on the Saturday of 8th week, I was in Gloucester Green, talking to the owner of one of the Greek food stands about how different it was in Greece. With 190 cases at the time, Greece had announced the closure of all restaurants and shopping malls. As for Gloucester Green, they had heard no news of any changes.

That evening, my flight to Greece was full of Greek people, returning home like me, many wearing respirator masks. Clearly, they were taking it more seriously than those at Oxford. A few of those I spoke to were horrified that the British government was taking the idea of herd immunity seriously at the time.
Within a day of returning, non-essential shops were ordered shut, and within a week, there was a full lockdown. ID and a ‘exit approval form’ was required to leave the house or an SMS had to be sent to the authorities with one’s address and reason for exit, which had to be either essential or for exercise.

Remarkably, the lockdown was very effective. A cursory look at the Athens traffic would show that in Greece, the law is not always followed or enforced, but this was not the case for the lockdown, which was enforced proactively by the police who conducted regular checks, with a 150 euro fine for violation. With shops, schools and offices shut, Athens was a changed city. City squares and commercial districts were empty, pavements which would have been filled with tables from cafes remained bare, and the Acropolis looked over an Athens devoid of tourists. In residential areas, helped by the fact that exercise could be taken with up to one member outside of the household provided social distancing was maintained, life returned to the streets. In the evening, the streets were filled with families and pairs of socially-distanced friends of all ages on walks, armed with takeaway coffees. Novice cyclists clumsily manoeuvred their way around them, while the rare car had to contend with moving at a snail’s pace, as the streets were reclaimed by the pedestrians.


On 14th April, around the time the UK was at its peak in terms of COVID-19 cases, Greece recorded 25 new infections, with its response receiving international attention soon after. Subsequently, with the number of daily new infections exceeding 30 on only three days in the last two weeks of April, the lockdown was eased on 4th May, with restrictions of movement lifted and shops reopened. At that stage, Greece had recorded a total of 2,632 cases and 146 deaths, figures which were topped on a daily basis in the UK.

Yet in a country which has often lacked political leadership, many Greeks would have been excused for thinking that Greece would trace a path more similar to Italy. However, the response led by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, was in stark contrast to many other European nations. Acutely aware that Greece’s capacity of 650 ICU beds would be overwhelmed if the disease were allowed to spread, his response was swift, effective, transparent and proportionate. There was no beating about the bush – the lockdown came less than 24 hours after a warm weekend which saw many flock to the beach with everything else closed. Although at times, it felt as if the laws were changing by the day, changes were clearly communicated through daily televised coronavirus briefings.

As Greece emerged from lockdown, fears of a rise in cases were dispelled. Throughout May, daily new cases exceeded 21 only once, with half of the days in single figures. On 25th May, restaurants and cafes reopened, albeit with reduced capacity, as Greece geared up for normality, and more importantly, for the tourist season which the Greek economy is heavily reliant upon.

So what led to Gkikas Magiorkinis, a professor of infectious disease at Athens University, declaring that Greece had “formally” entered the second wave of COVID-19 on 10th August, and the country recording 254 new infections four days later? From mid-March, Greece had strict entry requirements, with all arrivals tested and having to quarantine for 14 days. Without the fear of imported cases, Greece had been able to safely reopen the economy, and to resume social life. Greeks were enjoying meals and drinks out with family and friends without social distancing. By July many people I spoke to had become used to a new normal: with masks but without a tangible threat of Covid-19.

From the end of July, Greece saw a steady rise in cases, primarily in the two largest cities of Athens and Thessaloniki, but also on many islands which had previously been COVID-free. Initially, this could be attributed to the loosening of border restrictions in July to allow tourists in, but most transmissions are now domestic. Complacent may not be the right word, but many Greeks had become used to the largely Covid-free society of June and July, when socialising had returned to the pre-pandemic normal. As many travelled to the islands and to ancestral villages for the summer, the Greek government was, and continues to be, reluctant to implement social-distancing measures.

