When Theresa May solemnly made
her resignation speech at Downing Street, I couldn’t help be reminded of
Malcolm Tucker’s description of the hapless Nicola Murray’s resignation as
party leader in The Thick of It: the ending of a chapter that nobody
enjoyed reading. It’s a cruel insult to a lady who worked tirelessly in pursuit
of what she thought were her country’s best interests. But it also rings true.
May’s short and turbulent premiership has left Britain bitterly divided and
politically dysfunctional. She hands her successor the most poisonous political
chalice in recent history, mostly of her own making. However, in spite her
faults and failures, many would consider that successor to be even worse.
Boris Johnson needs no
introduction. For committed critics, Johnson’s sins are legion: he is a
reactionary, philandering, incompetent oaf. By contrast, ardent supporters
portray him as a second Winston Churchill: a bullish Tory providentially
arriving at his nation’s darkest hour. Either way, Johnson enters office with
unprecedented challenges on multiple fronts. In the last few days, we’ve seen
an insight into how Johnson might cope with such issues, in the position he has
coveted for so long.
For many, whatever Johnson does
won’t be enough to tackle their natural apathy. Through his long and eventful political
career editing The Spectator, leading the Leave campaign and proving
himself to be an undiplomatic Foreign Secretary, he has accumulated an endless
list of enemies and detractors. I have had many doubts about Johnson; with a
distaste for some of his foolish behaviour, his appointment caused me some
severe trepidation. Yet, I’m cautiously optimistic. To the dismay of many, it
cannot be denied that his first week has seen him get off to a flying start.
He’s marked a decisive and welcome change from the incompetent technocracy of
Theresa May. His cabinet appointments, policy announcements and rhetoric herald
a government ready and willing to tackle some of our major national problems.
Most importantly, he has outlined a hopeful, confident and outward-looking
future for a Britain that has so often seemed narrow-minded and demoralised
under his predecessor.
However, it’s still the case that
Boris has become PM in what even an optimist might call less than ideal
circumstances. Politically, he finds his position under attack from every side.
His parliamentary majority is paper thin, and dangerously reliant on hostile
MPs. Outside the Commons, Johnson competes in a new world of four-party
politics, with Jeremy Corbyn, Nigel Farage and now even Jo Swinson breathing
down his neck. In Scotland and Northern Ireland, Brexit tensions are being used
to advance nationalist arguments, pushing the Union to breaking point.
Paradoxically, Boris’ accession is both the beneficiary and victim of a UK
steeped in unprecedented political turbulence. No wonder bookies are taking
bets on whether he’ll beat George Canning’s 112 days as our shortest-serving
Prime Minister.
Coupled with its outstandingly
weak political position, his government faces daunting challenges both home and
abroad. His domestic in-tray is stuffed. Crises abound over knife crime,
affordable housing and, of a particular focus to Johnson, how to successfully
approach the so-called Northern Powerhouse. Overseas, issues such as the Gulf
tanker incident simply cannot wait, whilst the forces of China and Russia
simultaneously push the post-Cold War international order to breaking
point.
Yet, these aren’t even the Prime
Minister’s biggest tasks. His victory came primarily as the Tory party trusted
him more than his rivals to do in 90 days what May didn’t manage over three
years: to successfully take our country out of the European Union. The auspices
don’t seem favourable. May’s withdrawal agreement failed to pass through the
Commons three times. Brussels has rebuffed any renegotiation, and views
Boris with distrust and disdain. A large number of MPs have publicly condemned
Boris’ willingness to leave without a deal, and there’s speculation that this
distrust could shatter the current government. The man who led the Leave
campaign to victory, against all odds, faces an even harder task in leaving
itself.
Few predict success. It’s easy to
see why the Queen reportedly wondered aloud why anyone would want the job, as
Boris kissed her hand and took up his burden.
Prime Minister Johnson has thus
entered Number 10 having been dealt a very bad hand indeed. Those who so often
dismiss him as a scruffy charlatan must relish their expectation that he’s
finally bitten off more than he can chew. The commentariat’s perceived
wisdom is that his premiership will fizzle out before it can even leave the
launch pad.
But as ever, I’m thriving on
being a contrarian. Yes, Boris has been dealt a very bad hand – but in the last
few days he has shown himself adept at playing it well. His government has hit
the ground running with a confidence and brio that has been sorely lacking for
the last three years. Boris has seized the moment and sought to transform the
political situation, with greater vivacity than any alternative leader possibly
could. Churchill said of becoming PM that he felt “as if I were walking with
destiny…that all my past life had been but a preparation for this hour and for
this trial… I was sure I should not fail.” Something tells me that this
quotation wasn’t far from Johnson’s mind as he crossed the threshold into
Number 10. If he can conquer this moment, not only will he go down as our most
successful PM since his hero, but as the transformative author of a new age and
a dynamic future for Britain.
But where does this
transformation come from, and how much is down to Bojo himself? After all, many
fundamentals are out of his control, from a hung parliament to an antipathetic
EU. But he’s approached the areas under his control with verve, and its paying
off. His Cabinet appointments featured the largest political reorganization
outside a change of party since the war. Stern-faced and uninventive May
loyalists, such as Greg Clarke and Karen Bradley, and implacable opponents of No
Deal, like Philip Hammond, were summarily removed. Your opinion of figures like
Priti Patel, Sajid Javid or even Jacob Rees-Mogg may vary, but they represent a
dynamic and purposeful shift after three years of tepid managerialism.