To combat the recent increase in the infection rate, localised measures have been implemented, for example, requiring bars to close by midnight and a ban on gatherings of more than nine people. Whether these will have an impact is yet to be seen. Crucially, there don’t appear to be any regulations mandating social distancing between members of different households. It remains to be seen whether Greece has squandered its early success in dealing with the pandemic. There is the suspicion that Greece is simply holding out until the end of the tourist season, when stricter measures would be implemented. But with cases rising throughout Europe, Greece faces an uncertain future. Having not had a first wave in the manner of other western and southern European nations, it may be in for a reckoning.
As I prepare to return to Britain, I hope otherwise.

Artwork by Francesca Nava

CherWell News – August

Cherwell News
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CherWell News – August

Photographic history celebrates 40 years of women at Mansfield

Mansfield College is celebrating women at the college with a photographic history. The collection charts the history of women from the first mixed-gender cohort in 1979 to photos of current students. “We’d wanted to celebrate with a big event, but instead, we had to find a digital solution,” the college explained to Cherwell.

“The collection of images aims to recreate the kind of conversations people have at alumni reunions, where they share memories and anecdotes. There’s been such an enthusiasm and warmth to the project from current students and alumni alike, and it’s helped us to feel connected as a community while we’re away from campus.”

Oxford student sets up virtual internships to help Pakistan

A social enterprise founded by Oxford students is helping Pakistani schools and companies conduct online internships. The Dil Internship Project aims to reverse Pakistan’s brain drain by giving students the opportunity to work in schools for disabled students, top universities, and other companies.

The scheme’s founder, Mustafaen Kamal, told Cherwell: “It’s great that we’ve been able to help build the IT infrastructure necessary to conduct our internships online. Helping a company like Karachi Downs Syndrome Programme do virtual internships was always going to be a challenge, but to help them conduct the vital work that they do we had to ensure that the right talent was able to reach them virtually.”

The organisation is also fundraising to help distribute food to families in rural Pakistan, whose livelihoods have been threatened by COVID-19. It has raised over $12,000 for the Paani Project’s emergency Coronavirus fundraiser.

Northern Society’s ‘Mind The Gap Mondays’ social media campaign

The Oxford Northern Society has this past month been running its ‘MIND-THE-GAP-MONDAYS’ series aimed at detailing the regional disparities between the North and South of the UK. The society aims to improve access for Northern based communities  to the university. Their latest social media campaign has highlighted the regional differences in the recent A-level results, inequalities in the arts and the economic differences between the North and South.

Local teenager bakes for care home

Fourteen year old Layli has been baking cakes and biscuits for Chawley Grove, an Oxford care home, over lockdown. Layli told Cherwell: “I thought after working hard for others they would like a nice treat.” The care home told Cherwell: “The residents and staff at Chawley Grove were so grateful for Layli’s bakes… Acts of kindness like Layli’s have meant the world to us all – she’s a credit to her family and to the local community.”

Target Oxbridge expands its reach

Target Oxbridge, a programme helping UK students of Black heritage gain places at Oxford and Cambridge, has announced it will double the number of students it supports every year. Since 2012, Target Oxbridge has supported more than 200 students of Black African and Caribbean heritage to gain offers from Oxbridge.

Support comes through mentoring, university visits, and admissions advice. The programme helped 71 students secure offers this year. The programme is run by diversity recruitment specialist, Rare, in collaboration with the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. It is delivered to UK-based students in Year 12 through funding from the universities, as well as corporate sponsors Clifford Chance, Latham & Watkins, and Linklaters.  

Oxford students win Rising Stars Awards

Four Oxford students have been named in the UK’s Top Ten Black Students. In first place was MBA student Dr Diana Wangari, who co-founded Checkups Medical Centres, a network of health centres in Kenya which offer consultation and diagnostics. She said: “Being nominated as one of Rare Rising Stars UK was an honour and I felt humbled to be among other top black students in the UK.” Dr Wangari is also a founding member of the Lens Africa Fund, which supports female-led businesses.

Dr Toluwalase Awoyemi, a DPhil student researching women’s and reproductive health, ranked second. He said to Cherwell: “As recently witnessed, educational inequality is real and has lasting effects. This award, I hope, will help shine more light on this area. In addition, I hope it will give me a platform to help facilitate better collaboration between Oxford and Africa.” Oxford students Roy Seffa-Atakora and Ruth Nyakerario were also named in the top ten.

‘No return to rough sleeping’ says Oxford City Council

Oxford City Council states that “there need be no return to the streets for former rough sleepers” who had been housed in hotels and student blocks during lockdown. 124 rooms of interim housing have been secured for the next year. The council notes that there have been no confirmed cases of the virus among homeless people in Oxford.

203 people have been housed in hotel and student rooms over the past 4 months. 76 people have stayed in Canterbury House, 42 in the YHA, and there are 6 further rooms available from University College for people with coronavirus symptoms.

Councillor Mike Rowley said: “The lockdown period gave us a unique opportunity to engage with people in emergency accommodation. For many of them, the certainty of a safe bed gave the bit of stability they needed to start having conversations about leaving the streets behind for good. We’ve already helped 67 people to move on into more sustainable housing, and this is something we want to keep doing.”

George Street pedestrianised for restaurants

George Street has been partly pedestrianised to enable outdoor dining for businesses, as the city contemplates implementing further bus gates to reduce car access to the city. The road closure, between New Inn Hall Street and Cornmarket Street, provides space for outdoor tables and chairs for around 11 hospitality businesses between 10am and 9pm. There is also a two-way cycle lane.

Literature festivals of the future

Megan Whitlock
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Literature festivals of the future

Book festivals depend on exchange: whether that be an exchange of ideas, an exchange of recommendations, or a transactional exchange between bookseller and consumer. The problem is that, whilst many have been (re)discovering the comfort of a good book during this pandemic, COVID-19 threatened to bring these acts of exchange to a halt. Cancelled events such as the Hay Festival were left in a precarious position, as the not-for-profit foundation derives 70% of its income from book and ticket sales. However, in adapting their models to an online format, book festivals are taking a long overdue step towards making the literary landscape more accessible to the masses.

As a total newcomer to these sorts of events, I wasn’t quite sure what to expect when I signed up for the digital Hay Festival, but I was quickly overwhelmed by the range of interesting talks, research and readings available at my fingertips. For those on the outside looking in, literary and intellectual communities can often feel remote, hidden behind a veil of elitism that is all too common when discussing the arts. To have free access to so many exciting resources from the comfort of my own home was a pleasant surprise to say the least.

While nothing can match the feeling (or the valuable industry revenue) of being able to browse through bookshops in person, what the online spaces lost in physical trade was atoned by the achievement of a wider audience reach than ever before. The simple process of registering for a talk, receiving a link, and then interacting with thousands of other attendees from across the globe through a live chatroom meant that the enthusiastic communities which book festivals unite somehow appeared more connected than ever. Not only do the recorded talks solve so many accessibility problems, but the ability to watch them for up to 24 hours after the event had passed (and even longer for a subscription fee) facilitated easy and flexible attendance around other commitments. As idyllic as it sounds to vanish for a few days to the literary haven of Hay-on-Wye, for many, financial and geographic constraints curtail the prospect of reaching the so-called ‘Woodstock of the mind’.

By eliminating the challenges of locations and time zones, the speakers and talks were diverse and far-reaching in a way that is unique to online global connectivity. There was something surprisingly comforting about drifting to sleep with Toby Jones, wine in hand, reciting the poetry of Wordsworth. I also felt the thrill of gaining exclusive insights on global issues, like White House tensions, as they unfolded. The unusual intimacy of bringing these speakers into the home provided a golden opportunity to share interests with loved ones, especially with those who you might never have had the chance or cause to discuss such topics with before. If you had told me in March that I’d be spending my Trinity watching book festival talks with my dad, it definitely would have come as a surprise. However, in this Groundhog Day world where things were starting to feel incredibly isolating, it was a blessing to be connected to thousands of people across the globe, as well as having a new topic of discussion to broach with my family every night.