Behind the scenes, Boris has
assembled a formidable team. His backroom staff have mainly come from his time
as London Mayor or at Vote Leave. From the former, he has selected policy
adviser Munira Mirza and Chief of Staff Sir Edward Lister: experienced
operators proven to be more than capable to take on such tasks. Most
importantly, however, was the shock appointment of Dominic Cummings as his
chief adviser. This more than anything else showed me this government was going
to be far from business as usual. Cummings is a Marmite maverick, and anyone
who saw Benedict Cumberbatch’s portrayal of him for Channel 4 can attest that
he combines a unique mind with an approach that takes no prisoners. Yet, he
successfully drove reform through an intractable education department, and pulled
off one of the greatest upsets in British political history when heading up
Vote Leave. He’s the perfect man to shake things up in Whitehall after Theresa
May’s years of sterile stagnation.
Moreover, in the last week Boris
has used his unique talent for cutting through to the wider public to bolster
his apparently precarious position. He’s announced popular policies for areas
within the public’s priorities, whether that’s 20,000 more police on the
streets, more frontline funding for hospitals or long overdue investment in the
North. You may loathe the man, but it can’t be said his agenda isn’t one that
much of the public is crying out for. Whether these promises can be realised
remains to be seen, but the immediate public response seems favourable. The Tories
have rocketed back to their largest polling lead in months, including in Wales
for only the third time in living memory. The Bojo bounce is real; it simply
remains to be seen how quickly the ball comes back down to Earth.
For the time being, however, Boris
can be satisfied with the reaction. Johnson’s initial public support is
essential for addressing the two places that will decide his fate in the next
few weeks: Brussels and the House of Commons. By bolstering his support
nationally, the Prime Minister hopes to pressure both the EU and his
backbenchers to come to terms. The current opinion in Brussels is that Boris
won’t be able to pull off a No Deal Brexit, with the government either being
brought down before October 31st, or the British outcry against the
situation forcing the government back to the negotiating table almost
immediately. By convincing them he’d win a general election on his platform,
Boris can push MPs into supporting his government, demonstrating to Brussels
that he is serious about No Deal. By
appointing Cummings and preconditioning the recommencement of negotiations on
the removal of the Irish backstop, the Prime Minister is showing a newfound
stubbornness, which May’s government lacked. Whether Johnson’s gamble pays off
is yet to be seen, but it certainly makes a change from May’s series of
capitulations.
But perhaps the biggest change of
the Boris era has not been of personnel or policies, but of tone. Soon after
entering Downing Street, Theresa May was the most popular post-war Prime
Minister according to polling. This was primarily because of her message: not
only was she seen as tough and patriotic, but her claim to want a country that
works for everyone and to tackle various burning injustices struck a deep chord
with a public so desperate for change that they would vote to Leave the
European Union. Via a terrible general election campaign, she became a
demoralised Prime Minister, who was pigeonholed by the civil service into a
style of bland technocratic managerialism with a tone of hollow platitudes.
This has led to a deeply disappointing legacy.
May failed to understand that the
Brexit result was a vote of confidence in the United Kingdom and its future.
Her Home Office tunnel vision transformed it from a push for national renewal
into an attempt to simply clamp down on immigration. As such, we had her
appalling tone deafness with the Windrush Scandal or that appalling policy of
getting employers to register the number of foreign nationals they employed. By
the time that Prime Ministerial Jaguar left Downing Street, the optimism of the
transformative agenda she initially outlined was entered long gone, and she
left the country in a state of disillusion and despair.
Boris has struck an instant and
positive contrast, with his opening speech outside Number 10 affirming his
confidence in Britain’s future and its potential. But it was at the Despatch
Box where he proved revelatory. Boris has had less Parliamentary experience
than any other Prime Minister since the war. Traditionally, his strengths lie
in speeches to public crowds, or newspaper columns, or meet and greets in
packed shopping centres, not in the pompous verbal jousting of the Commons.
Expectations were thus low for his House debut as Prime Minister. He entered to
jeers from the Labour bench and a muted silence from his fellow Tories. His
speech was received with some support, but it was in his response to Corbyn
that he really found his voice. In less than seven minutes, he had the Tory
benches clamouring for more and the Opposition looking shell-shocked as he
hammered into the Opposition leader. Many Conservative MPs with serious doubts
about whether Boris was up to the job would have left with those fears well
assuaged.
So what does all this enthusiasm
add up to? I’d argue it gives good grounds for optimism. Of course, a new face
(and haircut) in Downing Street, some high flights of rhetoric and a few good
announcements don’t instantly overcome the many obstacles that Boris, his
government and our country face. But they can help. Theresa May promised change
but delivered precious little. But if Boris can pull of all he promises,
history may well consider her premiership an embarrassing interlude, an
accidental aberration before the installation of the Vote Leave government
needed since June 24th 2016. Boris’ government could prove just as
hollow as May’s ultimately did, but at least he’s already backing his rhetoric
with action.
So I’m optimistic for future
under Prime Minister Bojo. I got into politics because I care about tackling
the social injustices like poverty and prejudice than blight our society. My
vision of Britain is a fundamentally optimistic one. Opportunities should be
open to anyone and everyone, no matter their class, race or sexuality. With the
most diverse Cabinet in history, a liberal Prime Minister and an agenda in
place to tackle the country’s inequalities and deliver Brexit, I believe
Britain’s best years can lie ahead. I’m sure I’ll have to eat humble pie sooner
rather than later. But hopeless optimism isn’t always too bad a quality; after
all, it got Boris Johnson all the way to Number 10.