Online book festivals are more accessible, can develop an even more diverse literary community, and have the potential to gain a much wider reach. For the many authors that rely on these festivals to platform and sell their books, this must surely be good news. It is therefore unsurprising that, looking forward to a post-Covid world, many leading festivals have already explored the possibility of online/in-person hybrid events. Nevertheless, there is still something irreplaceable about the personal touch of getting a physical book copy signed, and the jury is out on whether a wider reach necessarily translates to more sales, particularly when there are no visible book copies in sight. The success of online literary festivals depends entirely on which type of exchange you are looking for. In the case of the independent booksellers, who have only just recently seen growth in trade after a 20-year decline, the optional donations offered by online festivals may be too little, too late. After all, you cannot fuel a career based on the exchange of ideas and conversation alone.

Either way, it is undeniable that the pandemic has forced a necessary conversation in the literary industry about its own future, from examining the centralisation of the publishing world to acknowledging the importance of independent booksellers in a world where Amazon appears to be subsuming everything in its path. At a time when we are forced to be increasingly socially distant, it has never been more important to make literary communities more inclusive. Opening up discussions and making the thought-provoking ideas and research shared at book festivals available to all seems as good a place as any to start.

Blind student wins payout from Oxford Union

David Tritsch
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Blind student wins payout from Oxford Union

A blind Ghanaian student who was refused entry to the Oxford Union’s debating chamber in Michaelmas 2019 has reached an out-of-court settlement with the society. The Sunday Times reported that on Friday, the Union agreed to pay Ebenezer Azamati a settlement of several thousand pounds. The Union has also agreed to an independent inquiry into its operations and will publicly consult on adopting its recommendations.

Mr. Azamati, who was represented by John Halford of Bindmans solicitors, pursued a claim for alleged assault, race and disability discrimination. Speaking to the Sunday Times, he said: “When it happened I felt powerless. I had no means of fighting the union.”

“I am a poor boy on a scholarship. But I gathered the courage to do so because I felt if I did not say anything no action would be taken. Regardless of how difficult or tedious it was going to be, it was necessary.”

In October 2019, Mr. Azamati arrived early at a Union debate and reserved an accessible seat near the entrance by placing a book on it before leaving for dinner. When he returned, he was refused entry, manhandled out of the building and had his Union card confiscated. A Union panel found Mr. Azamati guilty of violating Union rules against “violent conduct” and revoked his membership for two terms. Following an appeal and after a video of the incident sparked international outrage, his membership was reinstated.

The incident led to Union members starting impeachment procedures against Brendan McGrath, Union President at the time, who subsequently resigned. In a statement issued through Bindmans, Mr. Azamati he said: “Mr. McGrath and the Union have yet to acknowledge that I have done nothing wrong, which is upsetting. I would like the union to state now, clearly and straightforwardly, that I am not at fault in any way for the way I was treated.” The Union has now apologised unreservedly to the student.

Following McGrath’s resignation, the Union implemented new standing orders for the training of staff and committee members. However, it failed to complete diversity and equality training, and committee training in Hilary term was not attended by the full committee, Cherwell reported in May.

Mr. Azamati will continue his studies but said he would not attend any more Union debates. “Because you have an accident in a car does not mean you will never drive a car again. But you will be cautious,” he said.

Current President of the Oxford Union, Beatrice Barr, told Cherwell: “We are pleased to have reached an agreement that reflects our desire to improve the way in which we approach issues of access and equality. We look forward to the results of the review we have determined to undertake, which will include views from throughout the Oxford community. We are excited to welcome our members, old and new, to an improved and more welcoming society this Michaelmas.”

Jesus College’s high rents shut down Burger King on Cornmarket

David Tritsch
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Jesus College’s high rents shut down Burger King on Cornmarket

Burger King will shut down its store on Cornmarket Street, the Oxford Mail reported on Wednesday. A property agent for the fast food chain said Jesus College, the landlord, had refused to extend the short lease on the building.

AG&G Director Richard Negus said the property surveyors had “tried to negotiate” with Jesus, but that the college would not compromise on the rent charged. The company “wanted to reach an agreement to secure the lease and make provision to keep it open as and when coronavirus finished, but couldn’t get an agreement… so it has been put on the market.”

The failed rent negotiations have prompted criticism from trade and business associations. Graham Jones, a spokesperson for the trade association OX said that Jesus College “looks like it’s trying to kill the business and has other uses lined up”.

Jones added that if landowners want business in Oxford to flourish, they would have to accept lower rent income based on lower rent income for a while.

The Oxford Mail has published an editorial comment, arguing that “the college, as a charitable institution, is duty bound to maximise its revenues. That however, can not come at the cost of the city’s vitality.” Colleges and churches “may appear quaint and old fashioned, but beyond their ivy-clad quads and calm cloisters, they are hugely wealthy landowners and, in some cases, ruthless landlords.”

Burger King’s Cornmarket Street branch is not the first business in Oxford’s restaurant industry to remain closed after being forced to shut following the lockdown in March. Earlier this month, the Bicycle Shed Pub in Summertown announced it would remain closed due to being unable to sustain business in the current climate.

Jesus College has been contacted for comment.

Image Credit to Grue/ Wikimedia Commons

Oxford may face local controls after “unsettling” rise in COVID cases

Mark Robins
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Oxford may face local controls after “unsettling” rise in COVID cases

Oxford could face local lockdown measures after a surge in coronavirus cases. Oxfordshire County Council said “measures that would slam the brakes on Oxford’s gradual emergence from lockdown have moved a step closer.”

There were 41 coronavirus cases in Oxford in the week ending 21 August. This amounts to 26.9 cases per 100,000 people. The average area in England had seven cases per 100,000 people, according to the BBC.

The Oxford NHS Foundation Trust says the city is now on amber alert and that the Public Health Surveillance Unit is “monitoring the situation very closely”. It adds: “If cases continue to rise, then local controls may be introduced.”

The Director of Public Health at Oxfordshire Country Council, Ansaf Azhar, called the increase “very unsettling” and encouraged young people to follow government guidance.

Azhar said: “We can see the number of people contracting COVID is increasing per 100,000 of the population on a day-by-day basis and it is very unsettling. Undoubtedly the 18-29 year age group is driving this rise in cases.  

“My appeal to everyone in Oxford – and 18 to 29 year olds in particular – is to remember what got us out of lockdown. Do we really want to end up with the kind of local control measures we have seen introduced in various parts of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Leicester and Aberdeen?”

He added: “At the minute it feels like we are moving in that direction. People need to be aware their behaviour is putting themselves and others at risk. If you’re aged 18 to 29 and catch COVID-19, you are absolutely not guaranteed to get away with the mildest symptoms. Even mild symptoms are a struggle, while longer-term symptoms can include chronic fatigue, muscle weakness and memory loss.

“Equally you may well pass this on to older or more vulnerable people. How would you feel if you knew that someone was in hospital in a ventilator with their life under threat because you’d passed COVID-19 on to them?”

The NHS Foundation Trust says that increased case numbers are due to people returning from holidays in Europe and lower levels of adherence to social distancing.

Despite the increase, Oxford is not yet on the government’s watchlist for areas of concern.

When a lockdown was announced in Leicester in June, there were 135 cases per 100,000 people, compared to Oxford’s current figure of 31. Oldham, Blackburn, and Pendle were placed under restrictions when cases reached between 70 and 90 per 100,000 people.

The University of Oxford has recently launched its dedicated COVID-19 testing service for members of staff.

“The service will benefit the local community by reducing the risk of a further COVID-19 outbreak and reducing the pressure on NHS testing facilities,” the University said in an email to students. It is initially open to staff only but students with symptoms will be able to access the service from September.

Oxford City Council said: “We are working closely with the County Council on getting the message out as widely as possible in the city, using our community and business networks to reach as many residents as we can alongside media and digital message.”

The Council’s measures include a social media campaign to promote mask wearing and an appeal for mask donations.

Oxfordshire County Council has been contacted for comment.

A Losing Battle: London-centrism and the Northern Powerhouse

Felicity Victoria Graham
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A Losing Battle: London-centrism and the Northern Powerhouse

We live in the 21st century,  a time supposedly more equal than its predecessors. Despite this, just a few weeks ago Lord Singh of Wimbledon made the snobbish remark that York is “seen as something of an outer Mongolia by the general public.” This followed the Prime Minister’s announcement that the House of Lords may need to be moved elsewhere whilst Parliament is refurbished. York, in the Prime Minister’s opinion, presented a good option: the city was, in practical terms, well-equipped for such a move, and York had also been historically employed as the centre for political power during the reigns of King Edward I and King Charles I.

Yet, the controversy surrounding this seemingly straight-forward move made front-page news, with Twitter-users joining the conversation in their thousands. Some approached the issue with utter disbelief, unable to grasp the prospect of even a dash of de-centralisation. Others tweeted with outright terror, commenting that, if political power was moved to the North, London would ‘be ablaze soon enough.’ Another pointed out a very realistic concern, comically tweeting that ‘Boris Johnson did think about moving… to York, but realised Dominic Raab didn’t know where it was.’

Of course, snobbishness towards the North is nothing new. George Orwell captured it vividly in his The Road to Wigan Pier, in which he wrote, ‘When you go to the industrial North you are conscious…of entering a strange country… The Southerner goes north… with the vague inferiority-complex of a civilised man venturing among savages.’ Today, as a Leeds born-and-bred Northerner, I certainly do not believe I am made to feel superior – particularly within the setting of Oxford. On arrival, I was met with barely-concealed grimaces when I informed new acquaintances of my origins, whilst one commented ‘Oh, I don’t know many good schools up there, which one did you go to?’

Indeed, there aren’t that many good schools up north. There isn’t much good of anything. Despite Theresa May’s promises to re-invigorate the ‘Northern Powerhouse’ during her premiership, the buses, which run once an hour, still break down every other journey, and the railway network boasts only of 1960s-model carriages that trundle along at just a few miles per hour. The Harrogate to Leeds line, which I frequently caught on my way home from school, has for years been ‘Britain’s most cancelled train.’ Whilst I’m grateful at least that the windows open on these outdated trains, they provide a stark contrast to those I travel on whilst down South, which more often than not sport free Wi-Fi, charging ports, slick leather chairs and air-conditioning.

Needless to say, there is a distinct lack of investment in the infrastructure of the North, and, with a string of governments failing to address the issue, the problem has for a long time been abandoned to the inhabitants themselves. Discontented with their lot, and frustrated by a multitude of unfulfilled promises, in 2016 Northerners defied the South and voted, with a small but decisive 53% majority, to leave the European Union. I do not doubt that a significant number of the motivations Northerners had for voting Leave were nothing to do with the EU; for some, it was a rightfully rebellious act, directed at taking vengeance on an institution that had failed to hear their cries since Thatcher betrayed the miners in 1985.

Instead of choosing to hear such a vote as a cry for help, London-led Remainers simply claimed intellectual-superiority over the North, failing to admit that the capital and the regions live very different realities. Once again, we were sneered at, dubbed ‘backwards’, and referred to as ‘Brexit-land’. But such jibing is easy for those who have their cup filled. As Helen Pidd aptly wrote in a 2016 article for The Guardian, ‘while the north gets crumbs, the south-east gets whole loaves.’ And these crumbs are no longer enough; from 2009-2019, London received a shocking 2.4 times as much transport spending per capita than the North. During the austerity crisis, the situation significantly worsened, with Northern cities seeing their spending cut by 20%, whilst for the South West and South East this figure was only 9%. These figures betray the fact that our country is dangerously London-centric, despite only 6% of the English population living in the illustrious capital.

With years of increased awareness surrounding this issue, it is embittering to realise that opinions are far from changed. In a recent edition of The Spectator, Peter Jones presented a column named ‘Will all roads soon lead to York?’, which further reinforced the approach of Lord Singh of Wimbledon; Jones compared London and Rome, and, through classical parallels, argued that a place was only useful if it served as a road to the capital. He finished his piece with the defeatist approach that there would be no justification for moving Parliament to York ‘unless parliament had become an irrelevance, simply an ‘alleyway.’’ As a Classicist myself, such a perception of the North left me dumb-founded. During the Roman Social Wars, the Italian allies, the socii or foederati, died in their thousands in order to prove to Rome that their territories and inhabitants should be valued as more than simply ‘roads to Rome’. Fifty-thousand perished, to be exact. Must we enact a second Peterloo, and fight such deadly battles, in order that our voices be finally heard?

Perhaps not. Following the recent election, Boris Johnson has repeatedly emphasised that he will be endeavouring to ‘level up every part of the country’. The PM has vowed to ‘do devolution properly’, by strengthening the northern economy and returning control of the railways. Despite my initial scepticism of the man who infamously couldn’t even traverse a zipwire without getting stuck, his words certainly appear to be more sincere than those of his predecessor Theresa May. A year on from his election, the North continues to appear at the top of his agenda; like a frantic Emperor Hadrian, Johnson has already made trips to areas such as Sheffield, Manchester and Goole, and, despite an up-tick in UK coronavirus cases, he managed to fit in a visit to the North Yorkshire Police’s headquarters a few weeks ago.

Despite my Labour roots, I must reluctantly admit that I have been impressed with the PM’s dedication to the North, regardless of its potential propagandist motivations. After winning ‘the red wall’, Johnson has kept his promises and invested in the North; £337 million has been delivered for new Metro trains in Newcastle, alongside a further £95 million to improve the frequency and reliability of the Metro system. Across the North East, hundreds of new police officers have been recruited, and I am delighted to witness a Prime Minister who finally understands that high crime rates are not exclusively confined to London. Despite his background of an Oxford Classics degree, Johnson certainly does not share the same sentiments as Peter Jones; the Prime Minister views the North as a region valuable in itself, as opposed to a place which simply serves the metropolitan world of London.

There is still a lot to be done; Johnson must promptly deliver on the ‘Northern Powerhouse Rail’ he has proposed, alongside smaller projects, such as reinvigorating the Northern health and social care services. The coronavirus pandemic has, no doubt, brought significant delay to Johnson’s schedule. I am hopeful that better days are to come, however. With Brexit done, gone will be the days of Londoners sneering at their Northern counterparts; with an increased need to rely on internal productivity, they will realise the value of Northern industry more than ever, and London-centricism will, I hope, slowly become an error of the past.

A No Spoiler Review of Mrs America

Nina Holguin
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A No Spoiler Review of Mrs America

To be honest, I didn’t originally want to watch Mrs America. I have studied the history of 1970s American feminism so hearing that Phyllis Schlafly, an infamous protestor against feminism, was to be taking centre stage in many of the episodes, I didn’t know whether I wanted to subject myself to the anger that no doubt she would cause me. There are, for me, few things scarier than a woman complicit in her own dehumanisation and content with her own internalised misogyny. However, the programme still managed to draw me in and I was pleasantly surprised by its proficiency. The show caused me only a small amount of irritation.

The nine 45-minute episodes span the entirety of the 1970s and use the push for and against the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and the resultant ‘battle’ between feminists and conservative women like Schlafly as their driving force. While episodes chronologically follow the ERA debate, most focus on a single character, allowing for buckets of character development. Mrs America features well-known feminists such as Gloria Steinem (Rose Byrne) and Betty Freidan (Tracey Ullman), whilst also placing a spotlight on lesser known feminists like Bella Abzug (Margo Martindale) and Shirley Chisholm (Uzo Aduba). A mix of fictional and real characters slot perfectly together to create wholly believable scenes. I cannot praise Cate Blanchett enough; her performance as Phyllis Schlafly was both measured and phenomenally emotive. Sarah Paulson, as Schlafly’s fictional best friend Alice, and Uzo Aduba deserve mentions as well for such personal, heart-breaking performances.

The show exceeded my expectations in its handling of history. I feared that Betty Freidan’s homophobia would be brushed under the carpet, and thankfully it wasn’t; in fact, it was discussed many times throughout the show’s run. I was worried about how the writers would craft an ending for a show about a movement that didn’t really have one, yet they successfully did just that. They didn’t ignore the racism still within the movement – the issue of tokenism is addressed directly. You watch as feminists of colour are overlooked, offended, and set about establishing their own groups in which their inter-sectional experience is centred. The show is honest about political pragmatism and which rights were dropped for the sake of others. Personally, I would have liked more time to be spent on the landmark Roe vs Wade case in 1973 which legalised abortion. It’s still exceedingly topical and, I would argue, marks one of the only true turning points for women’s rights in the US. However, this may be a reflection of my own historical pedanticism.

What I perhaps enjoyed most was the discourse surrounding Phyllis Schlafly. As a highly educated woman, organising national movements and travelling outside of the home, she is one of the most feminist anti-feminist figures in history. I love how this is highlighted by the programme: the hypocrisy of the movement she heads, and arguably uses for her personal political gain, is demonstrated time and time again. I do believe that Schlafly, who’s heart truly lay with other political issues, recognised women’s rights as a topic on which men would finally listen to her, and exploited this. There seems to be an incompatibility between the beliefs she professes and her experiences as portrayed by the programme: she is a proud homemaker yet this status has stopped her from fulfilling many of her political ambitions and desire to continue education, she experiences sexual assault in the workplace yet states that only ‘certain women’ experience this, she is continually belittled by men despite often being more knowledgeable than them, but does not recognise this as a cause for change. The internalised misogyny of Phyllis, depicted in the show, is baffling. As Republican Feminist Jill Ruckelshaus says to Phyllis- ‘You wanna get ahead climbing on the shoulders of men, Phyllis? Fine, just know they’re looking right up your skirt’.

Where I do take issue with the show is the foundation on which its dramatic tension is built. Most likely for dramatic purposes, the show feeds off, and into, the damaging trope of women fighting women. While it presents the complexity of women and the feminist movement brilliantly, in focusing so explicitly on women, the series almost implies that the biggest thing to have got in the way of women breaking down the patriarchy is other women.

While Phyllis was a key figure in the fight against the ERA, Mrs America, at times, veers toward the notion that she was the opposition and the antagonist. In truth, while she may have mobilised housewives from Middle America and caused a political stir, I think that her voice simply gave some anti-ERA state legislators the ability to vote the act down without looking like a woman-hater. As Phyllis’ husband, Fred Schlafly, says- ‘You really don’t need to work this hard, lots of people don’t want the ERA to go through, they won’t let you fail’. The battle over the ERA was not a battle between women, ultimately it was a battle against systemic sexism and the men who kept it in place. The show does sporadically remind us of who the real ‘baddie’ is; one memorable instance of this is the beautifully crafted ending scenes with Phyllis. That said, some TV tension and ‘neat’ parallels could have been sacrificed to avoid adding to the trope of infighting women.

Mrs America is, overall, beautifully acted, written and managed. I could find no fault in the sets, costume, direction, dialogue, or any other aspect of production. It speaks volumes that I, a fan of historical costumes and sets, have barely spoken about the agonisingly great ones in this show. There is just so much good in it. It made me laugh, cheer at the lovely Ruth Bader-Ginsburg cameo and almost cry – I always do when I watch anything about equality and the fight for civil rights. The series portrays the multi-faceted, dynamic and diverse nature of the feminist movement, without shying away too much from its problems. It showcases both female solidarity and the unhelpful divisions that arose from strong opinions and fierce stubbornness. Overall, I think Mrs America’s subject matter is handled remarkably well and that it successfully dramatises the complexities of a period in history that is frequently over-simplified or taken for granted. Acknowledge its shortcomings, but watch it – you won’t be disappointed.

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